This book seeks to explain why international donors may succeed in putting war-torn countries on the path of democratic transition and negative peace, but fail to consolidate the gains they make. Cambodia provides an excellent example for international peace builders: the donor community spent billions of dollars rebuilding the country between 1992 and 2006, but democracy remains unconsolidated and may even be receding towards "electoral dictatorship." Critical of neo-institutionalism, but sympathetic to historical and normative institutionalism, this book advances a theory called "complex realist institutionalism" to explain the limits of international democracy assistance to post-war societies.

Ethnic conflicts have shaped the 20th century in significant ways. While the legacy of the last century is primarily one of many unresolved conflicts, the author contends that Western Europe has a track record in containing and settling ethnic conflicts which provides valuable lessons for conflict management elsewhere. Focusing on ethno-territorial crossborder conflicts in Alsace, the Saarland, South Tyrol, and Northern Ireland, Andorra and the New Hebrides, the author develops a four-dimensional analytical framework that synthesizes the distinct factors that influence the complex relationship between host-state, kin-state, actors in the disputed territory, and in the international context.

This book explores the conditions under which non-state armed groups (NSAGs) participate in post-war security and political governance.

The text offers a comprehensive approach to post-war security transition processes based on five years of participatory research with local experts and representatives of former non-state armed groups. It analyses the successes and limits of peace negotiations, demobilisation, arms management, political or security sector integration, socio-economic reintegration and state reform from the direct point of view of conflict stakeholders who have been central participants in ongoing and past peacebuilding processes.

Challenging common perceptions of ex-combatants as "spoilers" or "passive recipients of aid," the various contributors examine the post-war transitions of these individuals from state challengers to peacebuilding agents. The book concludes on a cross-country comparative analysis of the main research findings and the ways in which they may facilitate a participatory, inclusive and gender-sensitive peacebuilding strategy.

Post-War Security Transitions will be of much interest to students of peacebuilding, security governance, war and conflict studies, political violence and IR in general.

This book brings together policymakers and academics to analyse the international community's performance in post-war statebuilding projects. In the past twenty years, statebuilding has emerged as a centerpiece of international efforts to stabilize violent conflicts. From the Balkans, to Iraq, to Afghanistan, it has become widely accepted that statebuilding-defined as the development of transparent and accountable political institutions, stable and sustainable economic structures, professional public administrations, and civilian-controlled security services-is essential to the long-term stability of post-conflict settlements. The International Community and Statebuilding brings together senior-level policymakers and academics in order to analyse the international community's performance in post-war statebuilding projects. Filling an important gap in the existing body of work on this topic, the contributors explore how international state builders have attempted to negotiate the intersections of multilateralism, competing strategic priorities and agendas, organizational complexity, and domestic politics. This book will be of much interest to students of statebuilding, peacebuilding, war and conflict studies, and International Relations in general.

This book addresses the evolution of the strategies, structures, ownership patterns and performances of large European corporations since the early 1960s. The authors study large and small countries, in order to understand how the process of economic integration has affected the patterns of growth and the structural characteristics of the largest firms. Drawing both on extensive databases and on case studies, the contributions in this volume address the peculiar specificities of large firms in different national contexts, adopting a longitudinal, long term perspective. This volume delivers the first results of an international, collective research effort undertaken by several national teams. The 'Mapping Corporate Europe' project aims to provide a detailed account of the structural traits of the European Corporation in a framework which includes (i) a chronological analysis over 50 years, starting with the Rome treaty in 1957; (ii) geographical extension beyond previous analyses for France, Germany and the UK, by including smaller countries; (iii) firms from other industries in addition to manufacturing companies; and (iv) attention to internationalisation of European firms. These analyses form the basis of a rich description of the developments of large European corporations over the past five decades, using both qualitative and quantitative approaches. This book was originally published as a special issue of Business History.

This book presents a new theoretical framework through which to understand the role of regional powers in creating and maintaining regional security orders. As a result of the retreat of the global powers since the end of the Cold War, it has become clear that international security dynamics are less explicable without considering the regional level as a primary focus for most states. The authors contend that these dynamics, which include the identification, management and prevention of security threats, are heavily influenced by regional powers. The regional level in this text is defined on the basis of regional sub-systems, more specifically Regional Security Complexes. Within this context, the authors utilize their framework to address how security orders are defined and how regional powers are identified. The focus then turns to an analysis of how the roles and foreign policy orientations of regional powers, conditioned by the presence of material capabilities, affect the development of regional security orders. The authors then present a comparative analysis of Russia, Brazil and India within their own security complexes to demonstrate an application of the framework. This book will be of interest to students of regional security, international security, foreign policy and International Relations in general.

Local and Global Dynamics of Peacebuilding examines the complex contributing factors which led to war and state collapse in Sierra Leone, and the international peacebuilding and statebuilding operations which followed the cessation of the violence.

This book presents a nuanced and contextually specific knowledge on Sierra Leone 's political and war histories, and the outcomes of the implementation of programmes of post-conflict reforms. It embodies an analysis of the complex challenges involved in aligning international norms and values to local expectations and local priorities, and examines the role of local and global actors and structures in attempts to build a strong state and lasting peace. Using a theoretical framework informed by liberal peace philosophy, as well as detailed and nuanced empirical evidence from the field, the book constructs a critical analysis of the contemporary global paradigm for building longer-term peace in war-torn, fractured and fragile societies.

This book will be of much interest to students of peacebuilding, war and conflict studies, development studies, African politics, and IR/security studies.

An international and interdisciplinary perspective on the adoption and governance of artificial intelligence (AI) and machine learning (ML) in defence and military innovation by major and middle powers. Advancements in AI and ML pose pressing questions related to evolving conceptions of military power, compliance with international humanitarian law, peace promotion, strategic stability, arms control, future operational environments, and technology races. To navigate the breadth of this AI and international security agenda, the contributors to this book include experts on AI, technology governance, and defence innovation to assess military AI strategic perspectives from major and middle AI powers alike. These include views of how the United States, China, Japan, South Korea, the European Union, and Russia see AI/ML as a technology with the potential to reshape military affairs and power structures in the broader international system. This diverse set of views aims to help elucidate key similarities and differences between AI powers in the evolving strategic context. A valuable read for scholars of security studies, public policy, and STS studies with an interest in the impacts of AI and ML technologies.

Since the mid-1980s there have been substantial cuts in military spending throughout the world, with the exception of Pacific Asia. The end of the Cold War, democratization in Africa and Latin America, structural adjustment programmes, debts and cuts in public spending are just some of the political and economic developments that have instigated and led to changes across the globe in armed forces, arms industries and other military-related activities. This second volume of a study commissioned by UNU/WIDER examines the changes taking place within the military sector. It concludes that there has been little conversion of resources from military to civilian purposes. Neither monetary resources or real resources, such as manpower or industries, have been utilized as a "peace dividend". Instead, the military sector is being restructured and is becoming more globalized and informal.

The book begins with an agenda-setting introduction which will provide an overview of the central question being addressed, such as the circumstances associated with the move towards a political settlement, the parameters of this settlement and the factors that have assisted in bringing it about. The remaining contributions will focus on a range of cases selected for their diversity and their capacity to highlight the full gamut of political approaches to conflict resolution. The cases vary in: the intensity of the conflict (from Belgium, where it is potential rather than actual, to Sri Lanka, where it has come to a recent violent conclusion); in the geopolitical relationship between the competing groups (from Cyprus, where they are sharply segregated geographically, to Northern Ireland, where they are intermingled); in the extent to which a stable constitutional accommodation has been reached (ranging from the Basque Country, with a large range of unresolved problems, to South Africa, which has achieved a significant level of institutional stability). This book ranges over the world's major geopolitical zones, including Asia, the Middle East, Africa and Europe and will be of interest to practitioners in the field of international security. This book was published as a special issue of Nationalism and Ethnic Politics.

This book critically investigates the discourses and practices of human security and aims to delve below the stereotypical imageries representing them. Drawing on Foucault and Deleuze, the author approaches human security from a new perspective, with the aim of ascertaining what has been behind and underneath a certain spatio-temporal articulation of human security, and with what political implications and consequences. Each human security assemblage is composed of messy discourses and practices which are loosely related and sometimes even disconnected. This book examines the Canadian and Japanese articulations of human security and establishes the kinds of structural terrains have enabled, shaped, or blocked the unfolding of these versions of human security. The pivotal contention of the book is that Canadian and Japanese articulations of human security have been different because they have grown from completely different domestic economies of power governing the relationship between the state apparatus and the non-profit and voluntary sector. While the Canadian human security assemblage has been shaped by transformations in the country's advanced liberal model of government, the Japanese has been shaped by the continuities of Japan's bureaucratic authoritarianism. A novel approach is employed for the related process-tracing: a general series linking structural conditions with actual articulations of the human security projects, and their further development, including analysis of their unintended consequences. This book will be of much interest to students of Critical Security Studies, human security, global governance, foreign policy and IR/Security studies.

There are many books on individual countries of the Horn, but this one is unique in treating the region as a whole, stressing interactions among as well as within Sudan, Ethiopia and Somalia and, in turn, their relations with neighbouring regions of Africa and the Middle East. The author summarizes the history of the region from earliest times to the 19th century and then concentrates on Russian and American involvements.

Weaving Peace: Essays on Peace, Governance and Conflict Transformation in the Great Lakes Region of Africa provides a unique and interdisciplinary perspective on issues of peace, governance, and conflict transformation by academics and practitioners from eight partner institutions of the United Nations Mandated-University for Peace in the Great Lakes region of Africa. It is an essential tool for scholars and policymakers seeking contextual clarity behind the headlines about the nature and extent of conflicts in the region and how to go about transforming the region. It provides a rather nuanced perspective of the complexity of the peace/conflict dynamics of the region and underscores the inescapable truth of the need for a more indigenous and context-based approach to understanding the Great Lakes region of Africa.

Despite its portrayal as a bold departure, the Bush Doctrine was not the "new" or "revolutionary" policy instrument that many at the time portended. This work seeks to argue that while it was clear that the Bush Doctrine certainly qualified as a preventive war policy, it is apparent that the adoption of this strategy did not mark a total break with American tradition or earlier Administrations. Warren seeks to dispel arguments pertaining to the supposed "radical" nature of the Bush Doctrine -- based on comparisons with previous National Security Strategies and previous Administrations' penchant for prevention. However, the work also highlights that what was new and bold about the Bush Administration's National Security Strategy of 2002, was its willingness to embrace reinvigorating a nuclear option that could ultimately be used in the context of preventive war. While Obama has struck bold rhetorical notes and promises in relation to limiting the role of nuclear weapons, he has stopped short of changing the status quo on critical issues that have lingered since the Cold War -- such as tactical nuclear weapons and keeping missiles on alert. This book's final section examines the extent to which Obama has attempted to adjust' the nuclear option with the recent release of the congressionally mandated Nuclear Posture Review (NPR). Offering new insights into the Bush doctrine and providing a comprehensive analysis of the current status of the US nuclear weapons strategy, this volume will be of great interest to scholars and students of American foreign policy, security studies and international relations.

Business, Conflict Resolution and Peacebuilding examines the actions currently being taken by businesses in areas of violent conflict around the world, and explores how they can make a significant contribution to the resolution of violent conflicts through business-based peacebuilding. This book combines two approaches to provide a comprehensive look at the current state and future of business- based peacebuilding. It marries a detailed study of documented peacebuilding activities with a map of the possibilities for future business-related conflict work and pragmatic suggestions for business leaders, conflict resolution practitioners, and peacebuilding organizations. The use of the label 'business-based peacebuilding' is new and signifies actions business can take beyond simple legal compliance or making changes to avoid creating a conflict. Although business-based peacebuilding is new, examples are included from around the world to illustrate that, working together, businesses have a strong contribution to make to the creation of peaceful societies. The book advocates pragmatic peacebuilding, which is not overly concerned with cause-driven models of conflict. Instead, pragmatic peacebuilding encourages an examination of what is needed in the conflict and what can be provided. This approach is free of some of the ideological baggage of traditional peacebuilding and allows for a much wider range of participants in the peacebuilding project. This book will be of much interest to students of peace studies, conflict resolution, international security and business studies, as well as to practitioners and business leaders. Derek Sweetman is Dispute Resolution Director for Better Business Bureau in Washington, DC and Instructor at New Century College, George Mason University, USA.

The Israeli-Palestinian struggle is considered to be one of the most entrenched conflicts in the world. Presenting and evaluating interactive models of peacemaking and the phenomenon of intractable conflict, the book takes an in-depth look into specific models for peacemaking and applies them to the situation in Israel/Palestine. The argument centers around the idea that a multifaceted approach to peacemaking has the greatest potential to transform an intractable conflict into a mutually beneficial social order. Encompassing theoretical background, comparative studies of conflict resolution processes in similar circumstances around the world and policy recommendations, the author presents four interactive models of peacemaking to suggest a comprehensive approach to peacemaking that attacks the conflict from various angles, directions and dimensions. Introducing general conditions that have the potential to transform a situation of destructive conflict into a more peaceful social order, Conflict and Peacemaking in Israel-Palestine adds a fresh perspective to the study of destructive social conflicts and should provoke critical discussion among students and scholars of peace and conflict studies, Middle Eastern politics, conflict resolution and management.

Negotiations which generate solutions to conflicts without the use of violence are the only adequate means of conflict resolution in an interdependent globalized world. "Negotiating Political Conflicts" analyzes comprehensively the foundations for understanding negotiations: What is negotiation? What are the most important concepts and terms? How does negotiation relate to its object the conflict? How does the process of negotiation develop? What is the significance of cultural difference in international negotiations? What characterizes a durable solution? Empirical examples illustrate theoretical conceptions. Academics and practitioners will find this book an invaluable companion to the theory and practice of negotiation.

This book examines the role of everyday action in accepting, resisting and reshaping interventions, and the unique forms of peace that emerge from the interactions between local and international actors. Building on critiques of liberal peace-building, it redefines critical peace and conflict studies, based on new research from 16 countries.

As the UN celebrates its 50th anniversary, it has become embroiled in controversy sparked by its recent extensive involvement in operations which go beyond traditional peacekeeping. This book brings together leading scholars and practitioners who explicate the issues at the heart of the controversy and recommends changes for the organization and its member states. In dedicated analyses as well as case studies, the authors focus on issues of sovereignty and intervention, national commitments to non-traditional missions, and operational efficiency and effectiveness when undertaking such missions.

Peacekeeping is a security concept that is very representative of the current interventionism, multilateralism, human rights, and humanitarian ideas. UN peacekeeping plays an important role in international security and includes various activities that go beyond the original roles assigned to UN armed forces (e.g. humanitarian aid, election supervision, disarmament, mine clearance, civilian protection, and peacebuilding). The problem is to define the economic efficiency of these operations and to develop some recommendations in the context of an economic globalization process. Although UN peacekeeping has shortcomings, it must be considered essential for organizing and defending the world politico-economic order. UN peacekeeping is a political activity, but its production strongly depends on nations' economic considerations. Governments make political decisions that also take into account the economic gains they expect to obtain from their contribution to any specific mission. With low means and inadequate strategies to meet the challenges, UN peacekeeping must pay particular attention to resolving the problems of free riding and of prisoner's dilemma in contributions that delay deployments and create significant financial problems. Understanding how peacekeeping can be most cost-effectively carried out, while considering the importance of legitimacy in interventions, is essential. This book believes that regional organizations can ease the UN's financial responsibility by managing conflicts in their regions. But, to be most effective, they must involve the UN in their interventions. This book also emphasizes UN peacekeeping trust funds as the key to better financial effectiveness. It strongly recommends that NATO be empowered by the UN with the role of global peace police, and proposes the establishment of a UN high-ranking team of international specialists in peacekeeping issues. This research should be of interest to students and researchers looking at international and political economics, as well as international relations, defence, security and peace studies.

In this book William Durch examines conventional weapons proliferation since World War II, the role of arms transfers in fueling regional conflict, and prospects for curbing the global arms trade. Noting that supply side arms control efforts, which seek to constrain the companies and countries that produce and distribute major conventional weapons, have a poor international track record, Durch argues for a broader approach that tries to get at the demand side of the equation. Addressing the political and regional dynamics that impel arms acquisitions, he looks at how arms control might be combined with confidence and security-building measures to contain demand, and how value-based arms trade control measures like “codes of conduct” could be implemented in stepwise fashion consistent with US national interests in regional stability.

This book examines the limits to cosmopolitan liberal peacebuilding caused by its preoccupation with the values and assumptions of neoliberal global governance. The peace people experience is determined by the processes privileged in peacebuilding. This book is about four things that shape the processes involved. First, it is a critique of orthodox postconflict peacebuilding. It takes the position that the present approach, although seemingly hegemonic, is routinely ignored or manipulated by elites and society and converted into a miasma that to some degree wastes the energies and opportunities involved. Second, it is about alternatives which invoke the kind of peace people might seek in postconflict places if they had more control over the process of peacebuilding, a notion referred to here as 'popular peace'. It is thus not the kind of critical work that some describe as 'reflexive anti-liberalism'. Rather, it seeks alternatives that are grounded in the lives of people in postconflict spaces and which also reflect some of the essential values of Liberalism. Third, it is about the role of both informal and formal actors, institutions and practices in the creation of such a peace. For instance, it is concerned with the legitimacy of informal practices that lie beyond Liberal tolerance and which are vital in the pursuit of everyday peace. Fourth, it is about a 'transversal' (rather than vertical or hierarchical) relationship of global and local governance in securing a peace that reflects the needs and values of both. In short, this work is a response to the substantial inconsistencies that appear between peacebuilding rhetoric and everyday outcomes in postconflict places. This book will be of much interest to students of peacebuilding, post-conflict statebuilding, conflict studies, global governance and International Relations in general.

The Armenian Genocide has lately attracted a lot of attention, despite the Turkish government's attempts at denial. It has been developed into a central obstacle to Turkey's entry into the European Union. As such it attracts the highest political and public attention. What is largely ignored in the debate, however, is the fact that Armenians were not the only victims of the Young Turk's genocidal population policies. What is still largely forgotten is the murder, expulsion and deportation of other ethnic groups like Assyrians, Greeks, Kurds and Arabs by the Young Turks. This not only increases the number of victims, but also changes the perspective on the foundation of modern Turkey and as such on modern Turkish history more generally. The Thematic Issue of the JGR, the republication of which is proposed here, is the first publication, which addresses these wider issues. It contributes not only to our understanding of the Young Turks' population and extermination policies in all its complexities and so helping to bring the forgotten victims' stories "back" into genocide scholarship, but to our understanding of modern Turkey more generally. It is an indispensable tool for everybody interested in one of the great historical controversies of our time. This book was published as a special issue of the Journal of Genocide Research.

This book analyses the root causes of suicide terrorism at both the elite and rank-and- file levels of the Hamas and also explains why this tactic has disappeared in the post-2006 period. This volume adopts a multi-causal, multi-level approach to analyse the use of suicide bombings by Hamas and its individual operatives in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It uses extensive fieldwork and on-the-ground interviews in order to delve beneath the surface and understand why and how suicide operations were adopted as a sustained mechanism of engagement within the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Three core factors fuelled Hamas's suicide bombing campaigns. First, Palestinian suicide operations are a complex combination of instrumental and expressive violence adopted by both organisations and individuals to achieve political and/or societal survival, retaliation and competition. In other words, suicide bombings not only serve distinct political and strategic goals for both Hamas and its operatives but they also serve to convey a symbolic message to various audiences, within Israel, the Palestinian territories and around the world. Second, suicide operations perform a crucial role in the formation and consolidation of Palestinian national identity and are also the latest manifestation of the historically entrenched cultural norm of militant heroic martyrdom. Finally, Hamas's use of political Islam also facilitates the articulation, justification and legitimisation of suicide operations as a modern-day jihad against Israel through the means of modern interpretations and fatwas. This approach not only facilitates a much needed, multifaceted, holistic understanding of suicide bombings in this particular region but also yields policy-relevant lessons to address extreme political violence in other parts of the world. This book will be of much interest to students of Hamas, terrorism, Middle East politics and security studies.

By shifting American security policy away from maximizing military power for the United States and toward maximizing human security for all, policymakers and citizens can also maximize national security for the United States and sustainable peace for the world. Why do war and political violence persist? Political realists argue that violent conflict and the struggle for power are inherent in the international system, and there is little we can do but manage it. However, as Robert Johansen argues in this path-breaking work, there are other ways forward. In Where the Evidence Leads, Johansen develops an "empirical realist" theory to enable the United Sates to respond more effectively to rising security threats. Together, peace research and security studies show that more security benefits are likely to result from maximizing the "causes" or correlates of peace than from maximizing military power. Ironically, a global grand strategy for human security, with national security folded into it, is likely to produce more security for the United States than a national security strategy. Peace reigns when states implement peace correlates, which range from addressing all nations' security fears to making life more predictable through better global governance. This approach, respectful of forgotten insights from Hans Morgenthau and others, revolutionizes thinking about national security policy by bringing it into a human security framework. The analysis shows that the anarchic, militarized balance-of-power system can be gradually changed with help from enhanced lawmaking, enforcement, and governance capacities. This thought-provoking book builds bridges between past policies-many of which have failed-and more deft ways of handling new realities that focus on building peace. In a world of threats, this book opens doors onto a future of sustainable peace, security, and hope.