En 1854, el britanico William Howard Russell fue enviado a cubrir las incidencias de la Guerra de Crimea. Lejos de enviar reportes a la medida del Estado Mayor, trazo con veracidad y crudeza los rigores de la contienda. El suyo fue el primer eslabon de un oficio que ha tenido nombres gloriosos. Montero pasa aqui revista a nombres que sacudieron la conciencia publica mundial y aun siguen impactando, sin evadir la polemica sobre etica profesional y los limites de la objetividad informativa, analizando el rol de los medios actuales como voceros de una politica de Estado.

El asesinato estatal de reputacion es un proceso deliberado y constante, destinado a destruir la credibilidad y la reputacion de una persona, institucion, grupo social o nacion mediante una combinacion de metodos tanto abiertos como encubiertos.

Esta estrategia tiene la finalidad de anular la capacidad de influencia de la victima, silenciar su voz y lograr que la sociedad la rechace. Al transformar a las victimas en no-personas, las hacen vulnerables a abusos aun mas graves como la agresion fisica, el encarcelamiento, la expropiacion de bienes, el destierro y el asesinato, llegando incluso a masacres o al genocidio de todo el grupo social al que pertenecen.

Hay un largo hilo umbilical que vincula la historia del empresario Amadeo Barletta con la de Yoani Sanchez y los actuales periodistas independientes cubanos: la politica totalitaria dirigida a cerrar todo espacio a la autonomia personal y la libertad de prensa. Es por eso que esta historia tiene vigencia, en el sentido que Ortega y Gasset otorgaba a ese concepto. Revelar los metodos empleados por el gobierno cubano para asesinar la reputacion de Barletta es una contribucion para la necesaria toma de conciencia regional sobre las tecnicas que ahora exporta a los gobiernos que le son afines.

The Blitz- the period of Nazi bombing campaigns on civilian Britain during World War II- was a formative period for British national identity. In this groundbreaking book, David Clampin looks at the images, campaigns and slogans which helped to form the fabled 'Blitz spirit'- powerfully echoed in Winston Churchill's speeches. Because advertisers attempted to capitalise on war-time patriotism, Clampin's unique focus on advertising provides a visually rich seam of new information on the everyday war, and makes an enormous contribution to the debate on people's experiences of war and nationalism. Using a remarkable and hitherto unseen range of primary source material-advertisements in the press, slogans and posters-this work will reshape the contested meanings of the 'Home Front', opening up cultural history discourses on gender and nationalism. Advertising and Propaganda in World War II is essential reading for historians of World War II as well as students and scholars of Media Studies and Communication Studies.

Although often framed as an economic, military, and diplomatic confrontation, the Cold War was above all a conflict of ideas. In official pronouncements and publications as well as via radio broadcasts, television, and film, the United States and the Soviet Union both sought to extend their global reach as much through the power of persuasion as by the use of force. Yet of all the means each side employed to press its ideological case, none proved more reliable or successful than print.

In this volume, scholars from a variety of disciplines explore the myriad ways print was used in the Cold War. Looking at materials ranging from textbooks and cookbooks to art catalogs, newspaper comics, and travel guides, they analyze not only the content of printed matter but also the material circumstances of its production, the people and institutions that disseminated it, and the audiences that consumed it. Among the topics discussed are the infiltration of book publishing by propagandists East and West; the distribution of pro-American printed matter in postwar Japan through libraries, schools, and consulates; and the collaboration of foundations, academia, and the government in the promotion of high culture as evidence of the superiority of Western values.

At the same time, many of the qualities that made print the preferred medium of official propaganda also made it an effective instrument for challenging Cold War orthodoxies at home and abroad. Because printed materials were relatively easy to transport, to copy, and to share, they could just as well be used to bridge differences among people and cultures as to exploit them. They also provided a vehicle for disseminating satire and other expressions of dissent.

In addition to the volume editors, contributors include Ed Brunner, Russell Cobb, Laura Jane Gifford, Patricia Hills, Christian Kanig, Scott Laderman, Amanda Laugesen, Martin Manning, Kristin Matthews, Hiromi Ochi, Amy Reddinger, and James Smith. Together their essays move beyond traditional Cold War narratives to gauge the role of a crucial cultural medium in the ideological battle between the superpowers and their surrogates. Gregory Barnhisel and Catherine Turner Gregory Barnhisel and Catherine Turner

REVIEW

Hay muchas maneras de eliminar a una persona, una de ellas es robandole el prestigio. Por primera vez academicos y periodistas con diferentes trayectorias politicas analizan las practicas de asesinatos de reputaciones de personas y grupos sociales que ha ejercido el gobierno cubano por medio siglo.

Esta segunda edicion ampliada con el prologo del conocido academico venezolano Ramon Guillermo Aveledo y un articulo del periodista y escritor italiano Gordiano Lupi, traductor del blog "Generacion Y" de Yoani Sanchez
Eriginal Books

"Si nos dejamos guiar por la propaganda gubernamental, en esta Isla no hay una sola persona decente, preocupada por el destino nacional y sin crimenes cometidos que ademas se oponga al sistema. Todo aquel que emite una critica es inmediatamente tachado como terrorista o vendepatria, malhechor o amoral."
Yoani Sanchez
Del post "Delincuentes comunes" en el blog Generacion Y

DESCRIPTION

En este libro, el asesinato de reputaciones no es equivalente al que pueda desarrollar un partido politico de oposicion contra el gobierno o un grupo de consumidores insatisfechos contra un restaurante. No estamos hablando de difamaciones personales o criticas institucionales. Nos referimos a una forma organizada de terrorismo estatal orientado hacia la deliberada y completa destruccion de la credibilidad de una persona, grupo o institucion.

El otro paredon examina este tema a la luz de la experiencia cubana mediante varios ejemplos: el politico Carlos Marquez Sterling, el empresario Amadeo Barletta, el periodista Carlos Alberto Montaner y centros de estudios academicos creados por el propio regimen.

Rafael Rojas, destacado intelectual y el historiador de las ideas cubanas mas descollante de su generacion, centra su analisis en la manera en que el regimen cubano ha desplegado desde temprano un esfuerzo deliberado por construir una historiografia oficial que contribuya a legitimarlo.

Uva de Aragon, reconocida escritora del exilio historico cubano, para quien la ausencia de odios y la predica por la reconciliacion ha sido una constante, analiza el modo en que la clase politica pre revolucionaria fue demonizada, incluso antes de 1959, y el modo arbitrario en que sus reputaciones, incluida la de su padre, el Dr. Carlos Marquez Sterling, quien presidiera honorablemente y con gran equidad la Asamblea Constituyente en 1940.

Juan Antonio Blanco utiliza como eje central de su trabajo al empresario Amadeo Barletta y muestra el modo en que el gobierno cubano tambien se ha valido del asesinato de reputaciones, primero para confiscar arbitrariamente los bienes de este empresario, y luego para distraer la atencion de la opinion publica nacional e internacional cuando las estructuras militares cubanas se vieron envueltas en un escandalo por operaciones de narcotrafico en 1989.

Otros dos autores, Ana Julia Faya y Carlos Alberto Montaner, exponen el modo en que aun partiendo de perspectivas opuestas (marxista y liberal), ambos han sido acosados por esta modalidad de terrorismo de estado que es el asesinato de reputaciones.

Gordiano Lupi, escritor italiano y periodista especializado en Cuba expone las campanas de asesinato de la reputacion de la blogera cubana Yoani Sanchez en Italia.

Los historiadores no solo deben hacer uso de una metodologia rigurosa e imparcial para determinar el modo en que realmente actuo cada persona. Tambien se les reclama la contextualizacion de los hechos para poder alcanzar una mejor comprension de por que cada cual se alineo del modo en que lo hizo durante este prolongado conflicto. La reconciliacion entre cubanos reclama ese entendimiento contextualizado de percepciones y actuaciones pasadas.

"Hay muchas maneras de eliminar a una persona, una de ellas es robandole el prestigio. Por primera vez academicos y periodistas con diferentes trayectorias politicas analizan las practicas de asesinatos de reputaciones de personas y grupos sociales que ha ejercido el gobierno cubano por medio...

This text presents a picture of popular consensus between the government and the film industry over the representation on the cinema screen of Britain and the British at war. It examines the role of the cinema as a vehicle of propaganda, set within its institutional, political, and cultural contexts, revealing the complex relationship between the Ministry of Information and the different sectors of the film industry. It identifies the themes and ideologies presented to audiences through analysis of key wartime films, including "Forty-Ninth Parallel, ""In Which We Serve, " and "The Life and Death of Colonel Blimp."

Much communication today argues a point. An argument, by definition, involves an attack and a counterattack not only using logic, but also incorporating non-logical feelings, attitudes, beliefs, and values. Much of the non-logical element in our argument taps the reservoir of unconscious understandings, feelings, expectations, and values that we have coded and stored in our unconscious minds in the form of stereotypes, schemas, and typifications. Our internal packets of stored values and beliefs may constitute our own worst enemy as they militate against creative thought and forward-looking change. At the same time, they may provide solace for our inner being and provide a framework for developing persuasive campaigns to further our interests. The book takes us through the persuasive process, particularly as it is used in terrorist persuasive settings and as it has been used in some of the major propaganda battles of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries.

Lenin, Stalin, Trotsky, Hitler and Goebbels all regarded cinema as their most important weapon for mass political propaganda. This revised and expanded edition of "Film Propaganda" examines the ways in which cinema was used for political purposes by two of the most highly politicised societies in twentieth-century European history. "Film Propaganda" is still to date the only book in English to compare these two cinemas and examine both in depth. Richard Taylor demonstrates how cinema was brought under political control in each country and goes on to explore the themes and stereotypes projected by the feature films that were produced. In so doing, he highlights the means used by the authorities to condition and control the filmgoer as individual spectator and as member of a mass audience. This process is examined in greater depth in a series of detailed analyses of films selected for their particular political significance, including "October", "Alexander Nevsky", "Triumph of the Will", "The Wandering Jew" and, new to this edition, the 1949 Stalin cult film, "The Fall of Berlin". Also new to this edition are appendices with details of films viewed by Hitler and Goebbels, which were captured by the Red Army from Berlin 's ruins in 1945 and were considered by Stalin for release during the film famine years after the war.

Cinema was one of the Cold War's most powerful instruments of propaganda. Movies blended with literary, theatrical, musical and broadcast representations of the conflict to produce a richly textured Cold War culture. Now in paperback, this timely book fills a significant gap in the international story by uncovering British cinema's contribution to Cold War propaganda and to the development of a popular consensus on Cold War issues. Tony Shaw focuses on an age in which the 'first Cold War' dictated international (and to some extent domestic) politics. This era also marked the last phase of cinema's dominance as a mass entertainment form in Britain. Shaw explores the relationship between film-makers, censors and Whitehall, within the context of the film industry's economic imperatives and the British government's anti-Soviet and anti-Communist propaganda strategies. Drawing upon rich documentation, he demonstrates the degree of control exerted by the state over film output. Shaw analyses key films of the period, including High Treason, which put a British McCarthyism on celluloid; the fascinatingly ambiguous science fiction thriller The Quatermass Experiment; the dystopic The Damned, made by one of Hollywood's blacklisted directors, Joseph Losey; and the CIA-funded, animated version of George Orwell's novel "Animal Farm". The result is a deeply probing study of how Cold War issues were refracted through British films, compared with their imported American and East European counterparts, and how the British public received this 'war propaganda'.

Readings in Propaganda and Persuasion: New and Classic Essays is a unique, interdisciplinary collection that brings together contemporary and classic readings to provide significant insights into the practice and theory of propaganda and persuasion. The contents range from seminal essays to articles by well-known writers on propaganda to new essays about responses to contemporary issues and events. This engaging anthology also includes analyses of the relationship between rhetoric, propaganda, and persuasion. Key Features: Offers informative historical articles: A series of articles lends perspectives on propaganda at the time of the American Revolution, World Wars I and II, Communist Soviet Union, the Vietnam War, and brainwashing in the Korean War. Provides new and original essays: New material is included on contemporary issues and events such as a response to the destruction of the World Trade Center on September 11, 2001, the treatment of the women of Afghanistan, public diplomacy as propaganda, the influence of the built environment, and brainwashing. Includes reprints of classic essays by major theorists: Kenneth Burke's brilliant analysis of the rhetoric of Mein Kampf and Jacques Ellul's foundational essay on the meaning of propaganda provide theoretical groundwork for the study of propaganda. In addition, a wide range of essays by well-known theorists examine propaganda in movies, global television, third wave propaganda, public relations as propaganda, the rhetoric of the Third Reich, and contemporary propaganda. Intended Audience: Perfect supplementary text to the Fourth Edition of Garth S. Jowett and Victoria O'Donnell's text Propaganda and Persuasion; as well as an excellent stand alone text for undergraduate and graduate courses in Persuasion and Propaganda, Rhetoric, and Mass Communications

Wayne Hanley's "The Genesis of Napoleonic Propaganda, 1796 to 1799" makes clever use of images as well as text to show the artful self-crafting on the part of a young provincial on the make. Using a term actually invented at or near the Revolution, the book makes propaganda into a key element in the rise of Napoleon. With a solid interfacing of cultural and political history, Hanley's novel approach meshes with recent works on the Revolution by Lynn Hunt, Carla Hesse, and others.

Packaging Politics 2nd Edition examines the various ways in which politicians, spin doctors and special advisers, in political parties, in central and local government and in Parliament have become increasingly enthusiastic and effective in using mass media to present and promote themselves and their policies to the public. Bob Franklin argues that packaging politics has potentially troublesome implications for the political process in a democracy. Beginning with Government spin doctor Jo Moore's suggestion of September 11th, 2001 that 'its a very good day to bury bad news', Bob Franklin illustrates the extent to which politicians' determination to set the news agenda, to use media to inform, shape and manage public discourse about policy and politics, has become a crucial component of modern statecraft and systems of governance. This thoroughly revised, updated and authoritative study of political communications in Britain draws on interviews with key journalists and politicians and recent academic studies of general elections and political marketing, as well as official reports on special advisors, Government information services, Government advertising expenditure and party election broadcasts, to examine the changing character of political communications in Britain since the election of New Labour in 1997.

The model for this volume is the enormously successful Vintage Original DISTANT VOICES (93,000 copies sold to date). It will gather together essays on a range of subjects including Burma,Fleet Street, East Timor,Vietnam today,the media and UK politics. 'Pilger is the closest we have to the great correspondents of the 1930s...The Truth in his hands is a weapon,to be picked up and brandished and used in the struggle against evil and injustice' GUARDIAN

This reassessment of the Cold War premises of American Propaganda brings the original 1954 study up to date and places it into historical context. The book is a careful examination of the principles and beliefs that have guided American propaganda operations including the dilemmas that currently face American information policy. It summarizes an empirical study based on extensive interviews of the agency's executives and operatives that is updated by the new interviews reflected in this edition, and that helps USIA guide and plan its own research and improve its operations.

This is the first comprehensive study of popular culture in twentieth-century China, and of its political impact during the Sino-Japanese War of 1937-1945 (known in China as 'The War of Resistance against Japan'). Chang-tai Hung shows in compelling detail how Chinese resisters used a variety of popular cultural forms - especially dramas, cartoons, and newspapers - to reach out to the rural audience and galvanize support for the war cause. While the Nationalists used popular culture as a patriotic tool, the Communists refashioned it into a socialist propaganda instrument, creating lively symbols of peasant heroes and joyful images of village life under their rule. In the end, Hung argues, the Communists' use of popular culture contributed to their victory in revolution.

This collection of nearly two dozen detachable, frameable, propaganda posters offer an outstanding selection of examples from East Germany, Russia, Southeast Asia, and China. Reproduced in startling color and printed on high-quality paper, they offer fascinating historical insight, as well as sublime examples of how graphic art can be both highly effective as well as visually stunning. The Russian October Revolution of 1917 marked the beginning of decades of communist rule that spanned large parts of the world. For many years and in many countries, the most reliable means of spreading state propaganda was through posters like the ones included in this beautiful collection. Distinguished by their bold, bright colors, and generally featuring one or two main figures or a single forceful image, they were ubiquitously plastered on the walls of factories, farms, office buildings, transportation centers, and public squares. They exhorted citizens to proclaim their patriotism through hard work, exercise, and loyalty, and celebrated technological advances in science, space travel, and architecture. Representing an impressive array of styles, cultures, and historical eras this collection is suitable for walls and coffee tables alike.

Brazil's military dictatorship (1964-1985) launched seemingly apolitical official campaigns that were aesthetically appealing and ostensibly aimed to ""enlighten"" and ""civilize."" Some were produced as civilian-military collaborations and others were conducted by privately owned media, but undergirding them all was the theme of a country aspiring to become a developed nation. In Brazilian Propaganda, Nina Schneider examines the various modes of both official and unendorsed propaganda used by an authoritarian regime. Focusing primarily on visual media, she demonstrates how many short films of the period portrayed a society free from class and racial conflicts. These films espoused civic-mindedness while attempting to distract from atrocities perpetuated by the regime. Mining a rich trove of materials from the National Archives in Rio and conducting interviews with key propagandists, Schneider demonstrates the ambiguities of twentieth-century Brazilian propaganda. She also challenges the notion of a homogeneous military regime in Brazil, highlighting its fractures and competing forces. By analyzing the strategies, production mechanisms, and meanings of these films and reconstructing their effects, she provides an alternative interpretation of the propagandists' intentions and a new framework for understanding this era in Brazil's history.

Propaganda came of age in the Twentieth Century. The development of mass- and multi-media offered a fertile ground for propaganda while global conflict provided the impetus needed for its growth. Propaganda has however become a portmanteau word, which can be interpreted in a number of different ways. What are the characteristic features of propaganda, and how can it be defined? This book traces the development of techniques of 'opinion management' from World War I to the war in Afghanistan. It reveals how state leaders and spin-doctors operating at the behest of the state, sought to shape popular attitudes - at home and overseas - endeavouring to harness new media with the objective of winning hearts and minds. In doing so, it provides compelling evidence of how the study and practice of propaganda today is shaped by its history.

In the tumultuous first decade of the Cuban Revolution, Fidel Castro and other leaders saturated the media with altruistic images of themselves in a campaign to win the hearts of Cuba's six million citizens. In Visions of Power in Cuba, Lillian Guerra argues that these visual representations explained rapidly occurring events and encouraged radical change and mutual self-sacrifice. Mass rallies and labor mobilizations of unprecedented scale produced tangible evidence of what Fidel Castro called "unanimous support" for a revolution whose "moral power" defied U.S. control. Yet participation in state-orchestrated spectacles quickly became a requirement for political inclusion in a new Cuba that policed most forms of dissent. Devoted revolutionaries who resisted disastrous economic policies, exposed post-1959 racism, and challenged gender norms set by Cuba's one-party state increasingly found themselves marginalized, silenced, or jailed. Using previously unexplored sources, Guerra focuses on the lived experiences of citizens, including peasants, intellectuals, former prostitutes, black activists, and filmmakers, as they struggled to author their own scripts of revolution by resisting repression, defying state-imposed boundaries, and working for anti-imperial redemption in a truly free Cuba.

The photographs of torture at Abu Ghraib prison aroused worldwide condemnation--or did they? Opinion polls showed that most citizens of the United States were unmoved by the images. One reason for this relative lack of a public outcry may be the nature of the Abu Ghraib pictures themselves and what Stephen F. Eisenman terms "the Abu Ghraib effect." By showing prisoners engaging in sexual acts, Eisenman asserts, the photos make the men look like enthusiastic participants in their own interrogation and torture. Further, these scenes repeat an ancient stereotype: the "pathos formula," in which victims of war are shown welcoming their own punishment. In this highly original analysis, Eisenman shows the pathos formula at work in the Abu Ghraib photos, and he describes its long history, exploring the motif's appearance in imperial Greek and Roman Art, in the sculpture and painting of Michelangelo, and in Baroque paintings of saints and martyrs. The author also describes the equally long history of artistic protest against the formula by such diverse artists as William Hogarth, Francisco Goya, Pablo Picasso, Ben Shahn, and Leon Golub. "The Abu Ghraib Effect" reveals how the pathos formula has dulled public responses to images of torture, and also urges a more effective use of political images in the fight against the so-called "war on terror." "Eisenman's concepts and questions constitute a challenging discourse on politics and art." --"A""rt in America" "This brilliantly argued volume should be read by all art historians."--"Art Book" ""The Abu Ghraib Effect ." . . traverses revolutionary terrain in its unraveling of the function of artistic metaphor in the justification of imperialist power." --"M""edia-Culture Review"

Shedding new light on the American campaign to democratize Western Germany after World War II, "Capturing the German Eye" uncovers the importance of cultural policy and visual propaganda to the U.S. occupation.

Cora Sol Goldstein skillfully evokes Germany's political climate between 1945 and 1949, adding an unexpected dimension to the confrontation between the United States and the USSR. During this period, the American occupiers actively vied with their Soviet counterparts for control of Germany's visual culture, deploying film, photography, and the fine arts while censoring images that contradicted their political messages. Goldstein reveals how this U.S. cultural policy in Germany was shaped by three major factors: competition with the USSR, fear of alienating German citizens, and American domestic politics. Explaining how the Americans used images to discredit the Nazis and, later, the Communists, she illuminates the instrumental role of visual culture in the struggle to capture German hearts and minds at the advent of the cold war.

The nineteenth century was the heyday of furious contention between American political parties, and Joel Silbey has recaptured the drama and substance of those battles in a representative safmpling of party pamphlets. Political parties mapped the landscape of electoral and ideological warfare, constructing images of themselves and of their adversaries that resonate and echo the basic characteristics of America's then reigning sets of ideas. The nature of political controversy, as well as the substance of politics, is embedded in these party documents, which both united and divided Americans. Unlike today's party platforms, these pamphlets explicated real issues and gave insight into the society at large. Andrew Jackson's Democrats, Millard Fillmore's Whigs, Abraham Lincoln's Republicans, and other, lesser-known parties are represented here. The pamphlets demonstrate how, for this fifty-year period, political parties were surrogates for American demands and values. Broad in scope, widely circulated, catalysts for heated debate over the decades, these pamphlets are important documents in the history of American politics.

In a brilliant monograph-length introduction, Silbey teases out and elucidates the themes each party stressed and took as its own in its fight for the soul of the nation.

The nineteenth century was the heyday of furious contention between American political parties, and Joel Silbey has recaptured the drama and substance of those battles in a representative sampling of party pamphlets. Political parties mapped the landscape of electoral and ideological warfare, constructing images of themselves and of their adversaries that resonate and echo the basic characteristics of America's then reigning sets of ideas. The nature of political controversy, as well as the substance of politics, is embedded in these party documents, which both united and divided Americans. Unlike today's party platforms, these pamphlets explicated real issues and gave insight into the society at large. Andrew Jackson's Democrats, Millard Fillmore's Whigs, Abraham Lincoln's Republicans, and other, lesser-known parties are represented here. The pamphlets demonstrate how, for this fifty-year period, political parties were surrogates for American demands and values. Broad in scope, widely circulated, catalysts for heated debate over the decades, these pamphlets are important documents in the history of American politics.

In a brilliant monograph-length introduction, Silbey teases out and elucidates the themes each party stressed and took as its own in its fight for the soul of the nation.