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Since President Mohammad Khatami's landslide victory in May 1997, the Islamic Republic of Iran has been a study in contradictions. Whilst Khatami condemned his nations's fanatical past, there still remains an opposing faction towards the West. This study analyses Iran's post-revolutionary politics.
The final book from a towering pioneer in the study of poverty and inequality-a critically important examination of poverty around the world In this, his final book, economist Anthony Atkinson, one of the world's great social scientists and a pioneer in the study of poverty and inequality, offers an inspiring analysis of a central question: What is poverty and how much of it is there around the globe? The persistence of poverty-in rich and poor countries alike-is one of the most serious problems facing humanity. Better measurement of poverty is essential for raising awareness, motivating action, designing good policy, gauging progress, and holding political leaders accountable for meeting targets. To help make this possible, Atkinson provides a critically important examination of how poverty is-and should be-measured. Bringing together evidence about the nature and extent of poverty across the world and including case studies of sixty countries, Atkinson addresses both financial poverty and other indicators of deprivation. He starts from first principles about the meaning of poverty, translates these into concrete measures, and analyzes the data to which the measures can be applied. Crucially, he integrates international organizations' measurements of poverty with countries' own national analyses. Atkinson died before he was able to complete the book, but at his request it was edited for publication by two of his colleagues, John Micklewright and Andrea Brandolini. In addition, Francois Bourguignon and Nicholas Stern provide afterwords that address key issues from the unfinished chapters: how poverty relates to growth, inequality, and climate change. The result is an essential contribution to efforts to alleviate poverty around the world.
Born out of crisis a century ago, the Federal Reserve has become the most powerful macroeconomic policymaker and financial regulator in the world. The Myth of Independence traces the Fed's transformation from a weak, secretive, and decentralized institution in 1913 to a remarkably transparent central bank a century later. Offering a unique account of Congress's role in steering this evolution, Sarah Binder and Mark Spindel explore the Fed's past, present, and future and challenge the myth of its independence. Binder and Spindel argue that recurring cycles of crisis, blame, and reform propelled lawmakers to create and revamp the powers and governance of the Fed at critical junctures, including the Panic of 1907, the Great Depression, the postwar Treasury-Fed Accord, the inflationary episode of the 1970s, and the recent financial crisis. Marshaling archival sources, interviews, and statistical analyses, the authors pinpoint political and economic dynamics that shaped interactions between the legislature and the Fed, and that have generated a far stronger central bank than anticipated at its founding. The Fed today retains its unique federal style, diluting the ability of lawmakers and the president to completely centralize control of monetary policy. In the long wake of the financial crisis, with economic prospects decidedly subpar, partisan rivals in Congress seem poised to continue battling over the Fed's statutory mandates and the powers given to achieve them. Examining the interdependent relationship between America's Congress and its central bank, The Myth of Independence presents critical insights about the future of monetary and fiscal policies that drive the nation's economy.
The effort to legislate family and medical leave policies in the
United States illustrates a dilemma at the heart of the American
political process. Faced with strong opposition from business
lobbies, proponents of leaves in the late 1980s and early 1990s had
to balance their desire to pass the policy they wanted against the
desire to pass a policy at all.
"Conquering Nature" provides the only book-length analysis of the environmental situation in Cuba after four decades of socialist rule, based on extensive examination of secondary sources, informed by the study of development and environmental trends in former socialist countries as well as in the developing world. It approaches the issue comprehensively and from interdisciplinary, comparative, and historical perspectives. Based on the Cuban example, Diaz-Briquets and Perez-Lopez challenge the concept that environmental disruption was not supposed to occur under socialism since it was alleged that guided by scientific policies, socialism could only beget environmentally benign economic development. In reality, the socialist environmental record proved to be far different from the utopian view.
Between the early 1960s and the late 1980s the environmental situation worsened despite Cuba's achieving one of the lowest population growth rates in the world and having eliminated extreme living standard differentials in rural areas, two of the primary reasons often blamed for environmental deterioration in developing countries. The government's approach was to "conquer nature" and under its central planning approach, it did not take local circumstances into consideration. This disregard for the environmental consequences of development projects continues to this day despite official allegations to the contrary--as the country pursues an economic survival strategy based on the crash development of the tourist sector and exploitation of natural resources. An underlying conclusion of the book is that the environmental legacy of socialism will present serious challenges to future Cuban generations.
"Conquering Nature "provides, for the first time, a relevant analysis of socialist environmental policies of a developing country. It will be of interest to students and scholars of Cuba and those interested in environmental issues in developing countries.
The fully revised second edition of this textbook offers a comprehensive introduction to theories of public policy and policymaking. The policy process is complex: it contains hundreds of people and organisations from various levels and types of government, from agencies, quasi- and non-governmental organisations, interest groups and the private and voluntary sectors. This book sets out the major concepts and theories that are vital for making sense of the complexity of public policy, and explores how to combine their insights when seeking to explain the policy process. While a wide range of topics are covered - from multi-level governance and punctuated equilibrium theory to 'Multiple Streams' analysis and feminist institutionalism - this engaging text draws out the common themes among the variety of studies considered and tackles three key questions: what is the story of each theory (or multiple theories); what does policy theory tell us about issues like 'evidence based policymaking'; and how 'universal' are policy theories designed in the Global North? This book is the perfect companion for undergraduate and postgraduate students studying public policy, whether focussed on theory, analysis or the policy process, and it is essential reading for all those on MPP or MPM programmes.
This study examines the educational decentalization and privatization of schools in Chile, integrating the country's political and economic problems during the reform process of the Pinochet regime of the early 1980s. It presents data from a survey of 726 households in the Greater Santiago area.
In many countries, government and society have undergone a major shift in recent years, now tending toward 'smaller government' and 'bigger society'. This development has lent increased meaning to the notion of interactive governance, a concept that this book takes not as a normative ideal but as an empirical phenomenon that needs constant critical scrutiny, reflection and embedding in modern societies. Critical Reflections on Interactive Governance assesses the fundamental changes we can see in civic engagement in interactive governance to new forms of civic self-organization. Eminent scholars across a host of varying disciplines critically discuss a wealth of surrounding issues such as: the role of politicians in interactive governance; whether government strategies - stressing increasing responsibilities for citizens - exclude and mainstream certain people; the type of leadership required for interactive governance to work; and what new forms of co-production between governmental institutions, civic organizations and citizens arise. The book concludes with the prospect of potential hybrid institutional and organizational arrangements, like the co-operative model to democracy or the social enterprise, in developing and implementing public services and products. Astute and engaging, Critical Reflections on Interactive Governance will appeal to students in the areas of political science, sociology, public administration and organization management. Scholars and practitioners in the field of interactive governance, participation and civic self-organization will also be particularly interested in this book.
Government interest in wellbeing as an explicit goal of public policy has increased significantly in recent years. This has led to new developments in measuring wellbeing and initiatives aimed specifically at enhancing it, that reflect new thinking on 'what matters' and challenge established notions of societal progress. The Politics and Policy of Wellbeing provides the first theoretically grounded and empirically informed account of the rise and significance of wellbeing in contemporary politics and policy. Drawing on theories of agenda-setting and policy change, Ian Bache and Louise Reardon consider whether wellbeing can be described as 'an idea whose time has come'. The book reflects on developments across the globe and provides a detailed comparative analysis of two political arenas: the UK and the EU. Offering the first reflection grounded in evidence of the potential for wellbeing to be paradigm changing, the authors identify the challenge of bringing wellbeing into policy as a 'wicked problem' that policymakers are only now beginning to grapple with. This pioneering account of wellbeing from a political science perspective is a unique and valuable contribution to the field. The authors' theoretical and empirical conclusions are of great interest to scholars of politics and wellbeing alike.
Environmental politics and policy, while gaining a significant place in the nation's consciousness, constantly comes up against the United States' desire for more development, more profit and a collective lack of foresight. Nowhere is this more evident than in the crucial biodiversity of the world's oceans, which are victim to pollution, overharvesting, habitat destruction, and simplistic and fragmented environmental policies that do not speak to underlying problems.
As today's headlines make clear, corporate restructuring is only one aspect of a global transformation that is challenging businesses and governments alike. W. Rand Smith examines a central question in this process: what choices exist for governments of industrialized democracies as they seek to help older, core industries adjust to changes in demand, technology and new sources of competition? This question is especially important for governments dominated by leftist political parties, which are torn between their commitment to social solidarity and the capitalist imperative of efficiency. Pledged to defend workers' interests (including their jobs), leftist governments also face market pressures often requiring huge job cuts. Given this conflict, can leftist governments forge a distinctive restructuring strategy? ""The Left's Dirty Job"" addresses this question by comparing the experiences of recent socialist governments in France and Spain. Because of their longevity and initial reform aspirations, the governments of Francois Mitterand (1981-1995) and Felipe Gonzalez (1982-1996) provide a key test of whether a leftist approach to industrial restructuring is possible. This study argues that, in fact, both governments' policies generally resembled those of other European governments in their emphasis on market-adapting measures that eliminated thousands of jobs while providing income support for displaced workers. The study also argues that despite broadly similar policies, the restructuring process in France and Spain differed in three important aspects: trajectory, dynamics and impact. W. Rand Smith develops these conclusions through comparisons of French and Spanish macroeconomic policy, public-sector management and restructuring in the steel and automobile industries. Building an explanation rooted in a resource-mobilization perspective, he focuses on the internal politics of the governing coalitions of Socialist parties and their labour union allies, arguing that these coalitions strongly affected their governments' restructuring strategies. Featuring extensive field work and interviews with over one hundred political, labour and business leaders, this study is the first systematic comparison of these important Socialist governments.
THE DEFINITIVE GUIDE TO WINNING AN ARGUMENT WITH A LIBERAL. Antifa leftists may still burn this book, but more than a few center-left individuals will read 13 1/2 Reasons Why NOT to Be a Liberal and develop a new respectful understanding of conservatism." - Dinesh D'Souza "A must-read for those determined to defeat the unhinged left." - Roger Stone Although conservatives outnumber liberals in 44 out of 50 states, it's a situation conservatives know very well in today's contentious political environment: Conservatives often find themselves in discussions with liberals who relentlessly hammer conservatives with insults, accusations, and unfounded assumptions about conservatism. The question is: WHAT IS A PROUD & INFORMED CONSERVATIVE TO DO?!?! The answer is: 13 1/2 Reasons Why NOT to be a Liberal: And How To Enlighten Others, the conservative playbook to persuasive facts and arguments that detail the policies, accomplishments, and often-ignored compassionate nature of the conservative philosophy. Presented in an easy-to-access format, Judd Dunning's ideological treatise will empower readers not only to hold their own in an argument with a liberal, but also to change hearts and minds, or at worst, preserve a few more mutually respectful relationships with more ease, clarity, and dignity. Both a current and timeless conservative philosophical and argumentative manifesto made for conservative, right-leaning, independent, libertarian or "on the fence" Americans who are both passionate about politics and love being Americans. If you can't achieve a win-win civil discussion with a liberal, at least you can use 13 1/2 Reasons Why NOT to be a Liberal to land some clear, intelligent blows. You will no longer serve as a liberal's doormat. You can maintain your pride and then move on to someone who really wants to both talk and listen. A "Freethinker"... probably a conservative!
This study views the economic transformation of Duaca, Venezuela into a major coffee export center in the late nineteenth century. Yarrington examines the rise of the peasantry to prosperity, yet they later lost their stature as the local elite allied itself with the state to restructure society and coffee production on its own terms in the twentieth-century. The book is a pioneering study on peasant studies, export-led development, the relationship of state and society, and the consolidation of nation-states in Latin America.
A key problem in all democratic governments is eliciting appropriate responsiveness to democratically based policy preferences from the inevitably powerful bureaucracy. What is the most effective relationship between elected officials and the bureaucracy? How can the strengths that each brings to policy making and implementation be combined to reach the best results for the citizenry? Delmer Dunn takes a comparative and institutional approach to examine these questions. He focuses on the two levers of power within modern democracies, the elected party politician and the professional state bureaucrat, using Australia as his example. Dunn uses interviews with Cabinet ministers, members of their staffs, and department heads of two recent governments in Australia to see how ministers seek to provide political direction to the bureaucracy. He examines the extent to which they succeed and how their direction is both influenced by and acted on by the departments. Dunn's analysis provides a look at high-level relationships between politicians and executive departments in one democratic government and offers insights into issues of accountability and responsibility in democratic governments. His findings, based on his in-depth look at a government that blends many features of both US and British governments, reveal the fundamentals that are necessary to make this key relationship work well and are thus pertinent to public administration in all democracies.
The cold war came to a grinding halt during the astounding developments of 1989-1991.The Berlin Wall fell, Eastern European countries freed themselves from Soviet domination, and the Soviet Union itself disintegrated after witnessing a failed coup presumably aimed at restoring a communist dictatorship. Suddenly the "evil empire" was no more, and the raison d'etre for most post-World War II U.S. foreign policy vanished.
What has happened to the content of U.S. foreign policy and to the bureaucracy responsible for making that policy in the years since those momentous events? Have there been significant changes? If not, why not? Have George Bush and Bill Clinton provided leadership designed to produce meaningful change?
These are the crucial questions addressed in this timely volume of essays, a collaborative effort which began at a 1994 conference held in Columbus, Ohio, and sponsored by the Mershon Center at Ohio State University and the Midwest Consortium for International Security Studies. The authors of the individual chapters examine a wide variety of bureaucratic institutions and some major substantive policy areas. In a concluding chapter, the editors synthesize these findings to provide more general answers: There are signs of genuine change, they argue, but there is much more evidence to suggest that the United States is clinging to its old foreign policies and structures. They cite a lack of presidential leadership as one of the key elements in explaining why U.S. foreign policy has not adapted to a dramatically altered world.
"This volume provides an insightful and comprehensive analysis of why U.S. foreign policy processes, structures, and policies have not yet adaptedto the new post-Cold War international environment. Must reading for those who wonder why this nation is so confused and unsure of itself as it seeks to define its proper role in the world". Lawrence J. Korb, The Brookings Institution
In "Democracy without Equity," Weyland investigates the crucial political issue for many Latin American countries: the possibility for redistributing wealth and power through the democratic process. He focuses on Brazil's redistributive initiatives in tax policy, social security, and health care. Weyland's work is based on some 260 interviews with interest group representatives, politicians, and bureaucrats, the publications of interest groups, speeches of policy makers, newspaper accounts, legislative bills, congressional committee reports, and more. He concludes that, in countries whose society and political parties are fragmented, the prospects for effective redistributive policies are poor.
This Handbook brings together leading scholars of European social policy to reinvigorate theoretical, conceptual and substantive debates around European welfare states and societies as well as the 'social dimension' of the European Union. This unique and original collection comes together at a time of substantial economic, social and political turbulence across Europe, changing narratives, ideas and attitudes towards welfare, increasing institutional complexity in the delivery of services, and a 'crisis of legitimacy' for the European project itself compounded by Brexit. It is against this backdrop that the Handbook draws together key commentators in European social policy to engage with and further develop theoretical, conceptual and substantive understandings of social policy in post-crisis Europe. Issues covered include, amongst others, varieties of welfare capitalism, cultural political economy, austerity, territoriality, engendering, multiculturalism, socio-ecological changes, social investment and public attitudes. The Handbook of European Social Policy offers a comprehensive and state-of-the-art reflection on theoretical debates on welfare regimes and the trajectories of the EU's social dimension. It is a key reading and teaching resource for students and academics in social policy.
Combining philosophy with practical politics, an expanding area of policy studies applies moral precepts, critical principles, and conventional values to collective decisions. This evolving new approach to policy analysis asserts that the same variety of ethical principles available to the individual are also available to make collective decisions in the public interest and should be used.
Although policy analysis has long been dominated by assumptions originally developed for the examination of markets, such as efficiency, these essays by leading scholars - the best work done in the field over the past three decades - explore alternatives to the "market paradigm" and show how moral discrimination and choice can extend beyond the individual to encompass public decisions.
Chapters by John Martin Gillroy and Maurice Wade review the political philosophies of Immanuel Kant and David Hume as backgrounds for the development of modern concepts of public policy choice. They present this anthology as a first step in codifying options, arguments, and methods within this important developing area of policy studies.
'A must-read. Acemoglu and Robinson are intellectual heavyweights of the first rank . . . erudite and fascinating' Paul Collier, Guardian, on Why Nations Fail In this profoundly important follow up to their global bestseller, Acemoglu and Robinson provide a powerful new framework for looking at countries' development through the way that the state interacts with society. This conceptualisation - in which any country can be located on a simple diagram and its future predicted - is new and based on decades of their research. The power distribution between state and society affects how peaceful societies are, what types of institutions develop, how much oppression and fear people suffer, how their economies are organized, and how rich they are. Full of entertaining stories from the past (it starts with the wife of a Nigerian ruler fleeing Abuja with 38 suitcases of cash), Balance of Power sheds light on issues from the present and has practical political ideas for the future. 'An intellectually rich book that develops an important thesis with verve' Martin Wolf, Financial Times, on Why Nations Fail
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