In vergeelde foto’s van drie dekades gelede staan oopgesigseuns vol bravade voor Ratel-gevegsvoertuie. Hierdie dienspligtiges van 61 Gemeganiseerde Bataljongroep staan aan die begin van hul reis diep in Angola in om vir volk en vaderland te gaan veg.

In ’n bloedige geveg op Valentynsdag 1988 en in die doodsakker by Tumpo sou hul jeugdige onskuld egter sneuwel. In die hitte van die gevegte kom die besef: Nou gaan dit nie oor ideologie nie, maar om oorlewing.

Ná die oorlog gaan die lewe voort, maar die vrae en geestelike letsels wyk nie. In 2018 keer ’n groep van dié ouddienspligtiges terug na Cuito Cuanavale op soek na afsluiting - en om die wrak te vind van die Ratel waarin ’n makker op die laaste dag van die oorlog gesterf het.

Die Brug vertel van hul reis van jong man na veteraan en gee ook ’n stem aan die vroue in hul lewe. Dit is ’n verhaal van ontnugtering, maar ook van trotse kameraderie en genesing.

Let us rewrite our history; A history that speaks of Africa as experienced by Africans. Let us rewrite our history that speaks of ubuntu traditions, isintu practices and umuntu/abantu as central pillars of society. Let us rewrite a narrative that speaks isintu sethu - setso sa rona, isintu - setso sa rona as a 'Set of Rules' for all practices in society. Twenty-five years after the delivery of political democracy, the Edenic projects of nonracialism and the Rainbow Nation have failed because there was no fuller appreciation of what is meant by ubuntu. Ubuntu consists of three integral parts: first, amasiko, which consists of traditions, norms and customs; isintu: rituals, performances and practices that help with the embodiment of ubuntu; and umuntu, the performer and practitioner of isintu and bearer of the ubuntu value system as a state of being and identity. The version of ubuntu that was used and applied immediately after 1994 for engendering nationbuilding should have initially been focused on rebuilding the Black social groups before there were attempts at rebuilding all races, through the defunct Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), and forging social cohesion through short-term sporting codes such as the 1995 Rugby World Cup, the 1996 Africa Cup of Nations and the 2010 Fifa World Cup. Such an understanding of ubuntu, exemplified above, came across as sanitised and a quick fix that could not undo centuries of dehumanisation, as characterised by apartheid. By definition and practice, that is anathema to ubuntu since it depreciated the value systems and performances of isintu of the majority population and defiled the humanity of both the Black people and their white counterparts. Isintu ought to be regarded as a tool of inculcation of rules, norms and traditions that structure limits and help with the embodiment of ubuntu. This book regards it as well suited for solving the impasse currently witnessed in South Africa. It is only with the inclusion of the analysis and discussion of isintu that ubuntu may be understood and reveal its performative prowess in the production of identities and a variety of capitals meant to sustain the societies of sub-Saharan Africa. Needless to say, some aspects of ubuntu may well be suitable for export as representative of humanism or critical humanism. However, the system of ubuntu needs to be properly rationalised before it can be chopped down and paraded as a universal tool. The tendency of parading ubuntu as a universal tool of humanism has tended to weaken it along with individuals whose bodies and geographies are a locus for cultivation identities and diverse forms of capital that help enact and sustain local value systems. This book presents the true meaning of ubuntu, which has its roots in communitarian societies and their value systems. As part of an international benchmark on the viability of local value systems as a conceptual framework for performances of production aimed at a fulfilled citizenry, the book compares ubuntu to its counterpart value systems of Confucianism in China and Jantelagen in Sweden.

The British Colonial Record to 1939 This history of British colonial rule in Nyasaland, now Malawi, from 1891 up to the outbreak of the Second World War, is based on extensive research in government archives as well as information obtained from newspapers and missionary letters. It briefly tracks how the territory came under British rule and then focuses in more detail than previous studies on how Whitehall treated this highly individual but easily neglected territory and how this fitted into the broader British African context. At the local level there is also closer examination, both critical and sympathetic, of the personalities and performances of successive Governors and their administrative staff in relation to economic, social and security policy, within cripplingly small budgets. The activities of the small European commercial, planting and missionary community are also closely followed for their political influence and contribution to the colonial economy. Although the small Indian community had little political voice, its position as a regular petty commercial element in the country is also considered. Crucially, this history incorporates the political, social and economic impact of colonialism on the African population, including the shock of the First World War. David Thompson is an amateur historian whose first and probably only book this is. His career at GCHQ spanned 38 years, with a late year attached to the Ministry of Defence. He lives in Cheltenham.

Dit is 1713. VOC-admiraal Johannes van Steelant bring sy ryklik belaaide retoervloot via die Kaapse diensstasie terug na Nederland uit Batavia. Saam op die vlagskip, sy vyf jong kinders. Op die oop see raak hulle een-een siek. Hete koors, maagpyn, swere – die gevreesde pokke.

Op 12 Februarie gaan die gesin, nou almal gesond, aan land in Tafelbaai. Hul skeepsklere word gewas in die VOC se slawelosie. Enkele maande later is byna die helfte van die Kaapse bevolking dood aan pokke.

In Retoervloot bring VOC-kenner Dan Sleigh dié gegewe, en die verbysterende werkinge van die VOC-retoervlootstelsel, lewend voor die oog. Aan die hand van Van Steelant se nuut-ontdekte skeepsjoernaal, met die agtergrondinkleding wat ’n meesterlike geskiedkundige soos Sleigh kan bied, staan die leser op die dek van vlagskip Sandenburg – ’n magtige skip van ’n roemryke organisasie, dog uitgelewer aan die woedende oseaan. Verder is Retoervloot ’n gedenksteen vir Kaapstad se grootste ramp tot op hede

Through reconstruction of oral testimony, folk stories and poetry, the true history of Hausa women and their reception of Islam's vision of Muslim in Western Africa have been uncovered. Mary Wren Bivins is the first author to locate and examine the oral texts of the 19th century Hausa women and challenge the written documentation of the Sokoto Caliphate. The personal narratives and folk stories reveal the importance of illiterate, non-elite women to the history of jihad and the assimilation of normative Islam in rural Hausaland. The captivating lives of the Hausa are captured, shedding light on their ordinary existence as wives, mothers, and providers for their family on the eve of European colonial conquest. From European observations to stories of marriage, each entry provides a personal account of the Hausa women's encounters with Islamic reform to the center of an emerging Muslim Hausa identity. Each entry focuses on: BLFemale historiography BLThe importance of oral history BLNew methodoligical approaches to the oral culture of popular Islam BLThe raw voice of Hausa women. The comprehensive history is easy to read and touches on an era that no other scholar has dissected.

The Khoesan were the first people in Africa to undergo the full rigours of European colonisation. By the early nineteenth century, they had largely been brought under colonial rule, dispossessed of their land and stock, and forced to work as labourers for farmers of European descent. Nevertheless, a portion of them were able to regain a degree of freedom and maintain their independence by taking refuge in the mission stations of the Western and Eastern Cape, most notably in the Kat River valley. For much of the nineteenth century, these Khoesan people kept up a steady commentary on, and intervention in, the course of politics in the Cape Colony. Through petitions, speeches at meetings, letters to the newspapers and correspondence between themselves, the Cape Khoesan articulated a continuous critique of the oppressions of colonialism, always stressing the need for equality before the law, as well as their opposition to attempts to limit their freedom of movement through vagrancy legislation and related measures. This was accompanied by a well-grounded distrust, in particular, of the British settlers of the Eastern Cape and a concomitant hope, rarely realised, in the benevolence of the British government in London. Comprising 98 of these texts, These Oppressions Won't Cease - an utterance expressed by Willem Uithaalder, commander of Khoe rebel forces in the war of 1850-3 - contains the essential documents of Khoesan political thought in the nineteenth century. These texts of the Khoesan provide a history of resistance to colonial oppression which has largely faded from view. Robert Ross, the eminent historian of precolonial South Africa, brings back their voices from the annals of the archive, voices which were formative in the establishment of black nationalism in South Africa, but which have long been silenced.

‘The freezing loneliness made one wish for death,’ journalist Joyce Sikakane-Rankin said of solitary confinement. With seven other women, including Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, she was held for more than a year.

This is the story of these heroic women, their refusal to testify in the ‘Trial of Twenty-Two’ in 1969, their brutal detention and how they picked up their lives afterwards. 

In explaining how developments in the Kruger National Park have been integral to the wider political and socio-economic concerns of South Africa, this text opens an alternative perspective on its history. Nature protection has evolved in response to a variety of stimuli including white self-interest, Afrikaner nationalism, ineffectual legislation, elitism, capitalism and the exploitation of Africans.