This book is a critical study of incentives commonly used to induce non-state armed groups to engage in peace negotiations. It offers a closer analysis of these incentives, which offer such groups a place or a stake in governance, suggesting that not only are they frequently ineffective, but that they can have unintended and dangerous side effects.

This book examines the dynamics of the modern relationship between China and India. As key emerging powers in the international system, India and especially China have received much attention. However, most analysts who have studied Sino-Indian relations have done so through a neorealist lens which emphasizes the conflictual and competitive elements within the overall relationship. This has had the effect of obscuring how the China-India relationship is currently in the process of transformation.

Drawing on a detailed and systematic analysis of the interlinked and increasingly important issues of maritime security in the Indian Ocean region, energy demands and concerns, and economic growth and interchange, Amardeep Athwal shows that not only is there an absence of mutual threat perception, but Sino-Indian bilateral trade is increasingly being framed institutionally and China and India are also beginning to coordinate policy in important areas such as energy policy. He concludes that neorealist accounts of Sino-Indian relations have difficulty in explaining these recent developments. However, rather than rejecting neorealist explanations in their entirety, he points towards a theoretical pluralism with an appeal to 'soft' realism and theories of neoliberalism and peaceful change.

China-India Relations will be of interest to scholars of international relations and politics, international business and Asian studies.

Previously published as a special issue of Ethnopolitics, this volume analyzes various dimensions of the internationalized state-building process in Bosnia and Herzegovina since 1995. In December 1995, the Dayton Agreements ended the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina and established a fragile peace between the former conflict parties. The settlement seemed morally wrong and politically impracticable, but still necessary in order to end violence of a scale and intensity not seen in Europe since the end of the Second World War. The leading contributors conclude that internationalized state-building can only serve well in the stabilization of states emerging from conflict if it draws on a well-balanced approach of consociational techniques, moderated by integrative policies, tempered by a wider regional outlook and sustained by resourceful and skilled international involvement. The experience of Bosnia and Herzegovina may not have scored full marks in all of these categories, but important lessons can be gleaned for other similar contemporary and future challenges that the international community no doubt will have to face. This book will be of interest to students and scholars of international organizations, civil wars and ethnic conflicts, international law and peace studies.

A singular development in the post-Cold War era is the use of military force to protect human beings. From Rwanda to Kosovo, Sierra Leone to East Timor, and Libya to Cote d'Ivoire, soldiers have rescued civilians in some of the world's most notorious war zones. But what about Syria? Why have we observed the Syrian slaughter and done nothing? Is humanitarian intervention in crisis? Is the so-called responsibility to protect dead or alive? In this fully revised and expanded third edition of his highly accessible and popular text, Thomas Weiss explores these compelling questions. Drawing on a wide range of case studies and providing a persuasive overview of the theory and practice of humanitarian intervention in the modern world, he examines its political, ethical, legal, strategic, economic, and operational dimensions to highlight key debates and controversies. Neither celebratory nor complacent, his analysis is an engaging exploration of the current quandaries and future challenges for robust international humanitarian action in the twenty-first century.

This book explores how governance structures - domestic political institutions, international peacekeeping efforts, armed interventions by other states - and natural resources affect the onset, dynamics and the termination of civil wars. Written by leading researchers in the field of conflict research, it provides new insights into, and offers fresh perspectives on the role of governance structures and resources in civil conflict, suggesting that many of the same set of factors play important roles in the onset and dynamics of civil conflict as well as in the termination of such conflicts and in post-conflict stability. Presenting a variety of theoretical approaches and case studies on India, Sudan, the Basque country and Costa Rica, Governance, Resources and Civil Conflict will be of interest to students and scholars of politics, international relations and conflict studies.

Examining Russian military intelligence in the war with Japan of 1904-05, this book, based on newly-accessible documents from the tsarist era military, naval and diplomatic archives, gives an overview of the origins, structure and performance of Russian military intelligence in the Far East at the turn of the twentieth century, investigating developments in strategic and tactical military espionage, as well as combat renaissance. It provides a comprehensive reappraisal of the role of military intelligence in the years immediately preceding the First World War, by comparing the Russian military secret services to those of the other great powers, including Britain, Germany, France and Japan.

First published on an extremely limited scale in the 1930s, Dr. Jacob ter Meulen's pathbreaking bibliography of four centuries of peace literature remains unsurpassed for the period it explores. The work was originally completed by Dr. ter Meulen, the librarian of the Peace Palace in the Hague, under the auspices of the International Committee of Historical Sciences with the financial support of the Norwegian Nobel Institute. The bibliography lists close to 4,000 titles in chronological order, from the beginning of printing until the end of the nineteenth century and is accompanied by comprehensive author indexes. In his valuable introductory essay, editor Dr. Peter van den Dungen traces the origins and progress of ter Meulen's ambitious and still-unrivaled project, provides a detailed discussion of the bibliography's significance for students of peace and internationalism, and analyzes the growth of the peace literature in a variety of languages during the period covered--1480 to 1898. The bibliography itself is divided into two sections that look at the peace literature from 1480 to 1776 and then from 1776 to 1898. Each part is followed by its own author index. A separate foreword by Arthur Eyffinger provides biographical information on ter Meulen and outlines the history and scope of the Peace Palace Library, ter Meulen's nearly three-decade librarianship, and the project itself. As the primary bibliography for the historical peace literature, this volume should be part of the reference collections of larger university and public libraries and of every college and university with a Peace Studies course. Independent peace organizations both academic and activist, here and abroad, aswell as historians will find this reference invaluable to their work.

This important new handbook examines the growing field of Intelligence Studies from A-to-Z. It explains how intelligence agencies operate; how they collect information from around the world; the problems faced in providing further insight into this 'raw' information through the techniques of analysis; and the difficulties that accompany the dissemination of intelligence to policymakers in a timely manner.
The Handbook of Intelligence Studies contextualises the history, politics, and policies that are part and parcel of a solid understanding of how intelligence agencies function in the modern era - an 'Information Age' characterized by the rapid flow of data around the globe. Since 9/11, people around the world have acquired a greater appreciation for the importance of the information obtained by the officials responsible for protecting their security. Across the globe, nations are experimenting with new forms of intelligence capabilities, including a strong emphasis on accountability in countries that were formerly led by autocratic regimes with notoriously unsavoury secret services.
This handbook is a benchmark publication with major importance both for current research and for the future of the field. It will be essential reading for advanced undergraduates, graduate students and scholars of intelligence studies, international security, strategic studies and political science in general.

This ground-breaking book examines how and why the much-vaunted Oslo Peace Accords between the Israelis and Palestinians collapsed. The author analyzes the players on both sides of the accords, pointing out the attitudes and actions that serve to undermine peace and promote conflict. On the one hand, she criticizes the Islamist organizations Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad for not tolerating the idea of any true long-term peace with Israel. On the other hand, she scrutinizes the factions for and against Oslo that developed within Israeli government circles, and she calls into question the ability of Israeli intelligence to correctly assess the Palestinian negotiators. By means of such examination, this book poses a fundamental question: Can Islamic fundamentalism ever accept the existence of Israel or will it short-circuit any prospect of peace between majority-Muslim states and their non-Muslim counterparts?

Although each state is unique it is possible to identify certain common problems and issues with respect to defence governance and management. Governance and Management of Defence is a unique introduction to all the key principles of governance and management through the clear identification of these commonalities. The leading contributors that this volume brings together also show that if individuals are keen to reform practices within their defence establishments they need to be aware of the many constraints and obstacles that may challenge their endeavours. Each contributor is an acknowledged expert in their field and identifes examples of good practice from across the world and the steps taken to implement that practice. This new volume work supports teaching with accessible prompts for reflective activity. The editors recognize that many readers will not be native English speakers, so plain English is used throughout with international examples and case studies to make all the topics and themes clearly relevant and understandable. This is the ideal introductory text for any course that deals with management within the defence sector This book will be of great interest to all students of armed forces and defence management, politics and strategic and military studies.

When the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA) was founded just over a century ago the practice of referring disputes to international tribunals was un usual. Instead, arbitration, with its procedural emphasis on party-autonomy, was seen as the only acceptable way for sovereign states to settle their differences peacefully. War and neutrality, as Professor Shabtai Rosenne explains in his in troduction to this most welcome publication of extracts from the proceedings of the International Peace Conferences, were regarded as inevitable realities of in ternational relations as late as the mid-twentieth century. Moreover, a perma nent tribunal with international jurisdiction would not have stood much chance of either success, or survival, at the end ofthe nineteenth century. The First International Peace Conference in 1899 adopted the 1899 Conven tion for the Pacific Settlement of International Disputes, the objectives of which were international disarmament and the strengthening of international dispute settlement as an alternative to war. The 1899 Convention alsocreated the PCA in an effort to institutionalize dispute resolution through a third party mechanism."

The history of United Nations peacekeeping is largely one of failure. This book puts a case for augmenting "ad hoc" peacekeepers with competent contract labour; and within the constraints of a new legal regime, supporting future operations with well-trained contractors who might subdue by force those who inflict gross human rights abuses on others.

While conscientious objection in the twentieth century has been well documented, there has been surprisingly little study of its long history in America's early conflicts. Peter Brock, one of the foremost historians of American pacifism, seeks to remedy this oversight by presenting a rich and varied collection of documents, many drawn from obscure sources, that shed new light on American religious and military history. These include legal findings, church and meeting proceedings, appeals by non-conformists to government authorities, and illuminating excerpts from personal journals.One of the most striking features to emerge from these documents is the critical role of religion in the history of American pacifism. Brock finds that virtually all who refused military service in this period were inspired by religious convictions, with Quakers frequently being the most ardent dissenters. A dramatic, powerful portrait of early American pacifism, Liberty and Conscience presents not only the thought and practice of the objectors themselves, but also the response of the authorities and the general public.

This edited collection offers a comprehensive examination of theory, research, and practice in crisis (hostage) negotiation from the perspectives of communication, law enforcement, psychology, sociology, and criminology. The volume identifies promising conceptual frameworks for the development of research on crisis negotiation. This book is also useful to crisis negotiation trainers and leaders in law enforcement who are searching for insight beyond anecdotal stories and who recognize the need for more rigorous application of behavioral science to the practice of crisis negotiation.

This book aims to initiate among students and other readers critical and interdisciplinary reflections on key problems concerning development, gender relations, peace and environment, with a special emphasis on North-South relations. This volume offers a selection of the author's research in different parts of the world during 50 years of contributing to an interdisciplinary scientific debate and addressing social answers to urgent global problems. After the author's biography and bibliography, the second part analyses the development processes of several countries in the South that resulted in a dynamic of underdevelopment. The deep-rooted gender discrimination is also reflected in the destructive exploitation of natural resources and the pollution of soils, water and air. Since the beginning of the Anthropocene in the mid-20th century, the management of human society and global resources has been unsustainable and has created global environmental change and multiple conflicts over scarce and polluted resources. Peace and development policies aiming at gender equity and sustainable environmental management, where water and food are crucial for the survival of humankind, focus on systemic alternatives embedded in a path of sustainability transition. * This book reviews multiple influences from Europe, Africa and Latin America on a leading social scientist and activist on gender, development and environment aiming at a world with equity, sustainability, peace and harmony between nature and humans.* This pioneer volume analyses social and environmental conflicts and peace processes in Latin America, with a special focus on Mexico, by addressing the development of under-development, global environmental change, poverty, nutrition and the North-South gap.* This volume focuses on environmental deterioration with a special emphasis on food and water and proposes systemic changes towards a sustainability transition with peace, regional development and gender equity.* This pioneering work offers alternative approaches to regional development, food sovereignty and holistic development processes from a gender perspective.

Based on original empirical research, this book explores retributive and gender justice, the potentials and limits of agency, and the correlation of transitional justice and social change through case studies of current dynamics in post-violence countries such Rwanda, South Africa, Cambodia, East Timor, Columbia, Chile and Germany.

It may seem a strange notion to give the private sector a role in conflict prevention or resolution, but multinational corporations (MNCs) do have some characteristics that make them good partners in a well-designed strategy for peace and stability. By focusing on their core competencies, their presence in a conflict region can help to provide prosperity for rebuilding society and its institutions, and improved respect for human rights. This book is not a song of praise for MNCs in general. There is a litany of examples of companies that feel no shame in profiting from conflicts by trading weapons or illegal resources, that prolong war by supporting one or other of the parties, or that are only in a war-torn country because the lawlessness suits them well. Even companies that refrain from such criminal activities cannot be envisaged as potential peace-builders if they profit unscrupulously from cheap labour or cheap subcontractors. Instead, this book is about corporations that are disposed to ethical, responsible entrepreneurship: companies that balance their desire for profit with compliance with international business and human rights standards and with a genuine investment in local workers, environmental protection, social development and stability. Worldwide about 60,000 MNCs work in over 70 conflict regions. They operate in regions where social unrest is harshly repressed, where outright fighting takes place, or where civil war has recently ended. Whatever the attitude of multinationals and whatever their area of business, they influence conflicts or are themselves influenced by conflicts. Even if they do not directly invest in or trade with a conflict region, they always risk being associated with those conflicts. The Profit of Peace examines how multinationals can use their core business competencies to promote peace and stability in conflict regions and what role - if any - business has in diplomacy. To investigate these questions the authors interviewed CEOs and high-level managers of multinationals working in 'challenging' countries such as Afghanistan, Burma and Rwanda. The interviewees provided extraordinarily candid views on both the practical and ethical issues that occur when operating under extremely volatile circumstances. The lessons learned by these managers make the book invaluable for any manager working for a large company in a region of unrest. Two vital elements emerged. Firstly, the ability to manage cultural differences is a key factor for success. Without a keen sense of the differences in management styles, in perceptions of ethics and morality, and in the values behind political opinions, every peace effort is doomed to fail. Secondly, ethically correct decisions do not necessarily lead to ethically correct results. It was not the objective of the authors to judge which of the parties in conflict regions are right or wrong. Rather, they wanted to find out what kind of attitude at the end of the day contributes most effectively to conflict prevention or stabilisation of a region. In other words, in this book corporate responsibility is measured by the results and not by the intentions. All of the CEOs interviewed for this book were well aware of the fact that their companies operating in conflict regions would always influence the conflict one way or another. This awareness in itself is quite extraordinary, and it shows that the indifferent comment "business is business" by and large belongs to a past era. Also extraordinary was that the managers allowed such a frank look into their sanctuary, since this candour makes them all the more vulnerable to criticism. Through the information from the interviewees and from other managers who have experience in conflict regions, the book outlines the ingredients for an approach that can best lead to a solution of conflicts and to greater stability. It will only be in the long run that we will be able to establish how successful the new profession of 'business diplomat' can be, but in the meantime the daily practices of MNCs show that they can work on 'the profit of peace'. This book is based on investigative journalism and contains many examples of best practices worldwide. It will be essential reading for practitioners, policy-makers and students involved with corporate social responsibility, peace studies, development studies and stakeholder management.

This book analyzes the civil war in Yemen and how intervening external actors have shaped the trajectory of the conflict. The work examines the conflict in Yemen as a testing ground for expectations about the autonomy and control of proxies by external patrons and the direct consequences for civilian victimization and duration of war. Like other proxy wars, the international dimensions of the war made the conflict in Yemen subject to the geopolitical interests of intervening powers. The longstanding power rivalry between Saudi Arabia and Iran over Middle East supremacy resulted in a competitive intervention in Yemen, where the initial belligerents of the civil war-the Houthi and the Hadi regime-were used as proxies by Tehran and the Gulf coalition led by Riyadh, respectively. Their intervention ultimately translated into a prolonged and destructive conflict. The often contradictory and self-interested patronage strategies by the coalition's two central patrons, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, undermined their broader goal of containing Iran. However, Iran's support for the Houthis enabled them to bait and bleed the Gulf coalition. Lastly, in an effort to balance against Iran, the United States underwrote the military campaign of the Gulf states with military hardware and personnel, thereby further prolonging the conflict and humanitarian disaster. This book concludes that intervention by external patrons both protracted the civil war and made it far more destructive for the civilian population. This book will be of much interest to students of proxy wars, Middle Eastern conflict, and security studies in general.

This book develops a novel approach to peace and conflict studies, through an original application of the philosophy of Jacques Derrida to the post-conflict politics of Northern Ireland and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Based on new readings of the peace agreements and the post-conflict political systems, the book goes beyond accounts that present a static picture of 'fixed divisions' in these cases. By exploring how formal electoral politics and the informal political spheres of artistic, cultural, judicial and protest movements already contest the politics of division, the book argues that the post-conflict political systems in Northern Ireland and Bosnia and Herzegovina are in a process of deconstruction. The text adds to the Derridean lexicon by developing the idea of a 'deconstructive conclusion', which challenges historical understandings of conflicts at the same time as challenging their consequences in the present. The study provides a critical contribution to peacebuilding and International Relations literature, by demonstrating how Derridean concepts can be utilised to provide fresh understandings of conflict and post-conflict situations, as well as allowing for political interventions to be made into these processes.

Israel is a Jewish state in a Muslim Middle East. How can it survive in that region? This book answers this question by analyzing the dangers and threats that Israel faces today.
The author analyses the unstable character of the Middle East, and the agents of this instability. Looking at the relationship of Israel with each one of its neighbors: the Palestinians, Egypt, Jordan, Syria, and Saudi Arabia, the potential risks and opportunities which each neighbor poses to Israel are discussed. The author suggests how Israel should prepare itself, militarily and politically, to maintain a balance of power with its adversaries, and to maintain its strategic deterrence.
The book also highlights an important component of Israel's strength: the endurance and the cohesion of its social fabric, which the author sees as the key to his country's survival in the Middle East.
The author's final recommendation is a combined one: Israel has to preserve its military superiority in the region, to retain defensible borders, but to relentlessly pursue a comprehensive agreement with the Palestinian people, an agreement which he considers the key to a change for Arab-Israeli relations.
Written by Israel's former deputy minister of defense, Navigating Perilous Waters will be essential reading for all those interested in contemporary politics in the Middle East.

Clashes over environmental issues often leave government agencies, industry and activists locked in unproductive political or legal combat. Increasingly, players from all sides are conceding that there must be some other way of resolving environmental conflicts. This book examines that proposition by examining how and why conflicts occur and whether approaches to conflict resolution based on consensus building could be more widely applied. It differs from existing books by covering both environmental mediation and public participation and by analysing detailed case studies from the UK, the US and the Netherlands. In addition, the book explores official resistance to the wider use of consensus building, arguing that government agencies that have resisted participation and mediation cannot be dismissed as the problem but have to be part of the solution. The concluding chapter suggests general principles for effective partnership working concerning the remits, resources and the timescales within which agencies operate.

Most studies of international negotiations take successful talks as their subject. With a few notable exceptions, analysts have paid little attention to negotiations ending in failure. The essays in "Unfinished Business" show that as much, if not more, can be learned from failed negotiations as from successful negotiations with mediocre outcomes. "Failure" in this study pertains to a set of negotiating sessions that were convened for the purpose of achieving an agreement but instead broke up in continued disagreement.
Seven case studies compose the first part of this volume: the United Nations negotiations on Iraq, the Middle East Peace Summit at Camp David in 2000, Iran-European Union negotiations, the Cyprus conflict, the Biological Weapons Convention, the London Conference of 1830-33 on the status of Belgium, and two hostage negotiations (Waco and the Munich Olympics). These case studies provide examples of different types of failed negotiations: bilateral, multilateral, and mediated (or trilateral). The second part of the book analyzes empirical findings from the case studies as causes of failure falling in four categories: actors, structure, strategy, and process. This is an analytical framework recommended by the Processes of International Negotiation, arguably the leading society dedicated to research in this area. The last section of "Unfinished Business" contains two summarizing chapters that provide broader conclusions--lessons for theory and lessons for practice.

In an age of unprecedented world-wide prosperity, forty per cent of Africa's 600 million people exist on less than US $1 per day, and a third of its 53 states are affected by conflict.
The African Union (AU) is intended, in part, to mark a new beginning where Africans are more focused on the current issues they confront. In particular, the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) has been hailed by African leaders as an important new initiative in development that asks the Africans themselves to assume responsibility for fostering democracy, good governance, and conflict resolution.
Now is therefore an appropriate time to examine the prospects for African development and conflict resolution. Does NEPAD represent an approach that could at least provide some hope to ending Africa's poor economic performance and does it and the AU represent a new approach towards conflict resolution? Will NEPAD have a marked impact on the quality of political, economic and corporate governance in Africa? Or are NEPAD and the AU just two more grand proposals destined to die rather quickly?
This book provides a brief review of African development and security over the past three decades. It assesses the progress made by South Africa since 1994 and describes current Western approaches to Africa with a focus on how much opportunity these stances provide for countries south of the Sahara to develop comprehensive new ideas to address their problems. The book reviews NEPAD and the AU to gauge the potential of these initiatives to take advantage of Western policies and to address Africa's structural problems. It suggests what must be done for African countries to reverse their growth and security trajectories by asking if any African country will establish the prerequisites for sustained high-level growth.