The Status of Refugees in Asia surveys some of the key issues of law and policy affecting refugees in the Asian region. The movement and presence of refugees in different parts of the region is surveyed, and the general legal position - ranging from multilateral treaties to regional and national initiatives - evaluated. A selection of country profiles to illustrate the implementation of law and policy at the national level is provided, and the performance of three Asian countries which have acceded to the 1951 United Nations Refugee Convention and its 1967 Protocol is assessed: namely, China, Japan, and the Philippines. Attention is given to the five other countries which have not acceded to these instruments - Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, and Thailand - and current critical refugee problem areas such as Afghanistan and Sri Lanka examined.

The book concludes by examining current difficulties with state practice in the region and presents possible solutions and new directions for the future.

A riveting inquiry into black history and American racism published here for the first time, Race and Revolution is a work of radiant insight and bold logic. Astonishingly advanced for its time, the document was originally drafted in 1933 as Communism and the Negro and was by far the most comprehensive statement on race produced by the Left Opposition, the dissenting Communist tendency led by Leon Trotsky. Race and Revolution places the black struggle for freedom and equality at the heart of American history. Racial oppression, Shachtman argues, can be comprehended only within the totality of social and class relations.The document culminates in a devastating polemic against the Communist Party's call for a Black Belt state in the American South. A clarifying introduction by Christopher Phelps explains the document's historical genesis, compares it to the views of Trotsky and C. L. R. James, and evaluates it in light of subsequent theoretical and historical developments.

First published in 1999, This book is a wide-ranging and authoritative review of the reception in England and other countries of Foxe's Acts and Monuments of the English Martyrs from the time of its original publication between 1563 and 1583, up to the nineteenth century. Essays by leading scholars deal with the development of the text, the illustrations and the uses to which the work was put by protagonists in subsequent religious controversies. This volume is derived from the second John Foxe Colloquium held at Jesus College, Oxford in 1997. It is one of a number of research publications designed to support the British Academy Project for the publication of a new edition of Foxe's hugely influential text.

This study explores how Japan's reputation for humanitarianism rests on the generous behaviour accorded to 70,000 Russian prisoners of war in Japan, during the Russo-Japanese War (1904-05), and contrasts with the brutality displayed during the Pacific War (1941-45) towards 200,000 Allied prisoners of war.;The power of the state to coerce the people, by using the reverence felt for the Emperor, enabled the Japanese to switch humanitarianism on, or off, apparently at will. This volte-face is explored in this book. Olive Checkland is the author of "Britain's Encounter with Meiji Japan".

Kenya's Anti-Terrorism Police Unit (ATPU) is charged with preventing terrorist attacks, but in carrying out its mission the ATPU has committed a wide array of human rights abuses that violate international, regional, and domestic law. This book documents specific extrajudicial killings and disappearances to illuminate a pattern of rights abuses by the ATPU, and make recommendations for reform. Jonathan Horowitz is an associate legal officer for the Open Society Justice Initiative's National Security and Counterterrorism program. He is the author of Counterterrorism and Human Rights Abuses in Kenya and Uganda: The World Cup Bombing and Beyond.

In this unique and enlightening work, Oliver Lu translates into English the memoirs of the East German political and cultural figure Gustav Just. Lu gives readers of the English language the opportunity to experience the history of a country hidden from the West. They will learn how Mr. Just was wrongly accused of plotting against the German government and how his trial served as a stereotypical communist 'show-trial.' By absorbing this commentary on Just's first-hand experience, readers will understand the prison conditions that he endured and the political platform to which he and his associates had aspired. Thoroughly researched and impeccably translated, this book should become an important primary source for all students, scholars, and laypeople in the up-and-coming field of interest in the former Soviet bloc.

Millions of immigrants risk deportation and imprisonment by living in the US without legal status. They are living underground, with little protection from exploitation at the hands of human smugglers, employers, or law enforcement. Underground America presents the remarkable oral histories of men and women struggling to carve a life for themselves in the US.

The fourth edition of "Centuries of Genocide: Essays and Eyewitness Accounts" addresses examples of genocides perpetrated in the nineteenth, twentieth, and twenty-first centuries. Each chapter of the book is written by a recognized expert in the field, collectively demonstrating a wide range of disciplinary perspectives. The book is framed by an introductory essay that spells out definitional issues, as well as the promises, complexities, and barriers to the prevention and intervention of genocide.

To help the reader learn about the similarities and differences among the various cases, each case is structured around specific leading questions. In every chapter authors address: Who committed the genocide? How was the genocide committed? Why was the genocide committed? Who were the victims? What were the outstanding historical forces? What was the long-range impact? What were the responses? How do scholars interpret this genocide? How does learning about this genocide contribute to the field of study?

While the material in each chapter is based on sterling scholarship and wide-ranging expertise of the authors, eyewitness accounts give voice to the victims. This book is an attempt to provoke the reader into understanding that learning about genocide is important and that we all have a responsibility not to become immune to acts of genocide, especially in the interdependent world in which we live today.

Revision highlights include:

• New chapters on genocide of Native Americans in the nineteenth century, genocide in Australia, and genocide in the Nuba Mountains
• New chapter authors on Herero genocide and Rwanda genocide
• Consolidation of the 3 chapters on the Holocaust into one focused case
• Several chapters from past editions that were omitted are now available on a companion website (Indonesia, Burundi, indigenous peoples)

In a striking departure from conventional treatments of the Greek Civil War and its effects on the people of Greece, Dangerous Citizens begins by placing it within a larger historical context beginning in 1929 when the Greek state set up numerous exile and rehabilitation camps on the Greek archipelago, and extending up until 2004 with the famous trial of the Revolutionary Organization 17 November. Using ethnographic interviews, archival material, unpublished personal narratives, and memoirs of political prisoners and dissidents, Dangerous Citizens examines the various tortured microhistories that have created the modern Greek citizen as a fraught political subject. Returning to ethnographic terrain that is intimately familiar to PanourgiA, she analyzes the difficulties of conducting ethnographic research on a subject matter that not only spans several decades but which has also now become historical. Dangerous Citizens also analyzes how a liberal state (Greece) engaged in a process of excision of an increasingly large segment of its population as dangerous to the nation leaving a fundamental scar that is still visible. Through detailed ethnographic work, PanourgiA shows that the past is not a space of comfort, and what people remember as the truth is deeply instructive of how people manage and negotiate the past without being mendacious.Between 1929 and 1974 tens of thousands of dissidents were imprisoned and tortured in concentration and rehabilitation camps. PanourgiA's anthropological focus in this book is on two particular camps that have been ignored in the scholarly literature: Al Dabaa (in Egypt) and YAros (in Greece). In Al Dabaa, Greek men from Athens were exiled betweenJanuary and June 1945. These men ranged in age from 16 to 60 and had either participated in the Resistance against the Germans during the Second World War as members of the leftist army ELAS, or were members of Athens-based ELAS Youth. They were arrested and exiled by the British Occupation Forces after the Germans retreated (in October 1944). YAros is the second camp PanourgiA focuses on, used as a place of imprisonment, first between 1947-1963, and again during the dictatorship of 1967-1974. By using a widened historical frame PanourgiA demonstrates that the effects of the Greek Civil War are palpable in the everyday lives of Greek citizens even today.

Part of an eight-volume set which collates articles written on the history of the Jewish people in America, this volume incorporates studies of the persecution of the Jews in Germany, the respective responses of the German-American Press and the American-Jewish Press during the emergence of Nazism, and the subsequent issues of rescue during the Holocaust and policies towards the displaced.

Examines decadence in our language, especially that language which leads to dehumanization and degradation of human beings. Powerful illustrations may be found in the fact that, for instance, Hitler's "Final Solution" appeared "reasonable" once the Jews were successfully labelled by the Nazis as sub-humans, "parasites," "vermin," or "bacilli." So, too, the subjugation of the American Indian was "defensible" since they were defined as "barbarians" and "savages." The author of this engrossing text that was originally published in 1974 by Public Affairs Press successfully identifies and critically comments on the racist, sexist, and ethnic slurs still predominant in society today, with the hope that this decadence will be cured. Winner of the 1983 George Orwell Award from the Committee on Doublespeak of the NCTE.

This scholarly study sheds important new light on the politics of Polish Jewry on the eve of its destruction. Drawing from sources in the Polish Jewish and non-Jewish press and from archives in Europe, Israel, and the United States, Emanuel Melzer examines the efforts of Jews in this major center of Jewish life to secure its existence and advance its interests in the late 1930s, when the radicalization of antisemitism became an increasingly prominent theme in the country's political life.
With the death of Pilsudski, the prognosis for the Polish Jews appeared increasingly bleak, as hostile forces sought to abrogate their constitutional rights and force them to leave the country "en masse." The enmity they experienced drew in no small measure from the example of Nazi Germany, which did not hesitate to portray the Jews as the common enemy of Germans and Poles alike. In the face of these developments, Polish Jews attempted to wage a coordinated and concerted political battle against the economic persecution, hostile administrative practices, discriminatory legislation, and violent riots that increasingly pervaded their daily lives. Melzer recounts those attempts and analyzes their failure.
Of the three primary groups among Polish Jewry--the Zionists, Agudas Yisroel, and the Bund--only the last was capable of carrying on effective opposition to anti-Jewish forces. But it was not prepared to join with nonproletarian Jewish groups in an all-Jewish defense. The Jewish press, too, was not able to forge a unified Jewish organizational framework, tied as it was to the existing political parties and reflecting their attitudes and shortcomings. The only official political voice of Polish Jewry was the small Jewish parliamentary caucus. Although respected by much of the Jewish public, the Sejm and Senat deputies were not recognized as its legitimate spokesmen and usually acted without coordinating their interventions with one another. As a result, the most effective Jewish actions were undertaken on the local level--notably the self-defense organized during the Przytyk pogrom and the stubborn battle of Jewish students against the ghetto benches.
Melzer demonstrates that the vociferous Jewish public debate over questions of policy and the tenacious daily struggles against discrimination had little effect upon Polish Jewry's deteriorating situation. Without charismatic leadership and an organizational framework based on common Jewish destiny and mutual identification, its ability to confront the grave challenges that lay ahead was seriously impaired. With the approach of war, many felt they were trapped with no way out, left to face the Nazi onslaught virtually alone.

Individuals struggle to find meaning within the chaos of states undergoing political change. Religious elites seek to define their role within the new order while political elites search for new ways to ensure legitimacy and develop national unity. Contrasting the politics of religious liberty in a number of Southern and Eastern European countries, John Anderson explores the broader issue of creating a democratic mentality in such transitional societies. In the process he exposes the use of privilege and discrimination practiced by religious and political elites in these societies.

Performing Race and Torture on the Early Modern Stage provides the first sustained reading of Restoration plays through a performance theory lens. This approach shows that an analysis of the conjoined performances of torture and race not only reveals the early modern interest in the nature of racial identity, but also how race was initially coded in a paradoxical fashion as both essentially fixed and socially constructed. An examination of scenes of torture provides the most effective way to unearth these seemingly contradictory representations of race because depictions of torture often interrogate the incongruous desire to substitute the visible and manipulable materiality of the body for the more illusive performative nature of identity. In turn, Performing Race and Torture on the Early Modern Stage challenges the long-standing assumption that early modern conceptions of race were radically different in their fluidity from post-Enlightenment ones by demonstrating how many of the debates we continue to have about the nature of racial identity were engendered by these seventeenth-century performances.

Kaneko Fumiko (1903-1926) wrote this memoir while in prison after being convicted of plotting to assassinate the Japanese emperor. Despite an early life of misery, deprivation, and hardship, she grew up to be a strong and independent young woman. When she moved to Tokyo in 1920, she gravitated to left-wing groups and eventually joined with the Korean nihilist Pak Yeol to form a two-person nihilist organization. Two days after the Great Tokyo Earthquake, in a general wave of anti-leftist and anti-Korean hysteria, the authorities arrested the pair and charged them with high treason. Defiant to the end (she hanged herself in prison on July 23, 1926), Kaneko Fumiko wrote this memoir as an indictment of the society that oppressed her, the family that abused and neglected her, and the imperial system that drove her to her death.

This book examines how critical approaches to security developed in Europe can be used to investigate a Chinese security issue - the case of the Falungong. The past few decades have produced a rich field of theoretical approaches to 'security' in Europe. In this book, the security-specific notions of securitization, the politics of insecurity, and emancipation are used as analytical approaches to investigate the anti-Falungong campaign in the People's Republic of China. This campaign, launched in 1999, was the largest security-related propaganda campaign since 1989 and was directed against a group of qigong-practitioners who were presented as a grave threat to society. The campaign had major impacts as new security legislation was established and human rights organizations reported severe mistreatment of practitioners. This book approaches one empirical case with three approaches in order to transcend the tendency to pit one approach against another. It shows how they highlight different aspects in investigation, and how they can be combined to gain more comprehensive insights, and thereby invigorate renewed debate in the field. Furthermore, this is used as a vehicle to discuss more general philosophical issues of theory, development, and theory development and will assist students to comprehend the effects research framework selection has on a piece of research. Such discussions are necessary in order to apply the frameworks in investigations that go beyond the socio-political context they were originally developed in. This book will be of interest to students of critical security studies, Chinese politics, research methods and IR in general.

This is the remarkable and wrenching memoir of a South Korean dissident who was unjustly accused of spying for the North Koreans and jailed for nineteen years as a political prisoner. The updated English-language edition traces Suh Sung's experiences as a Korean citizen of Japan before his incarceration, his time in prison, and his subsequent release. Readers will be moved and awed by Suh's courage under torture and solitary confinement. This memoir is an invaluable document for all concerned about human rights and a moving testimony to one man's incredible determination.

In the form of a journal, this book tells the story of the author's experiences in Kuwait during the Iraqi invasion. Jehan Rajab chronicles her fight to preserve normality in the face of persecution and to save the Tareq Rajab Museum, her workplace, from destruction.

Burundi, like Rwanda, Congo, and Uganda, is linked to patterns of recurrent genocidal violence that have shaped events in the African Great Lakes region. In Gender and Genocide in Burundi, Patricia O. Daley argues that sexual patterns of violence have become more pervasive as male and Western-dominated cultures of impunity devalue lives across the region. In her view, only a revised feminist-historical approach to understanding violence and a reformed peace process, on local as well as international levels, will bring genocide to an end. By bringing gender to bear, Daley breaks down divisions at places where violence or social injustice has been reproduced in the past and illustrates how the protracted nature of oppression, warfare, and endemic violence can come to an end. Daley's unique insight into the politics of genocide shows how a new gender-oriented paradigm that emphasizes rights and humanity can make "never again" a reality.

"A lucid, innovative work of top-flight scholarship. Gross shows us the depths of anti-Catholicism in nineteenth-century Germany; he explains why the German Kulturkampf had such force and why prominent liberals imagined it as a turning point not only in Germany but in world history."
---Helmut Walser Smith, Vanderbilt University
"A marvelously original account of how the Kulturkampf emerged from the cultural, social, and gendered worlds of German liberalism. While not neglecting the 1870s, Gross's analysis directs historians' attention to the under-researched 1850s and 1860s-decades in which liberals' anti-Catholic arguments were formulated against a backdrop of religious revival, democratic innovation, national ambition, and the articulation of new roles for women in society, politics, and the church. The drama of these decades resonates in every chapter of Gross's fine study."
---James Retallack, University of Toronto
"Michael Gross has put the culture back into the Kulturkampf! Integrating social and political analysis with illuminating interpretations of visual and linguistic evidence, Gross explores the work of religious cleavage in defining German national identity. An emerging women's movement, liberal virtues, and Catholic difference come together to explain why, in a century of secularization, Germany's Catholics experienced a religious revival, and why its liberals responded with enmity and frustration. Vividly written and a pleasure to read, this groundbreaking study offers real surprises."
---Margaret Lavinia Anderson, University of California, Berkeley

An innovative study of the relationship between the two most significant, equally powerful, andirreconcilable movements in Germany, Catholicism and liberalism, in the decades following the 1848 Revolution.
After the defeat of liberalism in the Revolution of 1848, and in the face of the dramatic revival of popular Catholicism, German middle-class liberals used anti-Catholicism to orient themselves culturally in a new age. Michael B. Gross's study shows how anti-Catholicism and specifically the Kulturkampf, the campaign to break the power of the Catholic Church, were not simply attacks against the church nor were they merely an attempt to secure state autonomy. Gross shows that the liberal attack on Catholicism was actually a complex attempt to preserve moral, social, political, and sexual order during a period of dramatic pressures for change.
Gross argues that a culture of anti-Catholicism shaped the modern development of Germany including capitalist economics, industrial expansion, national unification, and gender roles. He demonstrates that images of priests, monks, nuns, and Catholics as medieval, backward, and sexually deviant asserted the liberal middle-class claim to social authority after the Revolution of 1848. He pays particular attention to the ways anti-Catholicism, Jesuitphobia, and antimonastic hysteria were laced with misogyny and expressed deeper fears of mass culture and democracy in the liberal imagination. In doing so, he identifies the moral, social, and cultural imperatives behind the Kulturkampf in the 1870s.
By offering a provocative reinterpretation of liberalism and its relationship to the German anti-Catholic movement, this work ultimately demonstrates that in Germany, liberalism itself contributed to a culture of intolerance that would proveto be a serious liability in the twentieth century. It will be of particular interest to students and scholars of culture, ideology, religion, and politics.

Dark Days in the Newsroom traces how journalists became radicalized during the Depression era, only to become targets of Senator Joseph McCarthy and like-minded anti-Communist crusaders during the 1950s. Edward Alwood, a former news correspondent describes this remarkable story of conflict, principle, and personal sacrifice with noticeable (r)lan. He shows how McCarthy's minions pried inside newsrooms thought to be sacrosanct under the First Amendment, and details how journalists mounted a heroic defense of freedom of the press while others secretly enlisted in the government's anti-communist crusade.

Relying on previously undisclosed documents from FBI files, along with personal interviews, Alwood provides a richly informed commentary on one of the most significant moments in the history of American journalism. Arguing that the experiences of the McCarthy years profoundly influenced the practice of journalism, he shows how many of the issues faced by journalists in the 1950s prefigure today's conflicts over the right of journalists to protect their sources.

This is the first book to tell the story of every man trapped in Guantanamo. In early 2006, the Pentagon released 7000 pages of transcripts from tribunals assessing the status of the 774 men illegally detained in Guantanamo Bay. Journalist Andy Worthington is the only person to have analyzed every page of these transcripts. This book weaves together the story of the prison and its inmates. For the first time, it brings to life the story of every man trapped in Guantanamo. Who are these men and why do they continue to be held without trial? This book goes at least some way towards answering the questions that the US has so far refused to engage with. It does not make for easy reading. Human rights abuses are commonplace under a system that allows for the arrest of any non-US citizen anywhere in the world. The book covers extensive detail on how each detainee was arrested. It includes evidence of mass killings of prisoners in Afghanistan, and people being picked up in Pakistan by bounty hunters for $5000 a head. Many men were clearly not enemy combatants. Some were involved in missionary work. Some where just in the wrong place at the wrong time. The book also includes extensive allegations of torture in US Afghan prisons, as well as within Guantanamo itself. Who will speak for the 774 men who still remain in Guantanamo? This passionate and brilliantly detailed book brings their stories to the world for the first time.

African Truth Commissions and Transitional Justice examines the functioning of truth commissions in Africa, outlining the lessons learned, the best practices, and the successes and failures of seven African truth commissions. Its introduction and conclusion then work further to place truth commissions within the growing academic field of transitional justice. The first African truth commission was convened by the despot Idi Amin for reasons unrelated to the defense of human rights, but despite this ambiguous beginning, other African truth commissions have done important work. The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission of 1996 has become the 'gold standard' for future truth commissions not only in Africa, but throughout the world: it unearthed much truth about the Apartheid era abuse of human rights and took vital first steps towards restorative justice in the Republic. Each truth commission is distinctive. However, although much has been written about South Africa's truth commissions, much less is known about the other six studied in this book-and an attentive reader will notice the suggestive patterns which emerge.

Prison correspondence of a revolutionary leader jailed during World War II. Discusses how to educate and organize a communist movement able to stand up to wartime repression and prepare for the big labor battles that were emerging during the closing years of the war.