When a country experiences a civil war, media reports are mainly brought to the attention of the outside world by those who can only report on the surface impressions obtained during a short visit or from the comfort of a studio thousands of miles away. My experiences, living and working at the grass roots level, during and after the crisis in Nigeria in the 1960s has a different perspective. As a young Scotswoman married to a Nigerian from the breakaway republic of Biafra we lived as refugees with our young family, forced to leave our home seven times in the 30 months of the civil war as the war raged around us. Cut off from the outside world, in a situation the British High Commissioner in Nigeria had predicted at the onset, would be over in two weeks, we lived a life full of experiences which gave me a `qualification in survival' no university could have imparted. Without electricity, gas, petrol or phones, and often without money, medicine or safe drinking water we learned to appreciate the basic necessities of life. I was 18 years old, living in Dunfermline, Scotland when the man I was to marry asked me for a dance at the Kinema Ballroom. Two years later my career plan to qualify as a nurse was over and I was married to Len Ofoegbu, with a baby daughter and we were on our way to a new and very different life. Our first home was in the capital, Lagos, and was a big culture shock to Len and I. The newly independent West African country was already experiencing political and civil unrest, leading to violence, massacres, coups, and the inability of the central government to control the situation. Hundreds of thousands of Easterners who had settled throughout the whole of the country now `went home' as they had become the targets of slaughtering mobs. The secession of the Eastern Region, calling itself Biafra, followed and a David and Goliath bitter conflict ensued. The word `kwashiorkor' and pictures of starving children and adults appeared in the Western press for the first time. I was one of around a dozen, mainly British, foreign wives of Biafrans who remained with their husband throughout the civil war. I worked voluntarily with relief agencies in feeding centres, clinics, an orphanage and, after Biafra surrendered in January 1970, in a children's hospital in return for food for my growing family. In May 1970 we moved back to live in Lagos where we went through more crises as a family. I became an early member of Nigerwives, an organisation for foreign wives and partners of Nigerians which became like an extended family as we gave mutual support and strove to resolve anomalies in Nigerian laws which put unnecessary restrictions affecting our particular circumstances. By the 1980s I accepted that my husband and I had grown so far apart that I could no longer remain with him. My legal reason to remain in Nigeria was `to accompany him' and he could withdraw his immigration responsibility for me at any time. I needed a security which he could not give me and I left him and Nigeria to begin a new life and career in Britain in 1985. I was advised when I completed the original manuscript in the 1970s not have it published as Nigeria was extremely sensitive about any account which was sympathetic to the Biafran side of the civil war. In 1986 a much shorter version of Together in Biafra, titled Blow The Fire, telling the story up to 1970 was printed by Tana Press in Nigeria. I retain the copyright. It was published under my married name Leslie Jean Ofoegbu. It has been cited in academic papers. An example is A Lingering Nightmare: Achebe, Ofoegbu and Adichie on Biafra, Francoise Ugochukwu 2011.

When a country experiences a civil war, media reports are mainly brought to the attention of the outside world by those who can only report on the surface impressions obtained during a short visit or from the comfort of a studio thousands of miles away. My experiences, living and working at the grass roots level, during and after the crisis in Nigeria in the 1960s has a different perspective. As a young Scotswoman married to a Nigerian from the breakaway republic of Biafra we lived as refugees with our young family, forced to leave our home seven times in the 30 months of the civil war as the war raged around us. Cut off from the outside world, in a situation the British High Commissioner in Nigeria had predicted at the onset, would be over in two weeks, we lived a life full of experiences which gave me a `qualification in survival' no university could have imparted. Without electricity, gas, petrol or phones, and often without money, medicine or safe drinking water we learned to appreciate the basic necessities of life. I was 18 years old, living in Dunfermline, Scotland when the man I was to marry asked me for a dance at the Kinema Ballroom. Two years later my career plan to qualify as a nurse was over and I was married to Len Ofoegbu, with a baby daughter and we were on our way to a new and very different life. Our first home was in the capital, Lagos, and was a big culture shock to Len and I. The newly independent West African country was already experiencing political and civil unrest, leading to violence, massacres, coups, and the inability of the central government to control the situation. Hundreds of thousands of Easterners who had settled throughout the whole of the country now `went home' as they had become the targets of slaughtering mobs. The secession of the Eastern Region, calling itself Biafra, followed and a David and Goliath bitter conflict ensued. The word `kwashiorkor' and pictures of starving children and adults appeared in the Western press for the first time. I was one of around a dozen, mainly British, foreign wives of Biafrans who remained with their husband throughout the civil war. I worked voluntarily with relief agencies in feeding centres, clinics, an orphanage and, after Biafra surrendered in January 1970, in a children's hospital in return for food for my growing family. In May 1970 we moved back to live in Lagos where we went through more crises as a family. I became an early member of Nigerwives, an organisation for foreign wives and partners of Nigerians which became like an extended family as we gave mutual support and strove to resolve anomalies in Nigerian laws which put unnecessary restrictions affecting our particular circumstances. By the 1980s I accepted that my husband and I had grown so far apart that I could no longer remain with him. My legal reason to remain in Nigeria was `to accompany him' and he could withdraw his immigration responsibility for me at any time. I needed a security which he could not give me and I left him and Nigeria to begin a new life and career in Britain in 1985. I was advised when I completed the original manuscript in the 1970s not have it published as Nigeria was extremely sensitive about any account which was sympathetic to the Biafran side of the civil war. In 1986 a much shorter version of Together in Biafra, titled Blow The Fire, telling the story up to 1970 was printed by Tana Press in Nigeria. I retain the copyright. It was published under my married name Leslie Jean Ofoegbu. It has been cited in academic papers. An example is A Lingering Nightmare: Achebe, Ofoegbu and Adichie on Biafra, Francoise Ugochukwu 2011.

This insightful Handbook presents readers with a comprehensive range of original research within the field of Collaborative Public Management (CPM). As a central area of study and practice in public administration, the Handbook explores the most important questions facing collaboration and provides future research directions and new areas of study. Featuring expert contributions from a diverse range of scholars, this Handbook showcases the emergence of collaborative governance research and charts connections among the multiple arenas of CPM; including public/private partnerships, emergency management and climate change management. Chapters cover the fundamental practices and limitations of CPM as well as future possibilities. Reflecting on leading theories and research, the Handbook argues that CPM is both an evolving field, as well as a varied and maturing one that is worthy of continued exploration. The Handbook will be a valuable resource to scholars and graduate students in subjects such as public administration and public policy, who are interested in examining current research and approaches within the field. The examination of collaborative initiatives will also be beneficial to administrative leaders in public services who want to understand how to lead and manage more dynamic arrangements.

The gripping real story of the ordinary American man who found himself at the centre of a deadly terrorist organisation - and working for both MI5 and the FBI. A bored trucker from New York took a holiday to Ireland with his new girlfriend and brought down the IRA. Just a quick Google search reveals the level of interest across Britain, Ireland and the US into exactly how this ordinary blue-collar worker found himself at the centre of an espionage ring. David Rupert, a complete outsider with no connection to Ireland, rose to the very top of the Real IRA, all while working for the FBI and British intelligence. But the story is really about just how a bored, frustrated New York trucking manager becomes one of Britain's most valued spies, brings down the entire IRA structure and makes $10 million dollars in the process. Along the way he finds himself in the most extraordinary and terrifying situations - he is involved in major terrorist operations, sets up an Iraqi sting operation and organises US arms shipments with a man being trained to kill the then British prime minister, Tony Blair.

This timely book offers a novel theory of constitutional revolutions, providing a new and engaging framework for critically assessing how revolutions and contra-revolutions, transitional periods and the phenomenon of oblivion influence constitutional change. Contributions by leading scholars in the field explore the relationship between revolutions and constitutional order and disorder, considering in particular the impact of political transitions, situations of emergency, coup d´etat and the role of memory and oblivion during times of revolution. Through a series of case studies, the book identifies ways in which these phenomena have, and will, affect the formation and amendment of constitutions in both the short and long term. This includes, most notably, those changes which seem to go against the spirit of constitutionalism. In so doing, it provides important insight into how constitutions and constituent powers deal with the influences of the past. Students and scholars engaged in the study of constitutional law, legal theory, theories of the state, transitions of democracy and the philosophy of law will find this ground-breaking book to be a must read.

Across the world, millions of people are taking to the streets demanding urgent action on climate breakdown and other environmental emergencies. Extinction Rebellion, Fridays for Future and Climate Strikes are part of a new lexicon of environmental protest advocating civil disobedience to leverage change. This groundbreaking book -- also a Special Issue of the Journal of Human Rights and the Environment -- critically unveils the legal and political context of this new wave of eco-activisms. It illustrates how the practise of dissent builds on a long tradition of grassroots activism, such as the Anti-Nuclear movement, but brings into focus new participants, such as school children, and new distinctive aesthetic tactics, such as the mass 'die-ins' and 'discobedience' theatrics in public spaces. Expert international authors offer fresh insights into the strategies and goals of these protest movements, the changing vocabulary of environmental activism, such as the 'climate emergency', and the contribution of specific protest actors, particularly youth and Indigenous peoples. They also consider how some governments have responded to these actions with draconian anti-protest legislation, and by using the Covid-19 pandemic as cover to keep protesters off the streets. The scholarly analyses are complemented with first-hand interviews of some leading protagonists, including Extinction Rebellion leaders and Green Party politicians. The result is an unrivalled analysis of the role of new environmental protest movements seeking to drive a new generation of policies and laws for climate action and social justice. This impressive book will prove an important and insightful read for students and scholars interested in environmental law, climate law, and grass roots activism specifically.

Sankara's legacy, unclear as it may be, still lives and he remains immensely popular. If you travel through Africa his image is unmistakable. His picture, with beret and broad grin, is pasted on run-down taxis and is found on the walls of local bars. Internationally Sankara is often referred to as the `African Che Guevara' and like his South American counterpart; it is his perseverance, dedication and incorruptibility that appeal to the imagination. Voices of liberation: Thomas Sankara starts with a comprehensive timeline covering Thomas Sankara's life and major events in the history of the continent and region. His Life section provides the most critical and fraternal assessment of the 1980s radical experiment within the broader history of the country, the region and continent. His Voice section succinctly provides a selection of Sankara's speeches, broadcasts and interviews and gives us insight to his outlook on the world. His Legacy section combines an almost poetic tribute to the flawed through heroic period of Sankara's `revolution' with an incredibly relentless and honest analysis. This is done through the story of last year's uprising against Compaore - with haunting lessons for South Africa. The Postscript is an indispensable update to the extraordinary events in Burkina Faso during 2015, chiefly the resistance to the coup in September. The authors look at Sankara's influence on the popular movements and its wider significance for Africa.

What I saw during the time I was employed at the Pass Office – I mean the ill- treatment of Africans – affected my heart and stirred my soul ... I would be of some service to my down-trodden people.

Richard Victor Selope Thema was voorsitter van die komitee wat ’n nuwe grondwet vir die South African Native National Congress opgestel het, die eerste redakteur van The Bantu World (nou The Sowetan) en lid van die Native Representative Council (NRC). Thema was in 1919 ook een van die eerste swart mans wat Engeland besoek het om voorspraak te maak vir swart Suid-Afrikaners.

Die boek, in Thema se eie woorde, beskryf sy vroeë lewe en volg sy denke en skryfwerk van radikaal na pasifis – Thema het geglo dat amper enigiets met onderhandeling en gesprek opgelos kan word en nie almal in die ANC het met hom saamgestem nie. Hy is ’n intellektuele voorvader van beide die ANC-jeugliga en die Pan-Afrikane van die 1950’s, en een van die vergete leiers van die ANC.

Through a pioneering analysis of two critical junctures in EU counter-terrorism, this topical book examines the drivers, conditions and impediments for policy integration and information-exchange institutionalisation in EU counter-terrorism. Taking a deep dive into the key questions surrounding EU counter-terrorism, Christine Andreeva utilises distinct terrorism case studies over two decades to investigate the evolution of information-sharing in EU counter-terrorism. Using an innovative theoretical framework combining historical and constructivist institutionalism, the book examines key events in EU counter-terrorism development: the 2015-2016 Paris and Brussels attacks and the 2004-2005 Madrid and London attacks. Identifying a post-2015 paradigm policy shift, the book traces the increased efficiency of cross-border and inter-agency co-ordination in the EU's counter-terrorism policy. Andreeva demonstrates how institutionalisation, information-sharing and improved legislative frameworks have led to further policy integration and added significant value to international EU counter-terrorism efforts. Illustrating the importance of practitioners' perception of EU added value in counter-terrorism, this book will be essential to scholars and students of public policy, particularly those studying EU and international politics and EU counter-terrorism. Its empirical findings will also be useful to policymakers and practitioners in security and counter-terrorism fields.

Read the fascinating story of one of the greatest unsung figures of the nature conservation movement, founder of the RSPB and icon of early animal rights activism, Etta Lemon. A heroine for our times, Etta Lemon campaigned for fifty years against the worldwide slaughter of birds for extravagantly feathered hats. Her legacy is the RSPB, grown from an all-female pressure group of 1889 with the splendidly simple pledge: Wear No Feathers. Etta's long battle against 'murderous millinery' triumphed with the Plumage Act of 1921 - but her legacy has been eclipsed by the more glamorous campaign for the vote, led by the elegantly plumed Emmeline Pankhurst. This gripping narrative explores two formidable heroines and their rival, overlapping campaigns. Moving from the feather workers' slums to high society, from the first female political rally to the rise of the eco-feminist, it restores Etta Lemon to her rightful place in history - the extraordinary woman who saved the birds. ETTA LEMON was originally published in hardback in 2018 under the title of MRS PANKHURST'S PURPLE FEATHER. 'A great story of pioneering conservation.' KATE HUMBLE 'Quite brilliant. Meticulous and perceptive. A triumph of a book.' CHARLIE ELDER 'Shocking and entertaining. The surprising story of the campaigning women who changed Britain." VIRGINIA NICHOLSON 'A fascinating and moving story, vividly told.' JOHN CAREY 'A fascinating clash of two causes: rights for women and rights for birds to fly free not adorn suffragettes' hats. An illuminating story, provocative, well-researched and brilliantly told.' DIANA SOUHAMI

The Class of `44', the founders of the African National Congress Youth League (CYL) in 1944, includes a remarkable list of names: Nelson Mandela, Walter Sisulu, Oliver Tambo, Anton Lembede, and Ashby Peter (A.P.) Mda. While much has been written on the others, relatively little attention has been paid to Mda, the Youth League president from 1947 to 1947 whom his peers regarded as the foremost political intellectual and strategist of their generation. He was known for his passionate advocacy of African nationalism, guiding the ANC into militant forms of protest, and pressing activists to consider turning to armed struggle in the early 1950s. In his late teens Mda began leaving a rich written record-through letters and essays in newspapers, political tracts and speeches, and letters to colleagues-that allows us to chart the evolution of his views throughout his life not only on politics but also on culture, language, literature, music, religion, and education.

This book asks why socially innovative initiatives, including attempts to rejuvenate democracy by introducing new modes of participation, are not leading to a democratization of the State or overcoming the gap between political leaders and people. It offers a vivid and thought-provoking conversation on why we are at such an impasse and explores concrete possibilities for change. Offering insights on the failures of modern democracies from three leading voices of contemporary social science, the book interrogates the possibilities of progressive socio-political agendas, strategies, and movements seeking to overcome these failures. It highlights examples of bottom-linked forms of governance that provide signs of positive change and focuses on the essential role that progressive institutions play in enabling socio-political transformation. It also analyses how processes of self-emancipation driven by social innovation and political mobilization movements represent the most promising form of political engagement today. Students and scholars of social innovation and governance will find this to be an invigorating read. It will also be helpful to politicians and government officials seeking to understand, respond to, and explore efforts towards democratizing political change.

First published in 2001, Achille Mbembe's landmark book, On the postcolony, continues to renew our understanding of power and subjectivity in Africa. This edition has been updated with a foreword by professor of African literature, Isabel Hofmeyr, and a preface by the author. In a series of provocative essays, Mbembe contests die hard Africanist and nativist perspectives as well as some of the key assumptions of postcolonial theory. Through his provocation, the `banality of power', Mbembe reinterprets the meanings of death, utopia and the divine libido as part of the new theoretical perspectives he offers on the constitution of power in Africa. He works with the complex registers of bodily subjectivity - violence, wonder and laughter - to contest categories of oppression and resistance, autonomy and subjection, and state and civil society that marked the social theory of the late twentieth century. On the postcolony, like Frantz Fanon's Black skins, white masks, will remain a text of profound importance in the discourse of anticolonial and anti-imperial struggles.

This timely Handbook examines the causes, costs and consequences of state fragility, advancing key debates in the field. Demonstrating the multidimensionality of fragility by applying diverse theories and methodologies, it provides new insights on effective policy development and application in the context of fragile states. Drawing on a wide variety of disciplines, approaches and case studies, the Handbook pays particular attention to the root causes and drivers of fragility. It centres authority, legitimacy and the citizen-state relationship alongside state capacity, revealing the flaws in the reasoning behind previous Western policy interventions in fragile states. Chapters address a broad range of issues facing fragile states, from fragility traps, refugees and urbanisation to recent events including the Covid-19 pandemic, the Russia-Ukraine war and the increasing pressures of climate change. Ultimately, the Handbook advances the state of both academic and policy knowledge on state fragility, revealing the deep links between the two. This Handbook will be a valuable resource for scholars and students of political science, international relations, development studies, economics, and sociology. It will also benefit practitioners seeking to improve the effectiveness of their policy proposals.

“A brilliant biography that will transform your understanding of this young, charismatic leader” — Joseph Nhini, BooksLive, Sunday Times

“Deeply thought-provoking” — Tyrone August, Cape Times

“Makes a good job of weaving together a number of strands that make the totality of the powerful persona Biko became ... Sheds new light on more than just Biko” — Sam Mkokeli, Business Day

Interest in the iconic Steve Biko has strongly revived, as the current generation of activists calls on his legacy and thoughts. Biko is cited and disputed particularly in the #RhodesMustFall and decolonisation movements. This comprehensive biography, shortlisted for the Alan Paton award, explores Biko's life, the people and ideas that shaped him, and his part in Black Consciousness and the struggle. Updated in an affordable new edition, Biko: A Biography presents a new generation with nuanced insights into the life and thought of a South African hero.

Depuis l'ouvrage de John Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment. Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Tradition (1975), on connait l'importance de James Harrington dans la pensee politique anglo-americaine a la periode moderne. Parce qu'au-dela de l'acte de resistance a la tyrannie, il promeut la democratie et propose les moyens constitutionnels de mettre en oeuvre la souverainete populaire dans un pays de vaste etendue, Harrington a incarne une forme distinctive de republicanisme. En retracant l'histoire de sa reception dans la France des Lumieres, cet ouvrage a pour but de combler un hiatus entre le grand recit pocockien du republicanisme machiavelien et l'historiographie de la Revolution francaise. En cela, il s'inscrit dans le panorama brosse en 2010 par l'historienne Rachel Hammersley, et va au-dela. D'une part, il accorde a Hume, Jaucourt ou Rousseau, aux cotes de ses nombreux traducteurs et commentateurs, un role central dans l'actualisation de la pensee de Harrington. D'autre part, il montre que son heritage intellectuel fut pluriel. Celui-ci n'est en effet pas seulement l'inspirateur de dispositions constitutionnelles specifiques : a l'heure ou se developpe l'economie politique, Harrington apparait comme le penseur d'une egalite relative des fortunes, percue comme la seule base possible d'un ordre politique stable. -- John Pocock's book The Machiavellian Moment. Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Tradition (1975) has shown the importance of James Harrington in Anglo-American modern political thought. Beyond the act of resistance to tyranny, he vindicates democracy and provides the constitutional means for implementing popular sovereignty in a vast country. In doing so, Harrington has incarnated a distinctive form of republicanism. By reconstructing the history of his reception in eighteenth century France, this book aims to bridge the gap between the great Pocockian narrative of Machiavellian republicanism and the historiography of the French Revolution. It is set against the panorama offered by Rachel Hammersley in 2010 and aims to go further. On the one hand, it shows how central Hume, Jaucourt or Rousseau have been in reviving Harrington's thought, along with his numerous translators and commentators. On the other hand, it shows that his intellectual legacy was diverse. He did not only stand as the inspirer of specific constitutional measures: as political economy developed, Harrington also appeared as the theoretician of a relative equality of wealth among the people, perceived by many as the true basis of a stable political order.