Analysing the relationship between civil society and the state, this book lays bare the assumptions informing peacebuilding practices and demonstrates through empirical research how such practices have led to new dynamics of conflict. The drive to establish a sustainable liberal peace largely escapes critical examination. When such attention is paid to peacebuilding practices, scholars tend to concentrate either on the military components of the mission or on the liberal economic reforms. This means that the roles of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) and the impact of attempting to nurture Northern forms of civil society is often overlooked. Focusing on the case of Cambodia, this book seeks to examine the assumptions underlying peacebuilding policies in order to highlight the reliance on a particular, linear reading of European / North American history. The author argues that such policies, in fostering a particular form of civil society, have affected patterns of conflict; dictating when and where politics can occur and who is empowered to participate in such practices. Drawing on interviews with NGO representatives and government representatives, this volume will assert that while the expansion of civil society may resolve some sources of conflict, its introduction has also created new dynamics of contestation. This book will be of much interest to students of peacebuilding, conflict resolution, development studies, S.E. Asian politics, and IR in general.

This book seeks to help shape the debate surrounding power and polarity in the twenty-first century both by assessing the likelihood of US decline and by analysing what each of the so-called 'rising powers' can do (in terms of 'hard' and 'soft' power), what they want to do (i.e. foreign and security policy), and the weaknesses and obstacles that may hinder their continued development. In doing so, it will examine the implications of a multipolar world for international security. American supremacy has generated intense debate surrounding both the nature and quality of this power, as well as the execution and thrust of US foreign policy. At the same time, significant developments in four rising powers - China, Russia, India and the European Union -- have provoked analysts to ask whether multipolarity is a realistic prospect. Such a development may result from a rebalancing occasioned by US decline or because the US, still hugely powerful, is joined by two or more of these states (or - in the case of the EU -- a collection of states). To be considered a pole', the potential competitors to the US will have to either amass sufficient power in all of Waltz's categories of power (including population size, territory, resources, economic wealth, military strength and competence') or manage to reshape the power paradigm to reflect a new kind of superpower. Written by a combination of emerging scholars and recognised experts, this volume will provide a timely and authoritative analysis of one of the most controversial and compelling security debates of the twenty-first century. The book will appeal to students of International Relations, Security Studies and Foreign Policy.

This book examines the ways in which long-term processes of state-formation limit the possibilities for short-term political projects of statebuilding.

Using process-oriented approaches, the contributing authors explore what happens when conscious efforts at statebuilding meet social contexts, and are transformed into daily routines. In order to explain their findings, they also analyse the temporally and spatially broader structures of world society which shape the possibilities of statebuilding.

Statebuilding and State-Formation includes a variety of case studies from post-conflict societies in Africa, Asia and Europe, as well as the headquarters and branch offices of international agencies. Drawing on various theoretical approaches from sociology and anthropology, the contributors discuss external interventions as well as self-led statebuilding projects. This edited volume is divided into three parts:

• Part I: State-Formation, Violence and Political Economy
• Part II: Governance, Legitimacy and Practice in Statebuilding and State-Formation
• Part III: The International Self Statebuilders Institutional Logics, Social Backgrounds and Subjectivities

The book will be of great interest to students of statebuilding and intervention, war and conflict studies, international security and IR.

How realistic is the prospect of peace in the Muslim world? This question is the predominant focus for global analysis today, but its debate frequently ignores the cultural and social complexity of the Muslim world, reducing it into a system of states and select actors. This book addresses such a failing by exploring how the everyday interactions of women, in accordance with Islamic personal ethics, can offer the world a new interpretation of peace. In particular, it focuses on the women in Islamic societies, from Aceh to Bosnia, Morocco to Bangladesh, initiating a dialogue on the role of these women in peacemaking. This concentration upon the complex issues of the everyday both enables a detailed exploration of how people conceptualise peace and opens up new frameworks for conflict resolution. The discussions that emerge lead to a critical questioning of assumptions about peace as a state policy and cessation of violence. Drawing upon original research from different parts of the Middle East, North Africa and Asia, including Iran, India, Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bosnia, Egypt and Sudan, the contributors offer a refreshing new look at Muslim women as peacemakers, challenging any assumptions of Islam as an inherently violent religion. Such a timely work provides new and important analyses on the role of Muslim women in forging new pathways of peace in the contemporary world.

This book traces practices of militarization and resistance that have emerged under the sign of motherhood in US Foreign Policy. The book traces this discourse against the background of three key moments of American foreign policy formation: the antinuclear movement of the 1980s, the Gulf War of the early 1990s, and the recent invasion of Iraq. For each of these moments it examines the emergence of a historically specific and emblematic maternalized mode of female embodiment (ranging from the hysterical' antinuclear protester to the figure of Supermom' to the grieving-mom-turned-war-protester), to shed light onto the various practices which define and enable expressions of American sovereignty. In so doing, it argues that the emergence of particular raced, gendered, and maternalized bodies ought not to be read as merely tangential to affairs of state, but as instantiations of global politics. This work urges an approach that rereads the body as an event' -- with significant implications for the ways in which international politics and gender are currently understood. This book will be of much interest to students of gender politics, critical security studies, US foreign policy and IR in general.

Peace and Conflict Studies: A Reader is a comprehensive and intensive introduction to the key works in this growing field. Peace and conflict studies, incorporating anthropology, sociology, political science, ethics, theology and history, aims to uncover the roots of conflict, transform the underlying causes, develop preventive strategies, and teach conflict resolution skills. As a trans-disciplinary inquiry into the nature of peace and the reasons for wars and other forms of human conflict, this discipline has grown exponentially since its birth about a half-century ago. Since 2000, in particular, there has been a sharp increase in peace and conflict studies curricula, particularly in the number of postgraduate peace studies programs. Presenting a range of theories, methodologies, and approaches to understanding peace and to transforming conflict, it contains both classic and cutting-edge contemporary analyses. The book has six general sections: PART I: The Meanings and History of Peace - philosophical, religious, social-scientific, and historical perspectives on the genealogy, history, and somewhat contested nature of peace and its study. PART II: The Meanings and Nature of Conflict - focusing on the reasons for violent conflicts, wars, and terrorism. PART III: The History of Peace and Conflict - histories of peace and social protest movements in general, and of democracy and nonviolent social movements in China and the former Soviet bloc in particular. PART IV: Conflict Management, Resolution, and Transformation - focuses on contending approaches to conflict management, resolution, and transformation, and includes assessments of diplomacy, realpolitik, international law, nonviolent revolutionary movements, disarmament, and reconciliation. PART V: Nonviolent Action and Social Change - classic essays on nonviolence in theory and as a way of life, as well as contemporary asssessments of nonviolence as a means of political transform

In this volume, Japan's alliance with the US is examined with reference to defence production and technology-sharing. The alliance's post-Cold War relevance is considered, and it is argued that there is a danger of significant tensions arising in the relationship from parallel rather than identical national interests. A widening gap between the respective interests forms a potentially fatal flaw in the relationship. Failure to move beyond bilateralism to multilateral answers threatens to indermine the search for regional peace.

This book critically investigates the discourses and practices of human security and aims to delve below the stereotypical imageries representing them. Drawing on Foucault and Deleuze, the author approaches human security from a new perspective, with the aim of ascertaining what has been behind and underneath a certain spatio-temporal articulation of human security, and with what political implications and consequences. Each human security assemblage is composed of messy discourses and practices which are loosely related and sometimes even disconnected. This book examines the Canadian and Japanese articulations of human security and establishes the kinds of structural terrains have enabled, shaped, or blocked the unfolding of these versions of human security. The pivotal contention of the book is that Canadian and Japanese articulations of human security have been different because they have grown from completely different domestic economies of power governing the relationship between the state apparatus and the non-profit and voluntary sector. While the Canadian human security assemblage has been shaped by transformations in the country's advanced liberal model of government, the Japanese has been shaped by the continuities of Japan's bureaucratic authoritarianism. A novel approach is employed for the related process-tracing: a general series linking structural conditions with actual articulations of the human security projects, and their further development, including analysis of their unintended consequences. This book will be of much interest to students of Critical Security Studies, human security, global governance, foreign policy and IR/Security studies.

This book addresses the evolution of the strategies, structures, ownership patterns and performances of large European corporations since the early 1960s. The authors study large and small countries, in order to understand how the process of economic integration has affected the patterns of growth and the structural characteristics of the largest firms. Drawing both on extensive databases and on case studies, the contributions in this volume address the peculiar specificities of large firms in different national contexts, adopting a longitudinal, long term perspective. This volume delivers the first results of an international, collective research effort undertaken by several national teams. The 'Mapping Corporate Europe' project aims to provide a detailed account of the structural traits of the European Corporation in a framework which includes (i) a chronological analysis over 50 years, starting with the Rome treaty in 1957; (ii) geographical extension beyond previous analyses for France, Germany and the UK, by including smaller countries; (iii) firms from other industries in addition to manufacturing companies; and (iv) attention to internationalisation of European firms. These analyses form the basis of a rich description of the developments of large European corporations over the past five decades, using both qualitative and quantitative approaches. This book was originally published as a special issue of Business History.

This book examines the continuing devastation in the Darfur region of Sudan, from the perspective of a multiplicity of conflicts of distinct types. The crisis reached its peak in 2003-2004, when certain Arab militias joined forces with the Sudan armed forces in a campaign against insurgent resistance movements. Engulfed in the tumult, Darfurians experienced systematic slaughter, sexual violence, and internal displacement on a massive scale. Although the violence has waned in recent years, the fighting continues to this day. The authors cast this crisis as a complex web of four distinct, yet interlacing, conflict types: long-standing disputes between farmers and herders and between different herder communities political struggles between the local elite leaders of the resistance movements, and those between traditional leaders (elders) and younger aspiring leaders long-standing grievances of marginalized groups against those at the national centre of power cross-border conflicts, primarily the proxy war waged between Chad and Sudan The crisis in South Sudan is also examined through the lens of conflict complementarity. This book will be of interest to students of African politics, genocide, political violence, ethnic conflict, war and conflict studies, peacebuilding and IR.

The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) offers a legal framework for the sustainable development of the oceans and their natural resources. However, recently there have been calls to amend the Convention due to some ambiguous provisions which are unable to address a variety of contemporary maritime issues. This book evaluates the applicability and effectiveness of UNCLOS as a settlement mechanism for addressing ocean disputes. The book's central focus is on the South China Sea (SCS) dispute, one of the most complex and challenging ocean-related conflicts in the world. The book examines the ways in which an emphasis on sovereignty, threats to maritime security and overlapping maritime claims caused by the newly established maritime regimes authorized by UNCLOS are all contributing factors to the SCS dispute. The book considers the internal coherence of the Law of the Sea Convention regime and its dispute settlement procedures. It looks at participation in the UNCLOS negotiations, maritime legislation, and the dispute settlement practice of relevant States party to the SCS dispute. The author goes on to explore the relationship between UNCLOS and the regimes and institutions in the SCS, particularly in regard to issues of maritime security, marine environment protection, joint development of oil and gas and general political interaction. The author proposes practical mechanisms to resolve the dispute whilst also offering a final judgement on the effectiveness of UNCLOS for settling disputes. UNCLOS and Ocean Dispute Settlement will be of particular interest to academics, students and policy makers of international, shipping and maritime law as well as being of interest to academics and students in the field of international relations.

This book uses empirical evidence from various case studies to examine the relationship between territorial and regional autonomy, the nation-state and ethnic conflict resolution in South and South-East Asia. The concept of territorial or regional autonomy holds centre stage in the literature on ethnic conflict settlement because it is supposed to be able to reconcile two paradoxical objectives: the preservation of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the state, and the satisfaction of ethnic minorities' right to national self-determination. Critics argue, however, that autonomy may not be the panacea for ethnic conflict in all cases. The contributing authors begin with the concept of territorial or regional autonomy and subject it to a rigorous empirical analysis, which provides reliable evidence regarding the suitability of the autonomy solution to intractable ethnic conflicts. Drawing upon case studies from Kashmir, Assam, Sri Lanka, Aceh, Mindanao and Southern Thailand, this edited volume argues that autonomy arrangements may at best work to resolve only a handful of separatist ethnic conflicts in South and South-East Asia. This book will be of much interest to students of South and South-East Asia, Asian security, ethnic conflict, peace studies and IR in general.

The relationship of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty with India has been an interesting subject in the field of security studies. The nuclearisation of India and its subsequent rise are further forcing the world to redefine its relationship with the treaty. However, the international response is quite mixed. The old mindset still thinks that India may join the treaty as a Non-Nuclear Weapon State. Scholars appear divided whether India should join the treaty as a nuclear weapon country.

The book discusses current crises of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty which are going to figure in the 2010 Review Conference of the treaty.

This book was published as a special issue of The Strategic Analysis.

"Diplomatic Interventions" argues that war is a social construction. In so doing, it unsettles the definition of intervention, as a coercive interference by one state in the affairs of another, to examine the range of communicative or 'diplomatic' practices which through their presence modify the experience of war. The tension between claims that war is pervasive and that war is a social construct is analysed in relation to a range of moral, legal, military, economic, cultural, and therapeutic interventions. The concluding chapter highlights how the book itself is a critical intervention that requires us look at again from a new angle at international practice.

This is a major new collection of essays on literary and cultural representations of migration and terrorism, the cultural impact of 9/11, and the subsequent 'war on terror'. The collection commences with analyses of the relationship between migration and terrorism, which has been the focus of much mainstream political and media debate since the attacks on America in 2001 and the London bombings in 2005, not least because liberal democratic governments in Europe and North America have invoked such attacks to justify the regulation of migration and the criminalisation of 'minority' groups. Responding to the consequent erosion of the liberal democratic rights of the individual, leading scholars assess the various ways in which literary texts support and/or interrogate the conflation of narratives of transnational migration and perceived terrorist threats to national security. This crucial debate is furthered by contrasting analyses of the manner in which novelists from the UK, North Africa, the US and Palestine have represented 9/11, exploring the event's contexts and ramifications. This path-breaking study complicates the simplistic narratives of revenge and wronged innocence commonly used to make sense of the attacks and to justify the US response. Each novel discussed seeks to interrogate and analyse a discourse typically dominated by consent, belligerence and paranoia. Together, the collected essays suggest the value of literature as an effective critical intervention in the very fraught political aftermath of the 'war on terror'. This book was published as a special issue of the Journal of Postcolonial Writing.

This book explores the issue of civilian devastation in modern warfare, focusing on the complex processes that effectively establish civilians' identity in times of war. Underpinning the physicality of war's tumult are structural forces that create landscapes of civilian vulnerability. Such forces operate in four sectors of modern warfare: nationalistic ideology, state-sponsored militaries, global media, and international institutions. Each sector promotes its own constructions of civilian identity in relation to militant combatants: constructions that prove lethal to the civilian noncombatant who lacks political power and decision-making capacity with regards to their own survival. Civilians and Modern War provides a critical overview of the plight of civilians in war, examining the political and normative underpinnings of the decisions, actions, policies, and practices of major sectors of war. The contributors seek to undermine the 'tunnelling effect' of the militaristic framework regarding the experiences of noncombatants. This book will be of much interest to students of war and conflict studies, ethics, conflict resolution, and IR/Security Studies.

Problem-oriented policing has been one of the most significant new approaches to policing and crime reduction in recent years, and in the UK significant funding was provided to a variety of projects adopting a problem solving methodology in both policing and crime prevention and reduction partnerships as part of the government's Crime Reduction Programme. This book aims to draw upon the main findings of this initiative, to provide an overview of the government's Targeted Policing Initiative as a whole, to describe findings about the adoption of a problem solving approach, and to indicate what was learned from efforts to address the specific problems targeted in the evaluated initiatives.

The book provides critical perspectives that reach beyond the technical approaches of international financial institutions and proponents of the liberal peace formula. It investigates political economies characterized by the legacies of disruption to production and exchange, by population displacement, poverty, and by 'criminality'.

Exploring the links between armed conflict and transnational crime, Florian Weigand builds on in-depth empirical research into some of Southeast Asia's murkiest borders. The disparate voices of drug traffickers, rebel fighters, government officials and victims of armed conflict are heard in Conflict and Transnational Crime, exploring perspectives that have been previously disregarded in understanding the field. Weigand's nuanced comparative analysis of four border regions in Southeast Asia counters the stereotypical view that conflict zones are lawless areas in which all kinds of criminal activities flourish. Chapters illustrate the logic that determines the relationship between armed conflict and transnational crime. Further, the book analyses how smuggling economies function in conflict zones, explaining why some rebel groups are involved in the smuggling economy more than others, and why state actors actually play a much more crucial role. This crucial study will be a compelling read for international relations, political sociology and development studies scholars. The in-depth analysis of real-life situations will also greatly benefit policy-makers and aid organisations looking to better support areas at the heart of conflict and transnational crime.

This book seeks to explain why international donors may succeed in putting war-torn countries on the path of democratic transition and negative peace, but fail to consolidate the gains they make. Cambodia provides an excellent example for international peace builders: the donor community spent billions of dollars rebuilding the country between 1992 and 2006, but democracy remains unconsolidated and may even be receding towards "electoral dictatorship." Critical of neo-institutionalism, but sympathetic to historical and normative institutionalism, this book advances a theory called "complex realist institutionalism" to explain the limits of international democracy assistance to post-war societies.

Business, Conflict Resolution and Peacebuilding examines the actions currently being taken by businesses in areas of violent conflict around the world, and explores how they can make a significant contribution to the resolution of violent conflicts through business-based peacebuilding. This book combines two approaches to provide a comprehensive look at the current state and future of business- based peacebuilding. It marries a detailed study of documented peacebuilding activities with a map of the possibilities for future business-related conflict work and pragmatic suggestions for business leaders, conflict resolution practitioners, and peacebuilding organizations. The use of the label 'business-based peacebuilding' is new and signifies actions business can take beyond simple legal compliance or making changes to avoid creating a conflict. Although business-based peacebuilding is new, examples are included from around the world to illustrate that, working together, businesses have a strong contribution to make to the creation of peaceful societies. The book advocates pragmatic peacebuilding, which is not overly concerned with cause-driven models of conflict. Instead, pragmatic peacebuilding encourages an examination of what is needed in the conflict and what can be provided. This approach is free of some of the ideological baggage of traditional peacebuilding and allows for a much wider range of participants in the peacebuilding project. This book will be of much interest to students of peace studies, conflict resolution, international security and business studies, as well as to practitioners and business leaders. Derek Sweetman is Dispute Resolution Director for Better Business Bureau in Washington, DC and Instructor at New Century College, George Mason University, USA.

This book explores the conditions under which non-state armed groups (NSAGs) participate in post-war security and political governance.

The text offers a comprehensive approach to post-war security transition processes based on five years of participatory research with local experts and representatives of former non-state armed groups. It analyses the successes and limits of peace negotiations, demobilisation, arms management, political or security sector integration, socio-economic reintegration and state reform from the direct point of view of conflict stakeholders who have been central participants in ongoing and past peacebuilding processes.

Challenging common perceptions of ex-combatants as "spoilers" or "passive recipients of aid," the various contributors examine the post-war transitions of these individuals from state challengers to peacebuilding agents. The book concludes on a cross-country comparative analysis of the main research findings and the ways in which they may facilitate a participatory, inclusive and gender-sensitive peacebuilding strategy.

Post-War Security Transitions will be of much interest to students of peacebuilding, security governance, war and conflict studies, political violence and IR in general.

This book brings together policymakers and academics to analyse the international community's performance in post-war statebuilding projects. In the past twenty years, statebuilding has emerged as a centerpiece of international efforts to stabilize violent conflicts. From the Balkans, to Iraq, to Afghanistan, it has become widely accepted that statebuilding-defined as the development of transparent and accountable political institutions, stable and sustainable economic structures, professional public administrations, and civilian-controlled security services-is essential to the long-term stability of post-conflict settlements. The International Community and Statebuilding brings together senior-level policymakers and academics in order to analyse the international community's performance in post-war statebuilding projects. Filling an important gap in the existing body of work on this topic, the contributors explore how international state builders have attempted to negotiate the intersections of multilateralism, competing strategic priorities and agendas, organizational complexity, and domestic politics. This book will be of much interest to students of statebuilding, peacebuilding, war and conflict studies, and International Relations in general.

This book presents a new theoretical framework through which to understand the role of regional powers in creating and maintaining regional security orders. As a result of the retreat of the global powers since the end of the Cold War, it has become clear that international security dynamics are less explicable without considering the regional level as a primary focus for most states. The authors contend that these dynamics, which include the identification, management and prevention of security threats, are heavily influenced by regional powers. The regional level in this text is defined on the basis of regional sub-systems, more specifically Regional Security Complexes. Within this context, the authors utilize their framework to address how security orders are defined and how regional powers are identified. The focus then turns to an analysis of how the roles and foreign policy orientations of regional powers, conditioned by the presence of material capabilities, affect the development of regional security orders. The authors then present a comparative analysis of Russia, Brazil and India within their own security complexes to demonstrate an application of the framework. This book will be of interest to students of regional security, international security, foreign policy and International Relations in general.

Local and Global Dynamics of Peacebuilding examines the complex contributing factors which led to war and state collapse in Sierra Leone, and the international peacebuilding and statebuilding operations which followed the cessation of the violence.

This book presents a nuanced and contextually specific knowledge on Sierra Leone 's political and war histories, and the outcomes of the implementation of programmes of post-conflict reforms. It embodies an analysis of the complex challenges involved in aligning international norms and values to local expectations and local priorities, and examines the role of local and global actors and structures in attempts to build a strong state and lasting peace. Using a theoretical framework informed by liberal peace philosophy, as well as detailed and nuanced empirical evidence from the field, the book constructs a critical analysis of the contemporary global paradigm for building longer-term peace in war-torn, fractured and fragile societies.

This book will be of much interest to students of peacebuilding, war and conflict studies, development studies, African politics, and IR/security studies.