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Books > Social sciences > Warfare & defence > Theory of warfare & military science
Despite the millennial hopes for peace wishfully harboured by so
many, the opening years of the twenty-first century have seen the
morality of war remain urgently central to political argument
around the world. The just war tradition has provided one of the
most beguiling frameworks for the question of when it is right to
go to war, and how war ought to be conducted. However, criticisms
of it are as old as the tradition itself and many now claim that
the nature of contemporary warfare has made it truly redundant.
This book addresses the criticisms and explores new angles to just
war thinking, analysing its practical adequacy in the face of
modern-day realities. It is written with the aim of stimulating
debate, recasting or revivifying critical reservations, but also
powerfully demonstrating how just war theory cannot be ignored if
we take seriously the moral questions warfare forces upon us. Key
Features * Focuses on individual elements of Just War Theory to
clarify specific claims and explore very particular issues * Uses a
clear, analytical writing style to ensure clarity for the reader *
Raises new questions not addressed in other Just War literature *
Focuses on contemporary moral applications of Just War theory *
Shows how Just War theory can serve as a basis for anti-war
movements
Despite the millennial hopes for peace wishfully harboured by so
many, the opening years of the twenty-first century have seen the
morality of war remain urgently central to political argument
around the world. The just war tradition has provided one of the
most beguiling frameworks for the question of when it is right to
go to war, and how war ought to be conducted. However, criticisms
of it are as old as the tradition itself and many now claim that
the nature of contemporary warfare has made it truly redundant.
This book addresses the criticisms and explores new angles to just
war thinking, analysing its practical adequacy in the face of
modern-day realities. It is written with the aim of stimulating
debate, recasting or revivifying critical reservations, but also
powerfully demonstrating how just war theory cannot be ignored if
we take seriously the moral questions warfare forces upon us. Key
Features * Focuses on individual elements of Just War Theory to
clarify specific claims and explore very particular issues * Uses a
clear, analytical writing style to ensure clarity for the reader *
Raises new questions not addressed in other Just War literature *
Focuses on contemporary moral applications of Just War theory *
Shows how Just War theory can serve as a basis for anti-war
movements
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The British Infantry
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Philip (tom) Cobley Mbe Late Para; Foreword by Gen James Everard Kcb Cbe Dsaceur
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The British Infantry
(Hardcover)
Philip (tom) Cobley Mbe Late Para; Foreword by Gen James Everard Kcb Cbe Dsaceur
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For centuries, the world has witnessed the development and use of
increasingly complex and powerful military systems and
technologies. In the process, the "art of war" has truly become the
art of combined arms warfare, in which infantry, artillery, air
support, intelligence, and other key elements are all coordinated
for maximum effect. Nowhere has this trend been more visible than
in the history of twentieth-century warfare.
Originally published as an essential "in-house" study for U.S.
Army officers during the 1980s, this much revised and expanded
edition remains the most complete study available on the subject.
Rewritten with a much wider readership in mind, it both retains its
enormous practical utility for military professionals and provides
a valuable and appealing introduction for scholars and general
readers.
Jonathan House, author of the original work, brings the story of
combined arms up to the present, covering among other things Desert
Storm, the war in Chechnya, and the rise of "smart weapons" and
related technologies. He traces the evolution of tactics, weapons,
and organization in five major militaries -- American, British,
German, Russian, and French -- over 100 years of warfare. Revealing
both continuities and contrasts within and between these fighting
forces, he also provides illuminating glimpses of Israeli and
Japanese contributions to combined arms doctrine. Expanding his
insightful analysis of the world wars and the wars in Korea and
Vietnam, House also offers much new material focused on the
post-Vietnam period. Throughout, he analyzes such issues as
command-and-control, problems of highly centralized organizations,
the development of special operationsforces, advances in weapons
technology -- including ballistic and anti-ballistic missile
systems -- the trade-offs involved in using "heavy" versus "light"
armed forces, and the enduring obstacles to effective cooperation
between air and land forces. (His strong critique of the "air
superiority" propaganda that came out of the Gulf War is sure to
spark some heated debates.)
Rigorously comparative, House's study addresses significant
questions about how nations prepare for war, learn or don't learn
its harsh lessons, and adapt to changing times and technologies.
Unique in the annals of the literature on warfare, it will be the
standard work on this subject for a long time to come.
How do armies fight and what makes them victorious on the modern
battlefield? In Divided Armies, Jason Lyall challenges
long-standing answers to this classic question by linking the fate
of armies to their levels of inequality. Introducing the concept of
military inequality, Lyall demonstrates how a state's prewar
choices about the citizenship status of ethnic groups within its
population determine subsequent battlefield performance. Treating
certain ethnic groups as second-class citizens, either by
subjecting them to state-sanctioned discrimination or, worse,
violence, undermines interethnic trust, fuels grievances, and leads
victimized soldiers to subvert military authorities once war
begins. The higher an army's inequality, Lyall finds, the greater
its rates of desertion, side-switching, casualties, and use of
coercion to force soldiers to fight. In a sweeping historical
investigation, Lyall draws on Project Mars, a new dataset of 250
conventional wars fought since 1800, to test this argument. Project
Mars breaks with prior efforts by including overlooked non-Western
wars while cataloguing new patterns of inequality and wartime
conduct across hundreds of belligerents. Combining historical
comparisons and statistical analysis, Lyall also marshals evidence
from nine wars, ranging from the Eastern Fronts of World Wars I and
II to less familiar wars in Africa and Central Asia, to illustrate
inequality's effects. Sounding the alarm on the dangers of
inequality for battlefield performance, Divided Armies offers
important lessons about warfare over the past two centuries-and for
wars still to come.
For both the United States and United Kingdom counterinsurgency was
a serious component of security policy during the Cold War and,
along with counterterrorism, has been the greatest security
challenge after September 11, 2001. In The Soul of Armies Austin
Long compares and contrasts counterinsurgency operations during the
Cold War and in recent years by three organizations: the US Army,
the US Marine Corps, and the British Army.Long argues that the
formative experiences of these three organizations as they
professionalized in the nineteenth century has produced distinctive
organizational cultures that shape operations. Combining archival
research on counterinsurgency campaigns in Vietnam and Kenya with
the author's personal experience as a civilian advisor to the
military in Iraq and Afghanistan, The Soul of Armies demonstrates
that the US Army has persistently conducted counterinsurgency
operations in a very different way from either the US Marine Corps
or the British Army. These differences in conduct have serious
consequences, affecting the likelihood of success, the potential
for civilian casualties and collateral damage, and the ability to
effectively support host nation governments. Long concludes
counterinsurgency operations are at best only a partial explanation
for success or failure.
Turkish Intelligence and the Cold War examines the hitherto
unexplored history of secret intelligence cooperation between three
asymmetric partners - specifically the UK, US and Turkey - from the
end of the Second World War until the Turkey's first military coup
d'etat on 27 May 1960. The book shows that our understanding of the
Cold War as a binary rivalry between the two blocs is too simple an
approach and obscures important characteristics of intelligence
cooperation among allies. Egemen Bezci shows that a pragmatic
approach offers states new opportunities to protect national
interests, by conducting ''intelligence diplomacy' to influence
crucial areas such as nuclear weapons and to exploit cooperation in
support of their own strategic imperatives. This study not only
reveals previously-unexplored origins of secret intelligence
cooperation between Turkey and West, but also contributes to wider
academic debates on the nature of the Cold War by highlighting the
potential agency of weaker states in the Western Alliance.
Where the implications of war and peace are open to question, the
possibility of change depends more on politics than economics. This
book asks whether the region's great powers can overcome opposing
interests and commit to political restraint. The concept of
regional security is based on great power support for regional
order. However, there are many pitfalls to consider: notably, the
politics of contested nationalisms; the Asia-Pacific rivalry of
China and the US; and India's inclinations to function - or be seen
- as a benevolent hegemon for the region. Yet there are signs of
renewed determination to move the region in new directions. While
China's Silk Road projects are long-term regional investments that
hinge on regional stability, the US is attempting to fashion new
partnerships and India strives to reconcile regional differences to
promote a peaceful environment.This book, as it sets out the
emerging agendas of the great powers and local powers, makes a
significant contribution to a better understanding of the
international relations and diplomatic politics of South Asia.
For the last fifty years, most popular and scholarly works have agreed that prehistoric warfare was rare, harmless, and unimportant. According to this view, it was little more than a ritualized game, where casualties were limited and the effects of aggression relatively mild. Lawrence Keeley's groundbreaking War Before Civilization offers a devastating rebuttal to such comfortable myths and debunks the notion that warfare was introduced to primitive societies through contact with civilization. Building on much fascinating archeological and historical research and offering an astute comparison of warfare in civilized and prehistoric societies, from modern European states to the Plains Indians of North America, Keeley convincingly demonstrates that prehistoric warfare was in fact more deadly, more frequent, and more ruthless than modern war. He cites evidence of ancient massacres in many areas of the world, and surveys the prevalence of looting, destruction, and trophy-taking in all kinds of warfare, again finding little moral distinction between ancient warriors and civilized armies. Finally, and perhaps most controversially, he examines the evidence of cannibalism among some preliterate peoples. But Keeley goes beyond grisly facts to address the larger moral and philosophical issues raised by his work. What are the causes of war? Are human beings inherently violent? How can we ensure peace in our own time? Challenging some of our most dearly held beliefs, Keeley's conclusions are bound to stir controversy.
Since World War II, civil wars have replaced interstate wars as the
most frequent and deadly form of armed conflict globally. How do we
account for when and where civil wars are likely to occur, when and
how they are likely to end, and whether or not they will recur? In
this timely book, leading scholars guide us through what the latest
research tells us about the onset, duration, outcomes, and
recurrence of civil wars, as well as the ongoing consequences of
conflicts in war-torn countries such as Syria, Sudan, and Rwanda.
In mapping out the current state of our knowledge about civil
conflicts, the authors also identify what we do not know about
civil wars. The book describes new directions in civil-war
research, including transitional justice institutions in
post-conflict environments, the "resource curse," the role of
women, and the relationship between the environment and civil
conflict. The authors also highlight new trends in civil-war data
collection that have enabled scholars to examine the geographic and
temporal patterns of armed conflict. This authoritative text offers
both an accessible and current overview of current knowledge and an
agenda for future research. With contributions by Halvard Buhaug,
David E. Cunningham, Kathleen Gallagher Cunningham, Jacqueline H.
R. DeMeritt, Karl DeRouen Jr., Paul F. Diehl, Andrew Enterline,
Erika Forsberg, Scott Gates, Kristian Skrede Gleditsch, Nils Petter
Gleditsch, Caroline A. Hartzell, Cullen Hendrix, Jacob Kathman,
Christopher Linebarger, T. David Mason, Erik Melander, Sara
McLaughlin Mitchell, Alyssa K. Prorok, Idean Salehyan, Lee J. M.
Seymour, Megan Shannon, Benjamin Smith, David Sobek, Clayton L.
Thyne, Henrik Urdal, Joseph K. Young
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