Approaching the problem of homelessness from a broad public policy perspective, Lang focuses on the American political economy and how it permits community development patterns based on racism and self-interest. This interdisciplinary study challenges the belief that homelessness is entirely due to the Reagan administration's cutbacks. Instead, it suggests the need for reform in our housing and employment policies. The book reviews competing socioeconomic paradigms that can explain why meaningful and effective programs are difficult to enact. "Homelessness Amid Affluence" discusses housing, community development patterns, economic segregation, and problems of the urban underclass, as well as proposed solutions. The interdisciplinary nature and historical perspective of this volume make it informative reading for sociologists, social workers, policymakers, and researchers.

This volume is divided into five sections. The first section provides a conceptual overview. Section Two deals with the urban policy context from which a solution to homelessness must emerge. Section Three covers low-cost housing while Section Four deals with specific policies and programs developed in response to the needs of the homeless. A case study based on the author's experience with the efforts of Camden County, New Jersey is included. The last section analyzes some new policy approaches and ends with an assessment of the likely policy outcomes to emerge from this continuing debate.

Does EU participation in the multilateral system lead to the goal of effective multilateralism? This book examines 8 multilateral organizations, showing how EU policies harm the organizations they mean to help. The multilateral system is too heterogeneous for a one-size-fits-all approach; we must understand multilateralism working in practice.

Former Governor of Illinois, U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, and twice unsuccessful Democratic candidate for President of the United States, Adlai Stevenson played a key role in American politics through out much of the middle of the twentieth century. This collection of essays from Senator Eugene McCarthy, Senator Adlai Stevenson III, Ambassador George Bunn, Brian Urquhart, Arthur Schlesinger, and others, looks at Stevenson's past and current societal significance.

Togman provides a comparative analysis of French and U.S. immigration policies from 1945 to 2000. He explores why nations implement the immigration policies they do, why some governments allow or even encourage large-scale immigration while others restrict it, why some states shift from liberal to restrictive entry policies and vice versa.

Focusing on critical historical junctures, Togman illustrates how different institutional structures in France and the United States led these countries to implement divergent entry policies. Political institutions are shown to act as an intervening variable, helping determine what, if any, influence other factors such as economic conditions and cultural traditions have over a nation's immigration laws. Scholars and students of French politics, U.S. politics, comparative politics, and immigration policies will find this work helpful.

This study addresses how China's policy response to problems in Xinjiang is interpreted and implemented by officials, who are both governing agents and governed subjects by interviewing Chinese officials working in both Central government and Local governments.

After one of the most controversial and divisive periods in the history of American foreign policy under President George W. Bush, the Obama administration was expected to make changes for the better in US relations with the wider world. Now, international problems confronting Obama appear more intractable, and there seems to be a marked continuity in policies between Obama and his predecessor.
Robert Singh argues that Obama's approach of 'strategic engagement' was appropriate for a new era of constrained internationalism, but it has yielded modest results. Obama's search for the pragmatic middle has cost him political support at home and abroad, whilst failing to make decisive gains. Singh suggests by calibrating his foreign policies to the emergence of a 'post-American'world, the president has yet to preside over a renaissance of US global leadership. Ironically, Obama's policies have instead hastened the arrival of a post-American world.

Seen from the outside, the world of politics and policy-making seems to be in constant flux. Leading institutionalist and sociological theories of the state, on the other hand, predict equilibrium and stability. This book addresses this contradiction by posing the question: "Why do some (but not all) individuals possessing the power and influence necessary to make a difference in contemporary democratic societies - actors whose very position suggests that they have done well under existing conditions - actively seek to change policies or institutions?" Ongoing competition for legitimate authority, the book's authors conclude, provides the often-neglected dynamic element that explains this behavior.

This book is an empirical study on the relationship between private enterprises, entrepreneurs and the government in P. R. China. The two authors conducted a detailed survey of enterprises and entrepreneurs in Liuzhou, Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region, China. Although it was only conducted in a medium sized city, the survey provides a rare source of information on matched entrepreneur-enterprise pairs. It provides detailed information on management, performance, enterprise-government relationship, as well as entrepreneurs' personal information and measurements of various psychological parameters. With this first-hand information, the authors analyzed several interesting issues concerning enterprise-entrepreneur-government relationships. Readers will gain an understanding of the following topics: Why and how does China have such special enterprise-entrepreneur-government relationships? Do enterprises' political connections in the form of entrepreneurs' political status help improve the performances of these enterprises? Which of the surveyed entrepreneurs could become members of the People's Congress and the People's Political Consulting Conference? How do entrepreneurs feel when they are faced with greater government intervention? How will China move ahead in the ongoing reform and development in the light of the enterprise-entrepreneur-government relationship? This book examines the way in which China's enterprise-entrepreneur-government relationship helps enterprises develop in a transitional market. In the appendix to this book, one of the authors, Ming Lu, provides evidence, based on data from listed companies, that having political connections can help enterprises enter the markets of provinces other than their place of registration. However, this political connection also distorts the market by giving the entrepreneurs more opportunities to develop their business. At the same time, those entrepren eurs who face interventions from the government also shoulder greater costs in the form of loss of psychological happiness. The inference of this book is that at some point in the foreseeable future, China will gradually build its market system and integrate its domestic markets, so that private enterprises will no longer rely so heavily on their political connections.

In June of 1972, the Democratic National Party headquarters in Washington, D.C., was the site of one of the most famous burglaries in U.S. history. The abortive Watergate break-in and subsequent cover-up is reexamined in this book from the unique perspective of the Supreme Court judges, who grappled with its political and legal ramifications. Howard Ball presents the litigation in the U.S. vs. Nixon case from the inside out, analyzing the constitutional issues that faced the court and the way in which the justices worked to resolve conflicts, overcome obstacles, and arrive at an institutional opinion. In recounting the tragedy of Watergate from the viewpoint of the judges, the book makes use of a number of important original sources, including interviews and letters from the justices. Perhaps most important in telling this story, though, are the conference notes and docket sheets of the Court members, especially those of Justices William J. Brennan, Jr., and William O. Douglas. To set the Watergate tapes litigation against the proper background, Ball also examines the role of the federal judiciary in the political system, the crucial concept of judicial review, and the Supreme Court's processes and personnel at the time of the litigation. A selected bibliography and comprehensive index conclude the work. As a unique chronicle of the Watergate scandal, this book will be a valuable resource for courses in American history, legal studies, and the Supreme Court, as well as a significant addition to academic, legal, and public libraries.

Since the end of the Cold War, there has been a great deal of debate about what U.S. foreign policy should be and how priorities should be reordered. This comprehensive, well-written, provocative assessment has set out to provide answers to key questions. Written by leading experts on their respective regions, who also are professors of national security policy at the National War College in Washington, D.C., this book charts a path for post-Cold War U.S. foreign policy. Each chapter follows a common framework and research design and is informed by a team teaching method, as well as by long experience in policymaking and in academic institutions. The survey consists of chapters dealing with each of the major geopolitical regions of the world and asks a set of common questions: What are the dynamic changes that have occurred in the region? How have security and foreign policy issues changed since the Cold War? What is the history of U.S. policy in the region? How must U.S. policy change to adjust to new realities? An introduction and conclusion point to issues of comparison and sum up conclusions reached by the different contributors. This short overview is intended for courses in U.S. foreign policy and world affairs and for the use of upper-level undergraduate and graduate students, teachers, policymakers, and general readers in political science, world history, and military studies.

Unemployment costs the United States at least $400 billion per year in lost output. This number does not begin to add up the total costs of unemployment that include many serious social problems like increased divorce and crime rates. If unemployment costs so much, why don't we simply pump up demand and push the unemployment rate down? The answer lies in the relationship between inflation and unemployment: we simply cannot push unemployment below the rate that is compatable with stable inflation.

Must we, then, just live with unemployment? No. But to understand how we can reduce unemployment, we must understand the nonaccelerating inflation rate of unemployment (NAIRU). What determines the level of the NAIRU? Has that level increased? Can we reduce the current NAIRU? These are important questions addressed in "Reducing Unemployment" Ottosen and Thompson argue that the NAIRU has increased significantly over the past 30 years. Many blame structural unemployment for that increase. Others have argued that increases in social welfare programs and payments are to blame. But hardly anyone has examined the effects of increasing government regulations on the NAIRU. "Reducing Unemployment" remedies this oversight, and also looks at the effects of unionization and productivity on the NAIRU. The authors conclude that the United States does not have to tolerate a high unemployment rate, for the NAIRU can be reduced through appropriate government deregulation.

Margaret Hewitt discusses the growth of the factory system in England as it affected the home and family life of married women employed in mills and factories.

The supply and management of fresh water for the world's billions of inhabitants is likely to be one of the most daunting challenges of the coming century. For countries that share river basins with others, questions of how best to use and protect precious water resources always become entangled in complex political, legal, environmental, and economic considerations. This book focuses on the issues that face all international river basins by examining in detail the Nile Basin and the ten countries that lay claim to its waters.

John Waterbury applies collective action theory and international relations theory to the challenges of the ten Nile nations. Confronting issues ranging from food security and famine prevention to political stability, these countries have yet to arrive at a comprehensive understanding of how to manage the Nile's resources. Waterbury proposes a series of steps leading to the formulation of environmentally sound policies and regulations by individual states, the establishment of accords among groups of states, and the critical participation of third-party sources of funding like the World Bank. He concludes that if there is to be a solution to the dilemmas of the Nile Basin countries, it must be based upon contractual understandings, brokered by third-party funders, and based on the national interests of each basin state.

The principles of British democracy and the institutions through which it works are described in non-technical language. The unique British combination of liberty and law, and its maintenance and expression in the monarchy, Parliament, the working of cabinet government and the executive, the political system behind them, and the bases and operation of law enforcement and the administration of justice, are all covered and summarized in this thought-provoking survey of the machinery of national and public life.

Drawing upon a series of elite interviews, focus groups and representative surveys, "Identity and Foreign Policy Perceptions in the Other Europe" maps changing definitions of statehood in Russia, Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova as a result of their exclusion from an expanding Europe. The authors examine the perceptions of the place of each state in the international political system and its foreign policy choices. They conclude by drawing comparisons across the region and considering what the implications are both for the rest of Europe and for the Atlantic community.

"By focusing squarely on the cultural dimensions of social welfare policy, Sanford Schram brilliantly illuminates recent turns in policy and politics. Nor does he slight the material for the symbolic. Ratherhe shows the close connections between the cultural and material aspects of policy. Most welcome of all, Schram's work is imbued with a rare empathetic concern for the people who are both the beneficiaries and victims of social welfare."
--Frances Fox Piven, Graduate Center of the City University of New York

"If you want a flesh-and-blood story of the real agendas that lie behind policy-making in the age of tough love, After Welfare is the best book on the topic. Schram's incisive expose makes for spectacular common sense."
--Andrew Ross, New York University

"This engagingly written book lays bare the 'dirty little secrets' of a new order of social policy, one that shores up inequality by tapping into cultural reserves of race and gender prejudice while publicly presenting a neutral face. Its power derives from Schram's eloquence, his sharp wit, and his talent for persuading the reader to scrutinize social policy through the lens of social theory."
--Lisa Disch, University of Minnesota

"Sanford Schram's After Welfare is an exemplary combination of political theory, cultural critique, applied policy analysis and astute and comprehensive mapping of the contemporary politics of welfare. It should engage a wide readership in both academia and the policy community."
--Michael J. Shapiro, University of Hawai'i

Do contemporary welfare policies reflect the realities of the economy and the needs of those in need of public assistance, or are they based on outdatedand idealized notions of work and family life? Are we are moving from a "war on poverty" to a "war against the poor?" In this critique of American social welfare policy, Sanford F. Schram explores the cultural anxieties over the putatively deteriorating "American work ethic," and the class, race, sexual and gender biases at the root of current policy and debates.

Schram goes beyond analyzing the current state of affairs to offer a progressive alternative he calls "radical incrementalism," whereby activists would recreate a social safety net tailored to the specific life circumstances of those in need. His provocative recommendations include a series of programs aimed at transcending the prevailing pernicious distinction between "social insurance" and "public assistance" so as to better address the needs of single mothers with children. Such programs could include "divorce insurance" or even some form of "pregnancy insurance" for women with no means of economic support. By pushing for such programs, Schram argues, activists could make great strides towards achieving social justice, even in today's reactionary climate.

Throughout the postwar period, changes in individual behaviour and legal reforms have transformed traditional notions of family life throughout Western Europe. However, interpretations of what constituted a desirable family life varied, together with the type of social intervention adopted towards it. Taking Britain and Italy as comparative cases, the author explores the extent to which dominant notions of family life differed in postwar Britain and Italy and the implications this had on the development of family policy in these two countries.

Why has China's authoritarian government under Xi Jinping retained popular support without political reforms? Drawing on Chinese social media data, in this book Titus C. Chen argues that China's digital propaganda and information control techniques--the monopolistic exercise of market authoritarianism--have empowered the Xi administration to manipulate public discourse and shape public opinion via social media. Chen argues that these techniques forge a sense of community and unite the general public under the Chinese government, thereby legitimating autocratic rule. By enhancing our understanding of China's digital ideological statecraft, the book makes a major contribution to the fields of China Studies and Political Communication.

Alexander is among the most experienced observers of Latin American politics and has been an active correspondent with major figures of the region for decades. In this volume, he provides interview transcripts and letters from most of the recent presidents of Bolivia, Peru, Ecuador, Colombia, and Venezuela. With some of the correspondence and interviews extending over a considerable period of time, the shifting views and attitudes as well as the comments on other key players makes for fascinating insights into the politics of Latin America.

This volume is a continuation of Alexander's earlier "The ABC Presidents "(Praeger, 1992). This material is of considerable importance to political scientists and other Latin American Studies researchers.

This unique collection of essays analyzes the impact of state policies on minority communities in the United States and the perpetuation of an underclass in American society. The editors and contributors begin with the premise that there was a resurgence of racism and disadvantage during the Reagan years, not only in the United States, but also in the world. They contend that a major revision of policy toward the American underclass is urgently needed because of a failure to understand underlying social and economic changes. Drawing heavily upon diverse sources for data and theoretical perspectives, the studies in this important volume attempt to integrate underclass analysis with policy formulation. The elaboration of the human rights of the underclass under both international and domestic law is presented by Peter Weiss. Gregory Kellam Scott argues forcefully for a shift in the basis of civil rights jurisprudence that would allow the state to assist the underclass by removing past remnants of discrimination. David Penna and Jose Blas Lorenzo discuss the legality and desirability of state attempts to restrict racist speech, given the exploitative nature of the underclass relationship. John Grove and Jiping Wu reassess the perception of Asian-Americans as a model minority and discuss uncertain prospects for the future integration of new Asian immigrants into mainstream America. Debra Kreisberg Voss, Joy Sobrepena, and Peter W. Van Arsdale demonstrate how the immigration process can marginalize immigrants. George E. Tinker and Loring Bush discuss the difficulties in determining Native American unemployment rates and document the underestimation of the problem and its impact on policy toward Native Americans. The politics and hidden agenda of the English Only movement and the policy implications for linguistic minorities are revealed by Priscilla Falcon and Patricia J. Campbell. Finally, George W. Shepherd, Jr. and David Penna present a challenging agenda for state policy toward the underclass for the 1990s. This provocative volume should be read by everyone interested in ethnic and minority studies.

The free movement of labour will be one of the key elements of the Single Market soon to be implemented, One would therefore expect that efforts would have been made to harmonize social policies, especially on the legal status of workers. But the existing EC Treaty contains no provision and the Community Charter of the Fundamental Social Rights of Workers of 1989 fails to fill the gap. The Charter delegates the socio-political responsibility in almost all points to the member states. Yet the constitutions of most refer to general human rights only. The author here stresses the importance of economic and social human rights which, like human rights in general, have their roots in the Enlightenment, especially in the works of Montesquieu, Adam Smith and Kant.

The tariff policies of the 1890-1922 led to the development of tariff rates that launched the United States on a path that led to later trade wars. The Republican Party and Porter McCumber took the lead in promoting these policies, claiming that the tariff would protect new and struggling industries. In many instances, items subjected to high tariffs were not in conflict with industries in the United States. In addition, although the tariff covered agricultural products, it was not sufficient to halt an agricultural decline. This work traces the course of U.S. policy through five tariffs which preceded the Fordney-McCumber tariff of 1922, when the tariff was used for both protection and revenue. McCumber's economic nationalism combined with his internationalism in other areas is detailed in the work.