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Books > Social sciences > Warfare & defence > Theory of warfare & military science
Military Resilience in a Low-Intensity Conflict: A Comparative Study of New Directions Worldwide, by Rachel Suissa, offers a prognosis for the dilemma of army resilience in the post-modern era. She clarifies the concept of military resilience among the challenges of the twenty-first century, examining how the military model affects resilience, and how those effects are expressed during the management of a given conflict. She investigates the issue through a comparative study of armies and states which have been involved or are currently involved in low intensity conflicts the countries discussed include France and Algeria, Great Britain and Ireland, Russia and Chechnya, and Israel and the Palestinian authority. Another challenge that Suissa addresses is that of peace coalitions and their organizational resilience. She further discusses the connection between political and military ranks, and under which conditions the former affects the latter. Military Resilience in a Low-Intensity Conflict makes the issues associated with resilience and conflict accessible to both academics and those who might translate its findings into practicable insights.
The just war tradition is central to the practice of international relations, in questions of war, peace, and the conduct of war in the contemporary world, but surprisingly few scholars have questioned the authority of the tradition as a source of moral guidance for modern statecraft. Just War: Authority, Tradition, and Practice brings together many of the most important contemporary writers on just war to consider questions of authority surrounding the just war tradition. Authority is critical in two key senses. First, it is central to framing the ethical debate about the justice or injustice of war, raising questions about the universality of just war and the tradition's relationship to religion, law, and democracy. Second, who has the legitimate authority to make just-war claims and declare and prosecute war? Such authority has traditionally been located in the sovereign state, but non-state and supra-state claims to legitimate authority have become increasingly important over the last twenty years as the just war tradition has been used to think about multilateral military operations, terrorism, guerrilla warfare, and sub-state violence. The chapters in this collection, organized around these two dimensions, offer a compelling reassessment of the authority issue's centrality in how we can, do, and ought to think about war in contemporary global politics.
This collection of counterfactual essays by noted historians analyzes incidents from military history spanning 3000 years to the end of the 20th-century. Broad speculative analysis is built from a wealth of detail, as some major turning points of military history are re-examined.
Necessity and proportionality hold a firm place in the international law governing the use of force by states, as well as in the law of armed conflict. However, the precise contours of these two requirements are uncertain and controversial. The aim of Necessity and Proportionality in International Peace and Security Law is to explore how necessity and proportionality manifest themselves in the modern world under the law governing the use of force and the law of armed conflict, and how they relate to each other. The book explores the ways in which necessity and proportionality are applied in practice and addresses pressing legal issues in the law on the use of force, including the controversial "unwilling and unable" test for the use of force in self-defense, drones and targeted killing, the application of this legal regime during civil war, and the need for further transparency in states' justification for the use of force in self-defense. The analysis of the role of military necessity within the law of armed conflict on the modern battlefield focuses on the history and nature of the principle of military necessity, the proper application of the principle of proportionality, how commanders should account for mental harm in calculating proportionality, and the role artificial intelligence and autonomous weapons systems may play in proportionality analysis. The book concludes with a discussion of the potential role of proportionality in the law governing post-conflict contexts.
Traces the relations between the organization of violence and social and political order from ancient Rome to early modern Europe. It studies the ways in which authority, obedience and forms of self-conduct were produced by the micro-techniques used to govern violence deployed in different forms of warfare. These issues comprise problematics of military power that are largely neglected by historical sociology and political history. The author shows that the constitution of military power and its relation to wider society has undergone a series of radical, discontinuous and contested shifts in the course of European history, rather than following a pattern of progressive abstraction of violence from society. The text argues that modern presumptions of an ahistorical dichotomy between military and civil society mat thus distort our understanding of the past and perhaps also of the future.
The ethics of war explores the moral limits and possibilities of conflict. The argument proceeds from a just war standpoint which balances rules or principles against the moral capacities and dispositions of belligerents and the particular circumstances in which they act. In this enlarged second edition, a new introduction reflects on the impact of changes to just war thinking and to the practice of war since the book's original publication. The common criticism that traditional just war theory is incoherent, outmoded and in need of radical revision is resisted, and instead, a case is made for an ethics of war rooted in the historic tradition of just war. The concept of just war is compared with realism, militarism and pacifism; the principles of just recourse and just conduct are examined with the aid of real life examples; and a new third part addresses some of the ethical problems raised by terrorism and counterterrorism. -- .
Distinguished scholars, policymakers, and journalists compare the effects of prolonged war on ancient Athens during the war with Sparta, and on the United States and the two Koreas, North and South, during the Korean War. Despite the very different circumstances of the two conflicts and the radically different way that each was viewed in its own time, the contributors point to many underlying similarities between the two wars.
Contrary to popular misconceptions and public branding as "dirty tricks," covert action and counterintelligence can have considerable value. Democracies, while wary of these instruments, have benefited significantly from their use, saving lives, treasure, and gaining strategic advantage. As liberal democracies confront the post-Cold War mix of rogue states and non-state actors, such as criminals and terrorists, and weapons of mass destruction and mass disruption, these clandestine arts may prove to be important tools of statecraft, and perhaps trump cards in the twenty-first century. Godson defines covert action as influencing events in other parts of the world without attribution, and counterintelligence as identifying, neutralizing, and exploiting the secret activities of others. Together they provide the capability to resist manipulation and control others to advantage. Counterintelligence protects U.S. military, technological, and diplomatic secrets and turns adversary intelligence to U.S. advantage. Covert action enables the United States to weaken adversaries and to assist allies who may be hampered by open acknowledgment of foreign support. Drawing on contemporary and historical literature, broad-ranging contacts with senior intelligence officials in many countries, as well as his own research and experience as a longtime consultant to the U.S. government, Godson traces the history of U.S. covert action and counterintelligence since 1945, showing that covert action works well when it is part of a well-coordinated policy and when policy makers are committed to succeeding in the long-term. Godson argues that the best counterintelligence is an offensive defense. His exposition of the essential theoretical foundations of both covert action and counterintelligence, supported by historical examples, lays out the ideal conditions for their use, as well as demonstrating why they are so difficult to attain. This book will be of interest to students and general readers interested in political science, national security, foreign policy, and military policy.
Between 1940 and 1944, although large numbers of British troops battled around the littorals of the Mediterranean and Burma, most of the British Army bided its time at home. Between Dunkirk and D-Day, those troops lived in a grey area, neither fully at peace nor properly at war. While they trained under virtually peacetime conditions, their colleagues overseas were gaining up-to-date battle experience. The lessons from that experience should have made the troops who crossed the Channel in summer 1944 the most thoroughly prepared soldiers ever to go into their first battle. Sadly, the results in Normandy confounded any such expectations, as in battle after battle the combat effectiveness of British troops, particularly infantry and armour, proved weak.
This is the first comprehensive study based on a detailed
textual analysis of the classical works on war by Clausewitz, Sun
Tzu, Mao Tse-tung, and to a lesser extent, Jomini and Machiavelli.
Brushing stereotypes aside, the author takes a fresh look at what
these strategic thinkers actually said-not what they are widely
believed to have said. He finds that despite their apparent
differences in terms of time, place, cultural background, and level
of material/technological development, all had much more in common
than previously supposed. In fact, the central conclusion of this
book is that the logic of waging war and of strategic thinking is
as universal and timeless as human nature itself. This third, revised and expanded edition includes five new chapters and some new charts and diagrams.
The suppression of war has been the primary objective of the United Nations for almost fifty years, and stopping a war before it starts is easier than ending a war already underway. History, however, has shown that military interventions and economic sanctions often do more harm than good. In "Preventive Diplomacy," Nobel prize winners, top officials, and revered thinkers tackle these issues and explore the process of conflict prevention from humanitarian, economic, and political perspectives. This cross-disciplinary reader on global politics demonstrates that when new insights and methodologies on public health are applied to the handling of international disasters, the change in policy perspective is intriguing--even hopeful.
A collection of the papers from the 1995 Sandhurst conference presented by leading members of the armed forces, the media and academia. The conference marked a major advance in British thinking on this very topical and fast-moving subject, bringing together authorities from various fields in a multidisciplinary investigation which has been, and will be of great interest to a wide variety of specialist readers.
At the turn of the millennium, the British Army finds its position in relation to British society paradoxical. One one level it enjoys public support; it is seen as a highly professional organization in which the civil population has great trust. On another, its values are portrayed as out of touch with society; its policies or its behaviour in relationship to gender, sex and race are attacked in the press; society is seen to have changed, but the Army has not. The Army's response is that at least some of the differences betwen Army and society are necessary given that particular nature of its task: ultimately the soldier's profession is one unlike any other, because it requires him (or her) to be ready to die in the course of duty.
"Warfare Since the Second World War "presents a wealth of analysis and data about one of the most pressing questions of our time: why does war continue to plague us fifty years after World War II? This book argues that the nature of war has shifted from inter-state conflicts toward internal conflicts, above all civil war. Low-intensity conflict helps explain the constant increase in wars over the last fifty years and makes it probable this trend will continue. Gantzel and Schwinghammer argue that modern warfare reflects a continuation of the nation-state-building process begun in nineteenth-century Europe. In their analysis, economic modernization and social integration destroy traditional relations and create instability in the developing world. While these forces were successfully harnessed by the modern state in Europe and North America, economic and political globalization make a similar resolution considerably more complex. In addition to their insightful analysis, the authors provide a detailed list of all wars fought from 1945 to 1995. The authors' lucid explanatory commentaries are accompanied by lists, tables, and charts. In addition to a detailed war register, upon which all statistical data and analyses for the volume are based, there are appendices with directories useful for locating specific wars, as well as several supplementary lists. An afterword brings the reader closer to the world situation as we conclude the twentieth century; including the impact of political developments in Eastern Europe. Beyond its historical dimension, this book offers a policy-relevant empirical demonstration of the ongoing increase in internal (civil) wars and addresses the inability of modern society to prevent this scourge. "Warfare Since the Second World War" is an indispensable resource for anyone concerned with issues of war and peace, development, and the future of international relations.
What happens in a tradition that links citizenship with soldiering when women become citizens? Citizen Soldiers and Manly Warriors: Military Service and Gender in the Civic Republican Tradition provides an in-depth analysis of the theory and practice of the citizen-soldier in historical context. Using a postmodern feminist lens, Snyder reveals that within the citizen-soldier tradition, citizenship and masculinity are simultaneously constituted through engagement in civic and martial practices. Seeking to sever the connection between masculinity and citizenship, Snyder calls for women to make 'gender trouble' by engaging in the practices traditionally constitutive of masculine republican citizenship. However, in order to reconstitute the Citizen-Soldier tradition the only tradition we have that holds the military up to democratic standards we must not only 'trouble' but also reconfigure our understandings of gender and citizenship. Thus gender parity in the American military is not enough. We must also change the type of masculinity produced by the military, reintroduce the military to its civic purposes, expand the 'citizenship of civic practices' to include other non-martial forms of service, and give citizens a greater role in political decision making."
War, like death and taxes, seems eternal but is it inevitable? Do nations simply blunder into it? What is victory and how is it achieved? The author of this original and lively study answers these and other perennial questions about War and Warfare (not the same thing) that scholars often ignore. Pike explains how strategy fuses objectives and action, how war leaders invariably (and literally) lose the plot; how the relationship between generals and politicians is key. He looks at nuclear war and provides some provocative insights; he argues that Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD) - while a hideous concept - provides strategic stability. He also highlights the absurdity and folly of past wars - football wars, wars about pigs or ears - but stresses that wars, a last resort once diplomacy has failed, are lost by those blinded by hubris, irresolution or simple strategic confusion. This is the first volume in a trilogy 'Making Sense of War'. 'War in Context' will be published in the spring/summer of 2022. 'Both learned and a joy to read, Pike synthesises 2,000 years of scholarship and cuts through the fog of war and history.' Antony Bird (writer and historian) |
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