Military power needs to be financed and economic development is often shaped by military conflict, thus the interaction of military and economy, power and money is central to the modern world. This book provides an accessible introduction to the economics of the use of organized force, with a wide range of historical and current examples.

This study explores the roles played by magic in contemporary African warfare, specifically through the case of Sierra Leone, to assess its impact on behaviour in conflict. In the last two decades, rituals designed to imbue people with supernatural power and make them immune to enemy fire have been seen on post-Cold War battlefields across Africa. Wlodarczyk argues that the use of magic in warfare can be understood, not as an illustration of how Africa's reality is qualitatively different from the West's, but as appropriate and logical. Here, a conceptual framework is suggested for analysing culturally alien practices more broadly, to inform approaches to civilian and military intervention not only in Africa but in conflict theatres around the world.

Military power and conflict have fuelled economic growth throughout history. Money matters to the military; it is needed to finance war and the desire to acquire it is often the motive for fighting. This book examines the interaction of economics and conflict, it explains the economic concepts used, and illustrates them with a range of military examples, both contemporary and historical. Among the many links explored lies the undeniable fact that fighting and finance are often both driven by the same basic human motives, fear and greed.
'Military Economics' draws on technical literature to provide an accessible introduction to: security, military expenditures, the arms industry, military operations and the economic consequences of defence spending. It raises current debates about the optimal size of the defence budget and examines how it is used to acquire forces, troops and weapons. The book examines how these forces are used to provide maximum military capability, and the potential to prevail in combat. Economic issues are central to the preparation for war, which involves balancing resources and commitments. By exploring the interaction between the military and economy, power and money, Ron Smith provides an insightful contribution to military planning, which becomes essential to the modern world. This book will be indispensable reading forall interested in defence economics, war studies andpeace studies.
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"Combat Modeling" is a systematic learning resource and reference text for the quantitative analysis of combat. After a brief overview, authors Washburn and Kress present individual chapters on shooting without feedback; shooting with feedback; target defense; attrition models; game theory and wargames; search; unmanned aerial vehicles; and terror and insurgency. Three appendices provide a review of basic probability concepts, probability distributions, and Markov models; an introduction to optimization models; and a discussion of Monte-Carlo simulations. Drawing on their many years of experience at the Naval Postgraduate School in Monterey, California, Washburn and Kress have created a reference that will provide the tools and techniques for analysts involved in the underpinnings of combat decisions. This is a book that can be used as a military manual, reference book, and textbook for military courses on this vital subject.

When should the international community intervene to prevent suffering within sovereign states? This book argues that since Kosovo, the normative thesis has failed to influence international politics, as evidenced by events in Iraq and Darfur. This critique rejects realism and offers a new perspective on this important issue.

War is always defined in relation to something else: peace, society, civilization, friendship or love. What is the relationship between war and its "other"? Are they opposites or versions of one another? This book surveys four hundred years of thinking about the definition of war, from Hobbes and Clausewitz to Badiou and Zižek.

Why was there a deliberate plan to fight the war in Iraq but none to win the peace? This question, which has caused such confusion and consternation among the American public and been the subject of much political wrangling over the past two years, is the focus of Lt. Col. Isaiah Wilson's investigation. Director of the American politics, policy, and strategy program at West Point, Wilson points to a flaw in the government's definition of when, how, and for what reasons the United States intervenes abroad. It is a paradox in the American way of peace and war, he explains, that harkens back to America's war loss in Vietnam. The dilemma we face today in Iraq, the author says, is the result of a flaw in how we have viewed the war from its inception, and Wilson reminds us that Iraq is just the latest, albeit the most poignant and tragic, case in point. His exploration of this paradox calls for new organizational and operational approaches to America's intervention policy. In challenging current western societal military lexicon and doctrine, Wilson offers new hope and practical solutions to overcome the paradox once and for all.

This book looks at U.S.-Korea relations and argues that the durability of military alliances depends upon a combination of power distribution, material assets, and identities. The author asserts that military alliances, beyond being mere tools of power balancing, are also engaged in material, representational, and institutional practices that constitute the identity of allies and adversaries.

Are the United States and China on a collision course? In response to remarks made by Donald Trump's secretary of state, China's state-run newspaper Global Times asserted, ""Unless Washington plans to wage a large-scale war in the South China Sea, any other approaches to prevent Chinese access to the [disputed] islands will be foolish."" Some experts contend that conflict is inevitable when an established power does not make sufficient room for a rising power. In this timely new work, renowned professor of international relations Amitai Etzioni explains why this would be disastrous and points to the ways the two nations can avoid war. The United States is already preparing for a war with China, Etzioni reveals. However, major differences of opinion exist among experts on the extent of military commitment required, and no plan has been formally reviewed by either Congress or the White House, nor has any been subjected to a public debate. Etzioni seeks here to provide a context for this long overdue discussion and to explore the most urgent questions: How aggressive is China? How powerful is it? Does it seek merely regional influence, or regional dominance, or to replace the United States as the global superpower? The most effective means of avoiding war, several experts argue, requires integrating China into the prevailing rule-based, liberal, international order. Etzioni spells out how this might be achieved and considers what can be done to improve the odds such an integration will take place. Others call for containing or balancing China, and Etzioni examines the risk posed by our alliances with various countries in the region, particularly India and Pakistan.With insight and clarity Etzioni presents our best strategy to reduce tension between the two powers, mapping out how the United States can accommodate China's regional rise without undermining its core interests, its allies, and the international order.

Military, economic, and environmental violence in the era of globalization cause immense suffering and may ultimately threaten the existence of life as we know it, but author Pilisuk explains that the future can change if we understand and act upon the roots of violence. A professor emeritus of psychology and human and community development, Pilisuk explains how most violence is the product of a human-built social order in which some people and institutions control most of the resources, make the decisions that necessitate violence, and operate with minimal accountability. The common root of war, poverty, environmental destruction, and other forms of violence is spotlighted. Such violence, says Pilisuk, is a natural consequence of a system inordinately influenced by a relatively small, interconnected group of corporate, military, and government leaders with the power to instill fear, to increase their excessive fortunes, and to restrict information, particularly about their own clandestine dealings. This text includes scholarship hailing from across disciplines, combined with information from investigative journalism, and insights from nonprofit watchdog groups, all shedding light on centralized power and its effects. Pilisuk presents material including the range of tactics used to manipulate and destroy adversaries, the human capacity to kill as a challenge, and how media is used by powerful groups to manipulate fear and maintain their power. Here, readers find solid social science to support what whistleblowers and social critics are observing about a system that needs change.

Late modern wars are legitimised through invocations of humanity; variously the rescue and protection of populations, the re-shaping of entire societies, and the re-constitution of the sphere of the international into a pacified cosmopolitan arena. Drawing on critical social and political thought, this book explores the implications of this legitimisation. It argues that these wars, often referred to as 'liberal', extend forms of exclusion and domination that make war a tool of control now articulated in global terms. In highlighting the domination of contemporary politics by discourses and practices that blur distinctions between war and peace, the international and the human, Jabri points to the dangers that lie at the heart of such practices. These dangers have implications not only for the liberal democratic state, but for the emergence of a global sphere of interaction based on mutual recognition.

At A Time When Moral Questions about armed force are at the forefront of the public's attention, this volume offers insight on current challenges related to war, nationalism, and justice. Though recent publications on military ethics abound, this work adds to the debate by considering the historical background of just war theory in the Middle Ages, before going on to elucidating its contemporary challenges. The book covers a wide range of topics and raises issues rarely touched on in the ethics-of-war literature, such as environmental concerns and the responsibility of bystanders. Following a general introduction by Henrik Syse and Gregory M Reichberg, the book is divided into two main sections. The first addresses the cradle of the modern idea of just war in medieval Latin Christianity. The section discusses the relevance of medieval ideas to the modern setting, and explains why the study of the medieval roots of just-war thinking is so important even today. It includes essays on Ambrose, Augustine, Thomas Aquinas, Christine de Pizan, and Geoffrey Chaucer, not focusing, however, solely on the contributions of these writers but also providing an overall introduction to key concerns in medieval just war theorizing. The second section of essays examines nationalism, intervention, preventive war, war crimes, and the environmental side-effects of war. All of these topics are treated within the relevant theoretical contexts, thus providing a rich overview of the state of the debate. While staying within the framework of a post 9-11 context, and raising several issues of relevance to the discussion about terrorism, this section also highlights several topics that have been overshadowed by the war on terror, but which merit attention in their own right. One of the most comprehensive works on the subject, ""Ethics, Nationalism, and Just War"" is an important and accessible text for students and scholars.

The US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003 prompted unprecedented public interest in the ethics of war, a debate that has raged furiously in the media, in politics and in the public consciousness ever since. In this fascinating and informative book, Nicholas Fotion explores the notion of developing an ethical theory that guides the behaviour of those who are at war.Fotion gives a clear account of just war theory, presenting it as a useful device in helping us make decisions about what we should do when war appears on the horizon. Examining conflicts such as Korea, Vietnam, Iraq, Israel, the Falklands and Afghanistan, the book interrogates the roles of the various parties involved in military action. Articulate, provocative and stimulating, "War and Ethics" is an ideal introduction to this hugely important debate."Think Now" is a brand new series of stimulating and accessible books examining key contemporary social issues from a philosophical perspective. Written by experts in philosophy, these books offer sophisticated and provocative yet engaging writing on political and cultural themes of genuine concern to the educated reader.

Late modern wars are legitimized through invocations of humanity; variously the rescue and protection of populations, the re-shaping of entire societies, and the re-constitution of the sphere of the international into a pacified cosmopolitan arena. Drawing on critical social and political thought, the book explores the implications, arguing that these same wars, often referred to as 'liberal', may be interpreted as perpetuating forms of exclusion and domination that render war a tool of control now articulated in global terms.

The rhetorical presumption of war's necessity makes violence regrettable, but seemingly sane, and functions to shame anyone who opposes military action. Ivie proposes that the presence of dissent is actually a healthy sign of democratic citizenship, and a responsible and productive act, which has been dangerously miscast as a threat to national security. Ivie, a former US Navy petty officer, puts a microscope to the language of war supporters throughout history and follows the lives and memories of soldiers and anti-war activists who have dealt with degrees of confusion and guilt about their opposition to war. Arguing that informed dissent plays out largely in the realm of rhetoric, he equips readers with strategies for resisting the dehumanizing language used in war propaganda. Through his careful study of language strategies, he makes it possible to foster a community where dissenting voices are valued and vital.

"War . . . is merely an idea, an institution, like dueling or slavery, that has been grafted onto human existence. It is not a trick of fate, a thunderbolt from hell, a natural calamity, or a desperate plot contrivance dreamed up by some sadistic puppeteer on high. And it seems to me that the institution is in pronounced decline, abandoned as attitudes toward it have changed, roughly following the pattern by which the ancient and formidable institution of slavery became discredited and then mostly obsolete." from the Introduction

War is one of the great themes of human history and now, John Mueller believes, it is clearly declining. Developed nations have generally abandoned it as a way for conducting their relations with other countries, and most current warfare (though not all) is opportunistic predation waged by packs often remarkably small ones of criminals and bullies. Thus, argues Mueller, war has been substantially reduced to its remnants or dregs and thugs are the residual combatants.

Mueller is sensitive to the policy implications of this view. When developed states commit disciplined troops to peacekeeping, the result is usually a rapid cessation of murderous disorder. The Remnants of War thus reinvigorates our sense of the moral responsibility bound up in peacekeeping. In Mueller's view, capable domestic policing and military forces can also be effective in reestablishing civic order, and the building of competent governments is key to eliminating most of what remains of warfare."

"Values and Weapons" looks at the determinants of legitimacy for using military force in the US and Europe. The non-intervention norm is weakened by the advent of terror groups in failed states as well as by so-called humanitarian intervention. The development of a norm that calls for a 'duty to protect' has paved the way for intervention also into so-called 'failed' states. Sovereignty has been redefined to be conditional on democratic government, and this makes it much easier to intervene into non-democratic states.

The persistence of war as a feature of modern life is examined through issues of identity and difference, that is, the construction of 'self' and 'other' as individual or community. Key texts relating specifically to identity and war are addressed, including those by Nietzsche, Heiddeger, Marcuse, Freud, Lacan, Honneth, Bataille, Simmel, Elshtain, Ruddick, Schmitt, Delanda, Hardt and Negri, Baudrillard, Virilio, Beck and Joas. Its theoretical approach sets this study apart from the traditional political science and IR approaches to the subject and makes a significant contribution within this area of social theory, cultural studies and communication studies.

America is a target; the homeland is under threat. While Americans have been targets of terrorist attacks for quite some time, September 11, 2001, awoke the nation to the reality that we are vulnerable in our homes, our places of work and worship, and our means of public transportation. And yet, we must continue to function as best we can as the world's most vibrant economic and political community. The current threat environment requires greater engagement with the public, as the necessary eyes and ears of the nation's homeland security infrastructure. However, to be effective, the public must be equipped with the knowledge of where and why specific locations and activities may be a terrorist target, what is being done to protect those targets, and how they can help. The chapters of each volume of Homeland Security revolve around a core of central questions. Are we safer today than we were pre-9/11? What steps have been taken in all these areas to protect ourselves? What are the threats we face, and what new threats have developed since 9/11? Are we staying one step ahead of those who wish to do us harm? In 2002, more than 400 million people, 122 million cars, 11 million trucks, 2.4 million freight cars, and 8 million containers entered the United States. Nearly 60,000 vessels entered the United States at its 301 ports of entry. Clearly the amount of activity this represents will require a long-term commitment to innovation, organizational learning, and public vigilance to complement an already overstretched network of government agencies and security professionals. Volume 1, Borders and Points of Entry, addresses the question of how and where harmful people or material can enter thecountry, and how a combination of local, state, and federal agencies work with the private sector to ensure our security. Volume 2, Public Spaces and Social Institutions, covers a wide variety of potential vulnerabilities. Volume 3, Critical Infrastructure, deals with vital infrastructures and systems, attacks against which would yield not only significant loss of life but would also entail devastating economic and financial consequences.

Despite the current rhetoric of Western leaders, democracies are great and frequent war-makers and interventionists. This fact stands in a strange contrast to the liberal self-image of democracies being particularly peaceful. Addressing this contrast, the book turns the 'democratic peace' theme on its head: rather than investigating the reasons for the supposed pacifism of democracies, it looks for the causes of their militancy. In order to solve this puzzle, the authors transcend the disciplinary boundaries of International Relations and draw on political theory, political philosophy and sociology.

Putting into question the conventional view that the military is detrimental to democratic development, Dolman provides a multifaceted examination of the institutional incentives of the military and its relations with civilian authorities. Drawing on classical political theory, a wide range of historical examples, and statistical findings, " The Warrior State" argues that the military can facilitate democracy as the result of specific norms and conditions that focus on individual action. Ironically, this may be best inculcated through a focus on the offensive, precisely the military doctrine commonly seen as most likely to result in international conflict. The paradox of offensive strategies possibly increasing international conflict while also enhancing democracy, which is supposed to decrease such conflict, form a core of this provocative book.

Although the horrors of war are manifest, academic debate is dominated by accounts that reinforce the concept of warfare as a rational project. Seeking to explain this paradox - to uncover the motivations at the core of warring communities - Theo Farrell explores the cultural forces that have shaped modern Western conflict. Farrell finds that the norms of war, shared beliefs about what is right and what works, are created and embraced not only by polities and military organizations, but also by constituencies throughout civil society. Culture, he demonstrates, accounts for all core areas of military activity and at every level, sometimes with puzzling results. Tracing the lineage of the modern military and ranging from historical examples to charged contemporary issues, this provocative book goes to the heart of the relationship between society and war.

How do armies fight and what makes them victorious on the modern battlefield? In Divided Armies, Jason Lyall challenges long-standing answers to this classic question by linking the fate of armies to their levels of inequality. Introducing the concept of military inequality, Lyall demonstrates how a state's prewar choices about the citizenship status of ethnic groups within its population determine subsequent battlefield performance. Treating certain ethnic groups as second-class citizens, either by subjecting them to state-sanctioned discrimination or, worse, violence, undermines interethnic trust, fuels grievances, and leads victimized soldiers to subvert military authorities once war begins. The higher an army's inequality, Lyall finds, the greater its rates of desertion, side-switching, casualties, and use of coercion to force soldiers to fight. In a sweeping historical investigation, Lyall draws on Project Mars, a new dataset of 250 conventional wars fought since 1800, to test this argument. Project Mars breaks with prior efforts by including overlooked non-Western wars while cataloguing new patterns of inequality and wartime conduct across hundreds of belligerents. Combining historical comparisons and statistical analysis, Lyall also marshals evidence from nine wars, ranging from the Eastern Fronts of World Wars I and II to less familiar wars in Africa and Central Asia, to illustrate inequality's effects. Sounding the alarm on the dangers of inequality for battlefield performance, Divided Armies offers important lessons about warfare over the past two centuries-and for wars still to come.

With the U.S. armed forces playing an ever increasing central role in American foreign policy, surprisingly little attention has been paid to the role of regional Commanders-in-Chief (CINCs) in both implementing and shaping relations with various countries. Wielding tremendous power and substantial resources, both military and economic, these officers are also diplomats, advisors, and intermediaries between other countries and the Washington policy process. This book explores the role these military commanders play in contemporary U.S. foreign policy.

If, in the next place, we keep once more to the pure conception of War, then we must say that the political object properly lies out of its province, for if War is an act of violence to compel the enemy to fulfil our will, then in every case all depends on our overthrowing the enemy, that is, disarming him, and on that alone.