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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Political ideologies > Fascism & Nazism
A landmark account of the fall of the Weimar Republic and the rise of Hitler, based on award-winning research, and recently discovered archival material.
In the 1930s, Germany was at a turning point, with many looking to the Nazi phenomenon as part of widespread resentment towards cosmopolitan liberal democracy and capitalism. This was a global situation that pushed Germany to embrace authoritarianism, nationalism and economic self-sufficiency, kick-starting a revolution founded on new media technologies, and the formidable political and self-promotional skills of its leader.
Based on award-winning research and recently discovered archival material, The Death Of Democracy is a panoramic new survey of one of the most important periods in modern history, and a book with a resounding message for the world today.
Published during the heyday of fascism in Europe, It Can't Happen
Here is a chilling cautionary tale by one of the greatest American
writers of the twentieth century, which is still startlingly
relevant almost a century later. Charting the rise to power of
Berzelius 'Buzz' Windrip, who whips his supporters into a frenzy
while promising drastic reform under a banner of patriotism and
traditional values, It Can't Happen Here decries the tactics used
by politicians to mobilise voters, and exposes the danger of
authoritarianism arising from populist platforms, and the chaos
such regimes can leave in their wake.
The first volume of a new narrative history of the rise and fall of
the Nazi regime, by an expert on the Third Reich. 'One of the books
of the year' Dan Snow 'A masterclass in the history of Nazi
Germany' Get History 'What makes this volume really stand out is
its stylish design and more than 80 coloured photographs' Military
History On 30 January 1933, Adolf Hitler was appointed the German
Chancellor of a coalition government by President Hindenburg.
Within a few months he had installed a dictatorship, jailing and
killing his leftwing opponents, terrorising the rest of the
population and driving Jews out of public life. He embarked on a
crash programme on militaristic Keynesianism, reviving the economy
and achieving full employment through massive public works, vast
armaments spending and the cancellations of foreign debts. After
the grim years of the Great Depression, Germany seemed to have been
reborn as a brutal and determined European power. Over the course
of the years from 1933 to 1939, Hitler won over most of the
population to his vision of a renewed Reich. In these years of
domestic triumph, cunning manoeuvres, pitting neighbouring powers
against each other and biding his time, we see Hitler preparing for
the moment that would realise his ambition. But what drove Hitler's
success was also to be the fatal flaw of his regime: a relentless
belief in war as the motor of greatness, a dream of vast conquests
in Eastern Europe and an astonishingly fanatical racism. In The
Hitler Years, Frank McDonough charts the rise and fall of the Third
Reich under Hitler's hand. The first volume, Triumph, ends after
Germany's comprehensive military defeat of Poland in 1939.
'Lucid and damning ... an absorbing - and infuriating - tale of
complicity, coverup and denial' PATRICK RADDEN KEEFE, author of
EMPIRE OF PAIN A groundbreaking investigation of how the Nazis
helped German tycoons make billions from the horrors of the Third
Reich and World War II - and how the world allowed them to get away
with it. In 1946, Gunther Quandt - patriarch of Germany's most
iconic industrial empire, a dynasty that today controls BMW - was
arrested for suspected Nazi collaboration. Quandt claimed that he
had been forced to join the party by his arch-rival, propaganda
minister Joseph Goebbels, and the courts acquitted him. But Quandt
lied. And his heirs, and those of other Nazi billionaires, have
only grown wealthier in the generations since, while their
reckoning with this dark past remains incomplete at best. Many of
them continue to control swaths of the world economy, owning iconic
brands whose products blanket the globe. The brutal legacy of the
dynasties that dominated Daimler-Benz, cofounded Allianz and still
control Porsche, Volkswagen and BMW has remained hidden in plain
sight - until now. In this landmark work, investigative journalist
David de Jong reveals the true story of how Germany's wealthiest
business dynasties amassed untold money and power by abetting the
atrocities of the Third Reich. Using a wealth of untapped sources,
de Jong shows how these tycoons seized Jewish businesses, procured
slave labourers and ramped up weapons production to equip Hitler's
army as Europe burnt around them. Most shocking of all, de Jong
exposes how the wider world's political expediency enabled these
billionaires to get away with their crimes, covering up a
bloodstain that defiles the German and global economy to this day.
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Memorial Book of Kremenets
(Hardcover)
Abraham Samuel Stein; Cover design or artwork by Rachel Kolokoff-Hoper; Compiled by Jonathan Wind
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Discovery Miles 13 460
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From rap to folk to punk, music has often sought to shape its
listeners’ political views, uniting them as a global community
and inspiring them to take action. Yet the rallying potential of
music can also be harnessed for sinister ends. As this
groundbreaking new book reveals, white-power music has served as a
key recruiting tool for neo-Nazi and racist hate groups
worldwide.  Reichsrock shines a light on the
international white-power music industry, the fandoms it has
spawned, and the virulently racist beliefs it perpetuates. Kirsten
Dyck not only investigates how white-power bands and their fans
have used the internet to spread their message globally, but also
considers how distinctly local white-power scenes have emerged in
Western Europe, Eastern Europe, Latin America, the United States,
and many other sites. While exploring how white-power bands draw
from a common well of nationalist, racist, and neo-Nazi ideologies,
the book thus also illuminates how white-power musicians adapt
their music to different locations, many of which have their own
terms for defining whiteness and racial
otherness.  Closely tracking the online presence of
white-power musicians and their fans, Dyck analyzes the virtual
forums and media they use to articulate their hateful rhetoric.
This book also demonstrates how this fandom has sparked spectacular
violence in the real world, from bombings to mass shootings.
Reichsrock thus sounds an urgent message about a global
menace. Â
Numerous studies concerning transitional justice exist. However,
comparatively speaking, the effects actually achieved by measures
for coming to terms with dictatorships have seldom been
investigated. There is an even greater lack of transnational
analyses. This volume contributes to closing this gap in research.
To this end, it analyses processes of coming to terms with the past
in seven countries with different experiences of violence and
dictatorship. Experts have drawn up detailed studies on
transitional justice in Albania, Argentina, Ethiopia, Chile,
Rwanda, South Africa and Uruguay. Their analyses constitute the
empirical material for a comparative study of the impact of
measures introduced within the context of transitional justice. It
becomes clear that there is no sure formula for dealing with
dictatorships. Successes and deficits alike can be observed in
relation to the individual instruments of transitional justice -
from criminal prosecution to victim compensation. Nevertheless, the
South American states perform much better than those on the African
continent. This depends less on the instruments used than on
political and social factors. Consequently, strategies of
transitional justice should focus more closely on these contextual
factors.
The Cold War began almost immediately after the end of World War II
and the defeat of the Nazis in Europe. As images of the Nazis'
atrocities became part of American culture's common store, the evil
of their old enemy, beyond the Nazis as a wartime opponent, became
increasingly important. As America tried to describe the danger
represented by the spread of Communism, it fell back on
descriptions of Nazism to make the threat plain through comparison.
At the heart of the tensions of that era lay the inconsistency of
using one kind of evil to describe another. The book addresses this
tension in regards to McCarthyism, campaigns to educate the public
about Communism, attempts to raise support for wars in Asia, and
the rhetoric of civil rights. Each of these political arenas is
examined through their use of Nazi analogies in popular, political,
and literary culture. The Nazi Card is an invaluable look at the
way comparisons to Nazis are used in American culture, the history
of those comparisons, and the repercussions of establishing a
political definition of evil.
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