Bringing together over 25 key experts, this cutting-edge Handbook is designed to produce a detailed account of the mixed fortunes of democracy in the region.

First Published in 1984. In this volume, the reader will find seven papers which deal with a broad spectrum of issues not necessarily confined to civil-military relations in their more limited and narrow definition. One will also find reference to the broader issues of the social, economic and political impact of the protracted violent conflict on Israeli society. The volume focuses more on the consequence of the actual management of the war rather than on the decision-making process proper.

First Published in 1983. This book brings together the best of Professor Keddie's articles on Iran both published and newly written and spans almost two decades. Long before the current religious-political alliance in Iran startled the world and toppled the Shah, Prof.Keddie undertook a series of studies that reveal the social, economic, doctrinal and political roots of what she was the first to call the 'Religious-Radical' alliance in Iran.

The politics of the twenty-first century is marked by dissent, tumult and calls for radical change, whether through food riots, anti-war protests, anti-government tirades, anti-blasphemy marches, anti-austerity demonstrations, anti-authoritarian movements and anti-capitalist occupations. Interestingly, contemporary political protests are borne of both the Right and Left and are staged in both the Global North and South. Globally, different instances of protest have drawn attention to the deep fissures which challenge the idea of globalisation as a force for peace. Given the diversity of these protests, it is necessary to examine the particular nature of grievances, the sort of change which is sought and the extent to which localised protest can have global implications. The contributions in this book draw on the theoretical work of Hardt and Negri, David Graeber and Judith Butler, among others, in order explore the nature of hegemony, the Occupy movement, the Arab Spring, the responses of authorities to protest and emotion and public performance in, and representation of, protest. The book concludes with David Graeber's reply to reviews of his recent The Democracy Project: A History, A Crisis, A Movement. This book was published as a special issue of Global Discourse.

This book draws together both primary and secondary empirical research and existing literature to examine transgressive subcultural activities and engagement in digital social spaces (DSS). The book addresses four objectives: 1. To understand how young peoples' subcultures arise online and they are constructed and experienced in DSS 2. To understand how and why DSS matter to young people 3. To understand if any DSS controls exist in these online spaces and 4. To understand how identity locations such as social class, gender and ethnicity and/or their intersections shape young peoples' engagement and behaviour(s) in DSS. In addressing these objectives with a focus on European contributions, the text provides a holistic understanding of the purpose of digital social spaces in shaping young peoples' identities and self-perceptions. It will be of interest to postgraduate students, secondary school teachers, lecturers and scholars in education, sociology, youth studies and technology.

A key book for conflict and peace studies, reveals the gendered nature of peacebuilding, its consequences, and the importance of women playing a part in peace processes in Africa. Even in the best of circumstances, women are all too often excluded from formal peacemaking and peacebuilding processes and relegated to the sidelines as observers or limited to informal peacebuilding strategies. Yet there is enormous potential in these strategies as women often strive to build bridges across political, ethnic, religious, clan and other differences through alliances arising from common concerns around violence, land, access to resources, and protection of their families and communities, and address sources of conflict at both national and local levels. Drawing on cutting-edge research by scholars and women's rights activists in South Sudan, Sudan, Algeria, northern Nigeria, and Somalia, this book focuses on the consequences of the continuing exclusions of women from peace talks and from post-conflict governance structures. The case studies reveal how peacebuilding is gendered and why this matters in developing meaningful and sustainable approaches to peacebuilding. Examining how women activists have made a difference through informal peacebuilding activities, the contributors explore women's efforts to reshapethe post-conflict context by struggling for legislative and constitutional reforms and by advocating for political representation and political inclusion more generally within peacebuilding processes. They also look at how women have pushed back against the conservative Islamist forces that today dominate much armed conflict in Africa. Suggesting that women's formal participation in peace negotiations is vital in bringing about an end to conflict and preventing its resumption, as well as the one of the most effective strategies, this book will be essential reading for scholars and NGOs involved in development, conflict resolution and peacebuilding. The book is the product of a research project on Women and Peacebuilding in Africa, funded by Carnegie Corporation of New York and the Norwegian Foreign Ministry.

Authoritarianism research has evolved into one of the fastest growing research fields in comparative politics. The newly awakened interest in autocratic regimes goes hand in hand with a lack of systematic research on the results of the political and substantive policy performance of variants of autocratic regimes. The contributions in this second volume of Comparing Autocracies are united by the assumption that the performance of political regimes and their persistence are related. Furthermore, autocratic institutions and the specific configurations of elite actors within authoritarian regime coalitions induce dictators to undertake certain policies, and that different authoritarian institutions are therefore an important piece of the puzzle of government performance in dictatorships. Based on these two prepositions, the contributions explore the differences between autocracies and democracies, as well as between different forms of non-democratic regimes, in regard to their outcome performance in selected policy fields; how political institutions affect autocratic performance and persistence; whether policy performance matter for the persistence of authoritarian rule; and what happens to dictators once autocratic regimes fall.

This book is an amalgam of articles from the journals Democratization, Contemporary Politics and Politische Vierteljahresschrift.

This book examines the evolution towards increased supranational governance in the EU's Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ). At the end of 2009, a successor programme to the Tampere and Hague Programmes was developed under the Swedish Presidency. Called the 'Stockholm Programme', it was adopted at a special EU Council Summit on 10-11 December 2009. The new agenda covers the period 2010-2014 and emphasises six areas of priority. In the context of these priorities, as well as the innovations introduced by the Lisbon Treaty, this edited book analyses policy change in the AFSJ, especially as it has been affected by the rise of supranational governance in this domain. From police cooperation and crime fighting to border management and counter-terrorism, much has changed, and the EU has taken yet another step forward in the direction of supranational governance. However, the various contributions also highlight that there are still problems and challenges remaining for the AFSJ. Collectively, this book considers how consequential the Lisbon Treaty has been for the AFSJ, as well as how successful the EU has been in achieving its stated goals as expressed in the Stockholm Programme. Thus, this book makes a significant contribution to the scholarly investigation of the AFSJ, but also to the study of European integration in general. This book was published as a special issue of the Cambridge Review of International Affairs.

First published as a special issue of Policy & Politics, this critical and practical volume challenges policy theory scholars to change the way they produce and communicate research. Leading academics propose eight ways to synthesise and translate state of the art knowledge to equip scholars to communicate their insights with each other and a wider audience. Chapters consider topics such as narratives as tools for influencing policy change, essential habits of successful policy entrepreneurs, and applying cultural theory to navigate the policy process. Providing theoretical clarity and accumulated knowledge, this text highlights the vital importance of translating policy research in practical and understandable ways. The articles on which Chapters 2, 3 and 5 are based are available Open Access under CC-BY-NC licence.

As a sequel to "Studies in the Problem of Sovereignty," this volume, originally published in 1919, expands Laski s pluralist doctrine of the state, (using France as its reference) but covers rather broader ground, since its main object is to insist that the probem of sovereignty is only a special case of the problem of authority. The result is a positive, constructive analysis of politics and the theory of the state which examines the division and organisation of power, the limitations of power and the significance of freedom, the political theory of Bonald, the revival of traditionalism and the role of the Church and the Civil Service.

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What, if anything, is similar about citizen participation at the local level in Canada and China? The answer, of course, is politically sensitive. There are many in Canada who would claim that the question is absurd. How can there be meaningful citizen participation in a country where there are significant restrictions on political activity, including on the right to form organizations with political purposes? Presenting the work of leading scholars, Citizen Participation at the Local Level in China and Canada examines how citizens in each country participate at the local level. The book examines the development of citizen participation in local governance in Canada and China respectively. It then covers the characteristics of political culture and climate on local participation, highlighting factors especially unique to urban poor, class migration, and aboriginal and immigrant populations. The chapters also explore means of protest, demonstration, and articulation of preference by populations and issues where citizen participation has effected change such as land use, housing, urban development, and resource sustainability. The book includes case studies that compare Canadian and Chinese communities and extrapolate interesting policy-level changes at the local level based on citizen behavior and involvement. It underscores the similarities and differences in political participation in both countries and sets the stage for the steps in the citizen participation in both countries.

This work is a critical intervention into the archive of female identity; it reflects on the ways in which the Central and Eastern European female ideal was constructed, represented, and embodied in communist societies and on its transformation resulting from the political, economic, and social changes specific to the post-communist social and political transitions. During the communist period, the female ideal was constituted as a heroic mother and worker, both a revolutionary and a state bureaucrat, which were regarded as key elements in the processes of industrial development and production. She was portrayed as physically strong and with rugged rather than with feminized attributes. After the post-communist regime collapsed, the female ideal's traits changed. As the consumer-oriented societies began displacing the state-dominated command economies of the communist period, the female ideal lost its close association with the state's authority and with the industrial production and instead took on the feminine attributes that are familiar in the West's consumer-oriented societies.As a result, the post-communist female ideal is tightly connected to various commodities (fashion products and luxury items), while the female herself has become a commodity in both marriage markets and illicit sexual exchanges associated with prostitution and sex trafficking. Each chapter in the volume explores different aspects of these changes and links those changes to national security, nationalism, and relations with Western societies, while focusing on a variety of genres of expression such as films, music, plays, literature, press reports, television talk shows and ethnographic research. The topics explored in this volume open a space for discussion and reflection about how radical social change intimately affected the lives, identities and the positions of women in society that resulted in various policy initiatives involving women's social and political roles. The book will be of interest to students and scholars of gender studies, comparative politics, Eastern European studies and cultural studies.

Taking up the challenge of understanding power in its complexity, this volume returns to and revitalises the concept of authority . It provides a powerful analysis of the ways that relationships of trust, attachment, governance and inequality become possible when subjectivities and bodies are invested in the life of power. The collection offers a vibrant new analysis of the biopolitical, arguing that experience of life has become equated with objectivity in contemporary culture and has thus become a primary basis of authority. Biopolitical or experiential authority can be generated through reference to a variety of experiences, performances or intensities of life including creativity, radicalism, risk-taking, experimentation, inter-relation, suffering and proximity to death. The authority-producing capacities of community and aesthetics are key issues, pointing to vexed relationships between politics and policing, inventiveness and violence.

The contributors develop their theoretical analyses through discussion of a range of specific sites including mental-health service user and survivor politics, biological knowledge, refugee activism, stories of suffering, urban art, anarchism, neo-liberal community politics and marketization. "Authority, Experience & the Life of Power "challenges thinking on what the political is and isn t, pushing against the all too easy equivocation of revolutionary break and empowerment.

This book was published as a special issue of the Journal of Political Power."

Nationally known community organiser and activist Harry C Boyte incites readers to join today's "citizen movement", offering practical tools for how we can change the face of America by focusing on issues close to home. Targeting useful techniques for individuals to raise public consciousness and effectively motivate community-based groups, Boyte grounds his arguments in the country's tradition of "populism", demonstrating how mobilised citizens can be far more powerful than our frequently paralysed politicians. He offers practical tips on identifying potential citizen leaders and working through cultural differences without sacrificing identities. Each point is illustrated by inspiring real-life examples of Minnesotans who have prompted change: An immigrant community that created a cultural wellness center. An organisation of multiracial, multi-faith congregations that is tackling tough social problems. A cluster of suburban neighbourhoods that came together to take back Sundays from overzealous youth-sports organisations. For readers doubting their ability to make a significant difference in our world, this how-to book will show the way.

First Published in 1981. The essential stability of the Federal German Republic was once more confirmed by the outcome of the 1980 election. In other respects too, there was little evidence that Western Germany would emulate the 'crisis situation' affecting other West European states. Yet 'stability' is not an immobile condition, and since it results from the interaction of a number of factors - political, social and economic - no single explanation of Germany's performance is likely to be convincing. Furthermore, West Germany has to face several unresolved problems which, although not pointing to a fundamental crisis, remind us that the concept of 'stability' has to be approached with care. The essays in this book reflect these ideas, and they explore a range of issues that are central to the understanding of contemporary German politics. The political focus is apparent in the analyses of the 1980 federal election and in the related contributions on political leadership and the questions surrounding German political culture. However, other themes also merit detailed attention: West German foreign policy and the Deutschlandpolitik as well as problems associated with university reform, the interpretation of German history, and the considerations affecting both the management and the performance of the West German economy. Finally, the discussion is concluded by examining the question of whether the German democracy does have 'secrets' that might explain the stability of the political system.

First Published in 1981. The essential stability of the Federal German Republic was once more confirmed by the outcome of the 1980 election. In other respects too, there was little evidence that Western Germany would emulate the 'crisis situation' affecting other West European states. Yet 'stability' is not an immobile condition, and since it results from the interaction of a number of factors - political, social and economic - no single explanation of Germany's performance is likely to be convincing. Furthermore, West Germany has to face several unresolved problems which, although not pointing to a fundamental crisis, remind us that the concept of 'stability' has to be approached with care. The essays in this book reflect these ideas, and they explore a range of issues that are central to the understanding of contemporary German politics. The political focus is apparent in the analyses of the 1980 federal election and in the related contributions on political leadership and the questions surrounding German political culture. However, other themes also merit detailed attention: West German foreign policy and the Deutschlandpolitik as well as problems associated with university reform, the interpretation of German history, and the considerations affecting both the management and the performance of the West German economy. Finally, the discussion is concluded by examining the question of whether the German democracy does have 'secrets' that might explain the stability of the political system.

Twenty-first-century US policymakers face a great challenge: How can federal government help more people achieve the American dream? Specifically, how can we provide greater opportunities for less-prosperous individuals, enabling them to succeed through hard work, on their merits, and take increased responsibility for their lives?

Lewis D. Solomon sees this as the challenge of our time. He seeks to thread the fine public policy needle between social democratic efforts to perfect the world and those who negatively view public sector programs. Based on the premise that capitalism is not inherently unjust and defective, and American capitalism's structural features do not inexorability thwart opportunity, Building an Opportunity Society offers the possibility of more limited, carefully structured, cost-effective, empirically verified federal policies and programs.

Solomon first provides the background and context of many existing domestic challenges and problems that the current and proposed federal policies and programs seek to address. He then analyzes the federal safety net that keeps Americans from poverty and helps reduce income inequality. Finally, he presents a lifecycle analysis of current federal policies and programs, preventive and remedial, designed as part of the Entitlement State, but if restructured could facilitate the building of an Opportunity Society. Solomon challenges policymakers to take a fresh look at how best to achieve society's goals for all citizens.

This book is about how Chinese entrepreneurs deal with China's most important institution-the government-in their struggle to survive and even prosper in China's transitional economy. It takes an "inside look" at several private firms in China and provides a first-hand account, as well as the underlying rationale and decision considerations, of their corporate political strategy. The book is based firmly on solid academic research but actually written with both practitioners and scholars in mind. It offers candid and insightful quotes and observations from the owners and executives of China's private firms with regards to their dealing with the government. This book advances a typology of corporate political strategies based on the respective motivations of the business (the entrepreneurs and their firms) and the government (the government institutions and individual officials) as well as the modes of their interactions. Eight different types of political strategies by China's private firms are identified and illustrated with real-life examples, ranging from one-night-stand, situational shopper, good ole friend, patronage seeker, model volunteer, institutional improviser, direct participator, to red hat insider. The book also dissects a living case and traces the development of one particular private firm, from its humble start-up to present day glory, which fittingly illustrates the evolution and dynamics of the various types of political strategies the firm employed at different stages of its growth. For anyone who wants to understand China's private firms and the Chinese government, thus be able to deal with them more effectively, this book is a must-read.

First published in 1981. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company.

Despite the so-called Third Wave of Democratization, many autocracies have been resilient in the face of political change. Moreover, many of the transition processes that could be included in the Third Wave have reached a standstill, or, at the very least, have taken a turn for the worse, leading sometimes to new forms of non-democratic regimes. As a result of these developments, the research on autocracies has experienced a revival in recent times. This unique two-volume work aims at taking stock of recent research and providing new conceptual, theoretical, and empirical insights into autocratic rule in the early twenty-first century. It is organized into two parts. The contributions in this first volume analyse the trajectories, manifestations and perspectives of non-democratic rule in general and autocratic rule in particular. It brings together some of the leading authoritarianism scholars in Europe and North America who address three broad questions: How to conceptualize and measure forms of autocratic regimes? What determines the persistence of autocratic rule? What is the role of political institutions, legitimation, ideology, and repression for the survival of different forms of autocratic rule? This book is an amalgam of articles from the journals Democratization, Contemporary Politics and Politische Vierteljahresschrift.

This book engagingly presents an intriguing account of many of the principles of UK government politics and how these have an important bearing on everyday office life as experienced by the working population. Here is a fascinating account of the findings of two former Cabinet ministers Lords Blunkett and Baker who were interviewed by the author. Oral testimony allows the reader to learn about the perspectives of political power brokers and provides data and insight not always apparent or revealed from historical records and archive material. The overriding aim is to analyse the nature of politicking in central government and to apply the techniques and lessons of national politics to everyday office life. The book offers a political framework, giving behavioural pointers to assist those who face challenging circumstances that could impinge on their well-being and business efficiency in the workplace. A back to basics methodology is advised, touching on a range of techniques, including, for example, that gossip is an effective way of getting back at someone. This touches upon Blunketts assertion that Michael Gove MP is a zealot and a politician having an ideological obsession. Applying the Lessons refers moreover to cases calling for bargaining and negotiation, also a part of the life of the whips in Parliament, and an essential tool for office business. As a seasoned historian and political analyst, Richard Willis revealingly unravels the nature of political power and control, and shows how Margaret Thatcher and Tony Blair initially supposedly gave Baker and Blunkett considerable scope in introducing reform. He goes on to explain how the two peers give their critique on policy-making against a background which is of definite benefit to office managers and supervisors, executive assistants, PAs, administrators, and administrative/administration assistants.

The troubles in Ireland are not new. They have taken a heavy toll in lives and, perhaps more importantly, in psychological health. From testing and interviews with the children, women, and men of Northern Ireland beginning in 1969, Fields has developed a case study of the long-term effects of stress on a population. She identifies certain social control mechanisms which produce a mixture of chaos and docility in the troubled North and argues that England has established these in order to destroy the identity of the people--a process of "psychological genocide."

This volume applies social-psychological theory to a concrete and ongoing situation in a way that is illuminating for the general reader and for the specialist. Fields has done what might appear obvious: to find out the effects of stress on a population by going to that population and observing what their lives are like. The remarkable fact is that until now, no one has done so.

First Published in 1983. This book brings together the best of Professor Keddie's articles on Iran both published and newly written and spans almost two decades. Long before the current religious-political alliance in Iran startled the world and toppled the Shah, Prof.Keddie undertook a series of studies that reveal the social, economic, doctrinal and political roots of what she was the first to call the 'Religious-Radical' alliance in Iran.