This book introduces students of the Japanese economy to a broad range of critical contemporary Marxian analyses by Japanese economists. Each of the five essays - on economic policy, agriculture, big business, labour relations, and foreign trade and investment - is written by a specialist in the field. The introduction places the essays in the wider context of contrasting theories of Japanese economic development. While such writings constitute an important part of the economic literature in Japan, virtually none of the great body of Marxian writing on Japanese capitalism has heretofore been available in English.

The official publication of the National Conference of Black Political Scientists (NCOBPS), this annual publication includes significant scholarly research reflecting the diverse interests of scholars from various backgrounds who use a variety of models, approaches, and methodologies. The central focus is on politics and policies that advantage or disadvantage groups because of race, ethnicity, sex, or other factors. The research is performed in a variety of contexts and settings. This second volume is dedicated to the twentieth anniversary of the founding of the NCOBPS, and is commemorated in a special introductory section that includes major feature articles, a special symposium, and a book review section. "Lucius J. Barker" is Edna F. Gellhorn Professor of Public Affairs and Political Science at Washington University, St. Louis, and author of a number of books and articles on American judicial politics and public law and African-American politics.

This book introduces students of the Japanese economy to a broad range of critical contemporary Marxian analyses by Japanese economists. Each of the five essays - on economic policy, agriculture, big business, labour relations, and foreign trade and investment - is written by a specialist in the field. The introduction places the essays in the wider context of contrasting theories of Japanese economic development. While such writings constitute an important part of the economic literature in Japan, virtually none of the great body of Marxian writing on Japanese capitalism has heretofore been available in English.

This wide-ranging and comparative text reviews the major theoretical and substantive debates on social inequality in Europe. It provides a valuable dual focus on European society and individual societies while placing Europe in its wider global context. Demonstrating the continued importance of national difference within Europe, the author argues that nonetheless the European Social Model has softened social inequalities such as those of wealth and income distribution, social class, gender and possibly even ethnicity. However these achievements are now being undermined, partially by the European Union itself. The book also challenges conventional wisdom on Europe's alleged need for immigration and highlights the UK's distinctiveness within Europe, explaining the country's uneasy relation to the European project. This book will be of great interest to students and scholars of Politics, European Societies, Social Policy and Comparative Studies.

One of the most frequent criticisms levelled at the European Community is the discrepancy between federalist rhetoric and the intergovernmental response: between its ideological aspirations and contemporary political reality. The federalist heritage of the European Community has become discredited by contemporary political thinkers, and yet it still forms an important part of the community's ideological foundations. Within this book the contrasting theories of Spinelli and Monnet are subjected to rigorous criticism, examining the benefits and pitfalls of their proposals for a unified Europe, and the probability of the gap between theory and actuality ever being bridged in the future.

In a world in which change is constant, the principle of self-determination is important. Through (collective) acts of self-determination, nations exercise the right to govern themselves. At present the nation-state system with which we are familiar faces several challenges. In Western Europe, sub-state nationalism is on the rise. In the Middle East and North Africa, the state system bequeathed by former colonial powers faces increasing threats from pan-Islamist movements. Overall, the established order faces unprecedented uncertainties. The scholars who have contributed to this volume assess the merits, limitations and trajectories of self-determination in the twenty-first century, pointing to the paradoxes and anomalies that are encompassed by what at first sight is a simple and seductive concept. From the perspective of the twenty-first century and informed by a wealth of experience each of the contributors to this volume offers some valuable and intriguing observations on the future of self-determination and the movements its call engenders. This book was published as a special issue of Ethnopolitics.

Federalism in Germany has come to be viewed as the root cause of the country's current economic and social malaise. The federal political system which contributed enormously to the economic success and political stability of West Germany is now said to be outdated, overburdened and unworkable. German federalism is now widely seen as being synonymous with Reformstau (reform blockage) and Stillstand (inertia). Critics argue that the system urgently needs to change if Germany is to continue to compete in the global system. This major new text offers a unique scholarly evaluation of the major recent attempts to overhaul Germany's federal political architecture. It brings together thematic chapters by leading authorities on German federalism to provide a comprehensive assessment of the reform processes to date, their inception, scope, objectives and outputs. The contributions provide new insights into the dynamics of reform in key policy areas such as economic policy, Europe and the tax equalisation system, as well as in the institutional frameworks for decision-making. It will be essential reading for students of Germany, its politics, law and economics. This book was published as a special issue of the German Politics.

Oman was ruled by the Al Bu Sa'id for 250 years, and during this period the fortunes of the state varied considerably. But in July 1970, as a result of a palace coup, the state abruptly turned away from isolation and traditions of the past. The most obvious alteration was in the dramatic change in the outward appearance of the country, particularly as exemplified by the rejection of the long era of stagnation and the parallel emphasis on socio-economic development. In the political realm, however, the shifting balance of power and the rapid growth and diversification of the state's administrative structure were based essentially on perennial themes in Omani politics. The interplay between four of these themes forms the basis of this study, first published in 1978. The role of the Sultan and the ruling family, the development of the administration, the exercise of tribal politics and the impact of external influences on the state are closely examined and the modifications they went in response to the various challenges of the twentieth century are discussed. The constant flux in the relative importance of each of these themes illustrates the fragile nature of the traditional Omani political system, for in the twentieth century the Al Bu Sa'id Sultanate found its precarious hold over the country challenged on a number of occasions. These challenges - ranging from the tribal and religious rebellion of 1913-20, to the Marxist-Leninist revolt in Dhufar - are also analysed in detail, together with the response of the Sultanate to their impact.

The development of North Yemen in the twentieth century was one of the most interesting features of the Arabian Peninsula. After the traumas of the civil war which embroiled Nasser's Egypt, the country emerged from its traditional tribal heritage into the modern world. Sandwiched between Saudi Arabia and Marxist South Yemen, the country had an awkward and delicate problem in balancing its political affiliations and in resisting external pressure on its internal affairs. This book, first published in 1982, traces the history of the Yemen from the 1930s and looks at the way in which the traditional political structures were modernised and how the country coped with these strains both internally and externally.

If you think you are living in an era of post-truth, you likely are. If something sounds like magical thinking, it is. Nationalism makes no country great; it often leads to war, genocide, terror, destroyed economies and the turning of cities into rubble. Technology will not get us to paradise. It has made us more unequal than ever, polluted democracy, heightened job risk (displacement), created ever more billionaires, continued the rapid pace of the destruction of the planet, and transformed us from citizens into consumers, often with our active support. The free market is not free; too often it isn't even a market (because we live in an age of monopoly). The road to serfdom is paved by demagogues, not the state; the state and its institutions are all we have. Trust expertise. Truth does not come from he who shouts the loudest. You are approaching a one-party-state when facts are relativized, science is denied, experts are mocked and threatened, alternative facts are embraced, minorities are criminalized, and lying is normalized. Farewell to Democracy? reminds us that we have been here before. It tells us that we can avoid a repetition of the past, but we must first know what that past was (and is). Farewell to Democracy? insists that nothing is inevitable. That we are not powerless. That we have institutions to help protect us, which we must protect in turn. It shows us what happens when we speak truth to power. It details the strength of mass protest. It pulls back the veil on Post-Truth. It urges all of us to bear witness and to "show up."

Based on the research of a small advisory group formed of key figures in the Scottish Parliament, Jim Johnston and James Mitchell use their extensive experience of Scottish politics to discuss ideas about the Parliament's future. Sir Paul Grice, Holyrood chief executive, is chairing the advisory group which includes members such as former PO George Reid, Caroline Gardner (Auditor General), Louise MacDonald (chief exec Young Scot), and Sarah Davidson (civil servant). Made up of a series of short essays, this book discusses vital issues such as public engagement, key challenges for the Parliament arising from issues such as Brexit, and what we can learn from the past. This book is truly essential read in this uncertain but exciting time for Scottish politics.

In Clarke's essay The Medieval City State, she argues that the natural governmental division is between central and localised governments. In this study, she focuses on the idea of the city state and local power instead of absolutism in the Middle Ages. Originally published in 1926, this study looks at problems that can arise with local power and whether countries such as Italy, Germany and Switzerland benefited or were harmed by their government type. This title will be of interest to students of history.

This book tracks and critiques the impact of the internet in Africa. It explores the legal policy implications of, and legal responses to, the internet in matters straddling human rights, development, trade, criminal law, intellectual property, and social justice from the perspective of several African countries and the region. Well-known and emerging African scholars consider whether access to the internet is a human right, the implications on the right to privacy, e-commerce, cybercrime, the opportunities and dangers of admitting electronic evidence, the balancing of freedom of expression with the protection of intellectual property, and how different African legal systems address this tension. This book will be an invaluable resource for a wide range of stakeholders, including researchers, scholars and postgraduate students; policymakers and legislators; lawyers and judicial officers; crime-fighting agencies; national human rights institutions; civil society organisations; international and regional organisations; and human rights monitoring bodies.

This book examines the roles played by transnational actors to influence poverty reduction policies in Ghana. Whereas previous studies on anti-poverty policies have primarily focused on the ‘carrot and stick’ approach deployed by transnational actors – whereby developmental assistance is granted in return of certain conditions being met – this book demonstrates that there are several alternative strategies. Indeed, rather than adopting ‘hard’ means of shaping policy, many transnational actors in fact use a ‘soft’ approach characterized by collaboration. In order to demonstrate this, the book examines two poverty reduction programmes. Utilising research based on interviews with national policymakers, civil-society organizations and the media, it compares different approaches used by transnational actors and the attendant outcomes for national and international parties. Drawing on an interdisciplinary perspective, the book will appeal to scholars and students of public policy and international relations.

The Arab uprisings of 2011 have sparked much scholarly discussion with regards to democratisation, the resilience of authoritarian rule, mobilisation patterns, and the relationship between secularism and Islam, all under the assumption that politics has changed for good in North Africa and the Middle East. While acknowledging the post-2011 transformations taking place in the region, this book brings to the forefront an understudied, yet crucial, aspect related to the uprisings, namely the interplay between continuity and change. Challenging simplified representations built around the positions that either 'all has changed' or 'nothing has changed', the in-depth case studies in this volume demonstrate how elements both of continuity, and rupture with the past, are present in the post-uprising landscapes of Morocco, Tunisia and Egypt. Public policy, contentious politics, the process of institution making and re-making, and the relations of power connecting national and international economies are at the core of the comparative investigations included in the book. The volume makes an important contribution to the study of North African politics, and to the study of political change and stability, by contrasting the different trajectories of the uprisings, and by offering theoretical reflections on their meaning, consequences and scope. This book was originally published as a special issue of the British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies.

The idea for this book is derived from the scantiness of academic references on the European Union's policies towards the Black Sea, relative to this region's officially stated significance for the EU. Even though the EU plays a vital role in Black Sea political agendas, the EU's cooperation with the region is not extensively covered by academic discussions and literature. This is mostly due to the fact that the EU's focus on foreign affairs is mainly associated with the Balkans, as part the current and potential expansion, and the Middle East, as a direct consequence of the upheaval of the Arab Spring. The Black Sea region is crucially important for the EU because of the opportunities and challenges that the region presents, both politically and socio-economically. Contributions to this book mostly focus on specific issues of EU-Black Sea cooperation, from conflict to the environment to democracy, and how these particular relationships are perceived within the region as well as through the lenses of stakeholders such as Russia, Turkey, and the USA. Overall, the collection focuses on projecting a more efficient role and a holistic strategy for the EU in its approach towards the Black Sea region, testifying to the need for a strong EU presence. For this reason, the Black Sea area remains 'the neighbourhood too close to, yet still far from, the European Union'. This book was originally published as a special issue of the Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies.

This new Handbook offers a combination of theoretical, thematic and empirical analyses of the statebuilding regime, written by leading international scholars. Over the past decade, international statebuilding has become one of the most important and least understood areas of international policy-making. Today, there are around one billion people living in some 50-60 conflict-affected, 'fragile' states, vulnerable to political violence and civil war. The international community grapples with the core challenges and dilemmas of using outside force, aid, and persuasion to build states in the wake of conflict and to prevent such countries from lapsing into devastating violence. The Routledge Handbook of International Statebuilding is a comprehensive resource for this emerging area in International Relations. The volume is designed to guide the reader through the background and development of international statebuilding as a policy area, as well as exploring in depth significant issues such as security, development, democracy and human rights. Divided into three main parts, this Handbook provides a single-source overview of the key topics in international statebuilding: Part One: Concepts and Approaches Part Two: Security, Development and Democracy Part Three: Policy Implementation This Handbook will be essential reading for students of statebuilding, humanitarian intervention, peacebuilding, development, war and conflict studies and IR/Security Studies in general.

State Building and Democratization in Bosnia and Herzegovina details the post-Dayton evolution of the country over the last two decades. Carefully evaluating the successes and failures the book explores the slow progress of the democratization process and how key elites initially took hold of the state and its institutions and have successfully retained their grip on power, despite heavy international presence and reform attempts to counter-balance this trend. Bosnia and Herzegovina offers a useful lens through which to view international state-building and democratization efforts. International engagement here incorporated significant civilian and military investment and has been ongoing for many years. In each chapter international scholars and field-based practitioners examine the link between post-war events and a structure that effectively embeds ethno-national politics and tensions into the fabric of the country. These contributors offer lessons to be learned, and practices to be avoided whilst considering whether, as state-building and democratization efforts have struggled in this relatively advanced European country, they can succeed in other fragile states.

This book examines how insufficient policies can lead to the alleged abuse of power in organisations. When independent ethical structures and processes are missing or weak, practices of abuse, misconduct and cover-ups can easily arise at the leadership level. Even organisations that specialise in good governance are no exception, as illustrated by this case study on arguably the world's most influential anti-corruption NGO, Transparency International (TI). Written by the former Managing Director of Transparency International, this book chronicles its ethical breakdown over a 5-year period starting in 2015. By comparing TI's whistleblower policies with its internal whistleblower practices, it demonstrates how the organisation gradually became trapped in a vicious cycle of secrecy, corruption and lies. The author chronologically tracks TI's practices, drawing on 12 whistleblower complaints filed with TI since 2017, as well as communications with TI, international donor agencies, and other international civil society organisations from 2015 to 2020 to do so. The chronological format aptly reveals the snowball effect that ethical weaknesses can create over time, as well as the emotional warfare that whistleblowers are typically subjected to. The unfolding chronology also shows what it means to be a whistleblower for an organisation that avoids public transparency, reporting on and scrutiny of its own practices.

Changing Politics in Japan is a fresh and insightful account of the profound changes that have shaken up the Japanese political system and transformed it almost beyond recognition in the last couple of decades. Ikuo Kabashima a former professor who is now Governor of Kumamoto Prefecture and Gill Steel outline the basic features of politics in postwar Japan in an accessible and engaging manner. They focus on the dynamic relationship between voters and elected or nonelected officials and describe the shifts that have occurred in how voters respond to or control political elites and how officials both respond to, and attempt to influence, voters. The authors return time and again to the theme of changes in representation and accountability.

Kabashima and Steel set out to demolish the still prevalent myth that Japanese politics are a stagnant set of entrenched systems and interests that are fundamentally undemocratic. In its place, they reveal a lively and dynamic democracy, in which politicians and parties are increasingly listening to and responding to citizens' needs and interests and the media and other actors play a substantial role in keeping democratic accountability alive and healthy. Kabashima and Steel describe how all the political parties in Japan have adapted the ways in which they attempt to organize and channel votes and argue that contrary to many journalistic stereotypes the government is increasingly acting in the "the interests of citizens" the median voter's preferences."

First published in 1986. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company.

Although Foucault's work has been employed and embraced enthusiastically by some 'mobilities' scholars, discussion across these two traditions to date has mostly been partial and unsystematic. Yet Foucault's work can make critical contributions, for example, to thinking about governing mobilities in contemporary societies, while conversely mobilities research opens up new perspectives on Foucault. In combination these bodies of work can illuminate issues as diverse as: the greater interdependencies between mobility systems (e.g. transport, tourism, trade, internet use); the proliferation of the undesired mobilities of viruses, of natural phenomena like fire, of (what is taken to be) criminality and other seemingly inevitable by-products of globalisation; the perceived threats to desirable forms of mobility as constituted by climate change, peak oil and energy security, and terrorism and warfare; and the increased popularity of logics of governance premised on choice, responsibilisation and the (re)coding of phenomena in economic terms under neo-liberalism. Against this background, this book brings together the first major collection of contributions from across the social sciences with a shared interest in both mobilities and Foucauldian thinking. This book was published as a special issue of Mobilities.

This book presents the findings of the first ever survey of the religious preferences of Members of the European Parliament (MEPs). An international research team interviewed a large sample of MEPs, with the purpose of investigating their beliefs and how these beliefs have an impact on their role as MEPs. The findings of this survey are offered in order to discuss, in a non-normative way, some key political and intellectual debates. Is Europe secularized? Is the European Union a Christian club? What is the influence of religious lobbying in Brussels? What are the dynamics of value politics? Contributions also compare MEPs with national MPs and citizens to measure whether the findings are specific to the supranational arena and European multi-level governance. External cases, such as the USA and Israel, are also presented to define whether there is a European exceptionalism regarding the role of religion in the political arena. This book was originally published as a special issue of Religion, State & Society.

This book, first published in 1969, casts a critical eye over the problem of insurgency. The author sees insurgency not just as a matter of technique - military tactics or organizational skill - nor as the result of 'force and fraud', but as 'people's war': the conditions in which the mass of the people become involved, voluntarily or otherwise, on either side. He quotes Nasution's statement, 'The guerrilla movement is only the result, not the cause of the problem'. People's war brings the peasantry, hitherto ignorant, apathetic or rejected, into the political process. For 'war is ... the continuation of politics by other means'. In Asia this was essentially a peasant's war, arising when peasant grievances, interests or demands cannot be met under the existing 'legitimate' but urban or landowner-orientated system of rule. It shows little understanding to blame outside intervention when peasant - and nationalist - unrest leads to revolt. The Chinese Communists did not owe success to Soviet aid, the Vietminh to Chinese assistance or the Vietcong to North Vietnamese intervention. The conclusion applies to governments as to insurgents: no amount of outside aid can win the war for them if they themselves are incapable and the people - on whom they depend for support - have no will to fight. This book, based on first-hand experience of the area and on study of original sources, offers (1) an analysis of 'people's war' in China, Indochina and Vietnam, (2) a critique of US policy in Laos and Vietnam and (3) a comparison with counter-measures in Malaya, the Philippines and Indonesia. It is both original and constructive.

Research in localities in India, Cuba, Ethiopia, Taiwan and Lebanon is used to develop a broader understanding of global political phenomena such as democracy, representation and accountability. To contextualise aspects of 'good' governance the articles in the volume deal with people's perceptions of and interactions with the state; how they interpret government laws and regulations; how they interact with officials and how they comment on acts and speeches made by local bureaucrats and national power holders. Through a discussion of the much debated distinction between private and public, the articles show how the notions of public and private are interconnected in many ways, how they are contested and reformulated by people based on their experiences, and how they can be used as a tool in questioning dominant ideas and ways of executing 'good' governance.