On December 2-3, 1984, India witnessed arguably the world's worst industrial disaster in Bhopal, Madhya Pradesh, which continues to this day as an economic, medical, environmental, and political disaster. "Surviving Bhopal" draws on oral testimonials of the affected community and analyzes the cause and aftermath of the disaster from the perspective of those who suffered the severe consequences of systemic failure and travesty of justice. The event resulted in a resistance movement, led by women, against corporate and state power. Mukherjee explores the underlying gender politics, showing how activism challenged and redefined the contemporary model of development.

Wall Street Journal Bestseller | USA Today Bestseller "Really an interesting read, would make a great Christmas gift! Get your copy of The Return: Trump's Big 2024 Comeback"-Donald J. Trump, 45th President of the United States "The Return is a fantastic political analysis of what very well may be taking place in the not-too-distant future. Dick Morris is a #1 New York Times Bestselling Author, who is also a true political pro. Great book, get it now!!!"-Donald J. Trump, 45th President of the United States The Trump revolution cannot succeed without Trump. Will he run in 2024? You bet he will. Will he be the GOP nominee? Absolutely. Will he win the election? YES. New York Times bestselling author, Dick Morris, is a winning presidential strategist and the man Time magazine dubbed "the most influential private citizen in America." In his new book, The Return: Trump's Big 2024 Comeback, lays-out Trump's secret plan to return to the Oval Office in 2024. Since 2016, Dick Morris has been a behind-the-scenes adviser to Donald Trump, playing a key role in Trump's surprise 2016 win. For the first time, Dick Morris reveals President Trump's strategy to win in 2024 (And yes, he's running!). The stakes for the next elections could not be higher. "President Trump knows the future of America rests on his shoulders," Morris says bluntly. Morris explains that we cannot repeat 2020-and we can't let the Democrats get away with it again or America is lost. He provides the road map that Trump is prepared to implement in his effort to take-back the White House and the nation. Conservatives and MAGA supporters must realize that there are new rules. The Democrats, Big Media, Soros, and the Deep State have decided Trump must be stopped at any cost. Morris reveals how to beat the Democrats and the radical left at their own game - and getting freedom-loving Americans to rise up for Trump and our democracy. Morris outlines the strategy for victory on three fronts: Make certain more legal, eligible voters cast ballots for Republicans, and that their votes are not offset by a torrent of illegal ballots. Morris says a new group of Trump voters are emerging who will create a New Majority. The Republican candidate in 2024 will, and must, be Donald J. Trump. Accept no substitutes. As Morris explains, Florida Governor Ron DeSantis is not ready for prime time. The Winning (Trump) Message: The Democrats will transform America into a nation none of us will recognize by destroying social, cultural, economic, and political freedoms. Morris says time is short. This election really is critical. With the results of the 2020 election, everything pundits knew-or thought they knew-is obsolete in this new era of massively higher turnout. Read The Return to find out how conservatives can take advantage of the new rules to make America great again!

First published in 2004. Marcus Garvey founded the Universal Negro Improvement Association in 1914. He was one of the first black leaders to encourage black people to discover their cultural traditions and history, and to seek common cause in the struggle for true liberty and political recognition. This book discusses his philosophy and opinions.This series comprises reprints as well as original works covering various aspects of African life- history, institutions, culture, political and social thought, and eminent African personalities. The reprints for the most part are landmarks in African writing and each contains a new introduction placing the author's life, ideas and activities in perspective. The documents are selected and edited by scholars working in the particular field. It is hoped that these documents will not only provide scholars with source materials but also stimulate further research on the topics with which they deal.

In this groundbreaking new study on ladinas in Guatemala City, Patricia Harms contests the virtual erasure of women from the country's national memory and its historical consciousness. Harms focuses on Spanish-speaking women during the "revolutionary decade" and the "liberalism" periods, revealing a complex, significant, and palpable feminist movement that emerged in Guatemala during the 1870s and remained until 1954. During this era ladina social activists not only struggled to imagine a place for themselves within the political and social constructs of modern Guatemala, but they also wrestled with ways in which to critique and identify Guatemala's gendered structures within the context of repressive dictatorial political regimes and entrenched patriarchy. Harms's study of these women and their struggles fills a sizeable gap in the growing body of literature on women's suffrage, social movements, and political culture in modern Latin America. It is a valuable addition to students and scholars studying the rich history of the region.

James Baldwin Review (JBR) is an annual journal that brings together a wide array of peer-reviewed critical and creative work on the life, writings, and legacy of James Baldwin. In addition to these cutting-edge contributions, each issue contains a review of recent Baldwin scholarship and an award-winning graduate student essay. James Baldwin Review publishes essays that invigorate scholarship on James Baldwin; catalyze explorations of the literary, political, and cultural influence of Baldwin's writing and political activism; and deepen our understanding and appreciation of this complex and luminary figure. -- .

Dániel Mikecz addresses in this study the tensions between oppositional civil society and party-political actors. As successive elections demonstrate the increasing confidence of the illiberal regime of Viktor Orbán, left and liberal parties of the opposition have faced a prolonged crisis in credibility. At the same time, the civil society has not been immobile, and bottom-up initiatives, social and political movements, and non-governmental organizations have gained momentum in the public sphere. The ruling power is also active in the extra-parliamentary political arena. Through national consultations, Peace Marches, and other means, Orbán’s governing Fidesz party has mobilized voters outside of election campaigns and has implemented a so-called movement governance. The study offers a vivid examination of this top-down or astroturf mobilization of the regime. Mikecz identifies the different patterns of activism and creates a coherent typology. He describes in detail each kind of activism based on opinion surveys, protest surveys and content analysis. The categorization and comprehensive exploration of civil movements provide a deep understanding of the mechanisms of illiberal postcommunist regimes.

In 2011, spontaneous popular uprisings overthrew Muammar Qadhafi - one of the world's most infamous tyrants. Paradoxically, it was Qadhafi's own efforts to "reform" Libya's economy and rebuild the country's international relationships since 2003 that set the stage for Qadhafi's downfall. Despite the enabling effects of twenty-first century communications technology and the aid of NATO jets, the 2011 Libyan uprisings were organized largely along traditional regional, local, and tribal cleavages. The future of post-Qadhafi Libya will be determined by a struggle between "center" and "periphery." This contest has deep resonances in Libyan history. A work of contemporary political history, this volume analyzes the 2011 Libyan uprisings thematically - focusing on the roles of economics, outside actors, tribes, ethnic minorities, and Islamists. This volume's contributors include the British Ambassador to Libya during the uprisings, the President of the American University of Cairo, a former commander of the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group, and the world's leading academic and security specialists in Libyan affairs.

With raw and intimate stories from both her personal life and public activism, Lila Rose, the founder of Live Action and the face of the millennial pro-life movement, presents a guidebook for becoming a force for good in a broken world.

This book will show you how to:

• Understand your own talents and wounds so you can build a solid foundation as you fight for change
• Overcome insecurities and imposter syndrome and become a leader through practice
• Find inner courage and confidence in the face of obstacles and criticism
• Bounce back from mistakes to continually grow and make a long-lasting impact

Do you see the world's pain and injustice and wish you could do something about it? Do you want to make a difference but don't know where to begin?

As a fifteen-year-old girl, Lila Rose started Live Action in her family's living room out of a deep passion to defend the rights of the most vulnerable among us and to expose the abortion industry. In the sixteen years since, she has built the largest and most engaged online following in the pro-life movement, addressed members of the European Parliament and the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women, and been named as one of the National Journal's "25 most Influential Washington Women Under 35.” Now she is opening up her heart and drawing on her experiences to speak to all those who want to be a force for change but need guidance on how to start. Lila guides readers from the beginning thoughts of, How can I help? to, Yes, I can be a force for good, and I can start today, providing a much-needed handbook on how to truly make a difference in today's world.

Why has the Chinese government sometimes allowed and sometimes repressed nationalist, anti-foreign protests? What have been the international consequences of these choices? Anti-American demonstrations were permitted in 1999 but repressed in 2001 during two crises in US-China relations. Anti-Japanese protests were tolerated in 1985, 2005, and 2012 but banned in 1990 and 1996. Protests over Taiwan, the issue of greatest concern to Chinese nationalists, have never been allowed. To explain this variation in China's response to nationalist mobilization, Powerful Patriots argues that Chinese and other authoritarian leaders weigh both diplomatic and domestic incentives to allow and repress nationalist protests. Autocrats may not face electoral constraints, but anti-foreign protests provide an alternative mechanism by which authoritarian leaders can reveal their vulnerability to public pressure. Because nationalist protests are costly to repress and may turn against the government, allowing protests demonstrates resolve and increases the domestic cost of diplomatic concessions. Repressing protests, by contrast, sends a credible signal of reassurance, facilitating diplomatic flexibility and signaling a willingness to spend domestic political capital for the sake of international cooperation. To illustrate the logic, the book traces the effect of domestic and diplomatic factors in China's management of nationalist protest in the post-Mao era (1978-2012) and the consequences for China's foreign relations.

Many Christians are nervous about politics - isn't the political world murky and sleazy, a den of deceit and backstairs deals? At the same time, the image of Christians in politics isn't great either - often seen as judgemental hypocrites, intolerant and hateful control freaks... shouldn't this mean that faith and politics should be kept firmly apart? In A Mucky Business, Tim Farron, former Leader of the Liberal Democrats Party and friends, explore and defend why Christianity and politics should and must work together. If Christians are to love their neighbours, they need to engage with the issues that affect everyone. Why should Christians leave their beliefs at the door when they enter public life? No one else does! Tim Farron shares his experience as the UK's best known Christian MP and draws on case studies from across the political spectrum. Many of these case studies come from his successful A Mucky Business podcast. Demonstrating that it's possible to be both a Christian and to step into the political world with confidence. A Mucky Business will both inspired and better equip christians to care about politics, pray knowledgeably, and engage with politics effectively.

'Let me say to Mr Botha: apartheid is doomed! It has been condemned in the Councils of God, rejected by every nation on the planet and is no longer believed in by the people who gave it birth. Apartheid is the god that has failed.' So preached Bishop Peter Storey in 1986. Challenging apartheid wherever he could, he led the SA Methodist Church into what many whites saw as uncomfortable 'political' territory.

Join him in his inspiring journey from sailor-turned-minister to the South African Council of Churches leadership in its darkest hour, from tending to Robert Sobukwe and Nelson Mandela on Robben Island, through the forced removals of District Six and the storm surrounding Stompie Seipei's murder. I Beg to Differ spans a parish minister’s sorrows and joys, founding Life Line SA, the bombing of Khotso House and a close shave with death with Desmond Tutu. Storey shares the convictions that inspired him to minister amid the teargas, violence and intimidation of the apartheid regime.

A Financial Times Politics Book of the Year 2021 Shortlisted for the 2022 Pushkin House Book Prize A fascinating account of Russia's famous dissident and the politics he embodies. Who is Alexei Navalny? Poisoned in August 2020 and transported to Germany for treatment, the politician returned to Russia in January 2021 in the full glare of the world media. His immediate detention at passport control set the stage for an explosive showdown with Vladimir Putin. But Navalny means very different things to different people. To some, he is a democratic hero. To others, he is betraying the Motherland. To others still, he is a dangerous nationalist. This book explores the many dimensions of Navalny's political life, from his pioneering anti-corruption investigations to his ideas and leadership of a political movement. It also looks at how his activities and the Kremlin's strategies have shaped one another. Navalny makes sense of this divisive character, revealing the contradictions of a man who is the second most important political figure in Russia-even when behind bars. In order to understand modern Russia, you need to understand Alexei Navalny.

Fight back examines the different ways punk - as a youth/subculture - may provide space for political expression and action. Bringing together scholars from a range of academic disciplines (history, sociology, cultural studies, politics, English, music), it showcases innovative research into the diverse ways in which punk may be used and interpreted. The essays are concerned with three main themes: identity, locality and communication. These, in turn, cover subjects relating to questions of class, age and gender; the relationship between punk, locality and socio-political context; and the ways in which punk's meaning has been expressed from within the subculture and reflected by the media. Jon Savage, the foremost commentator and curator of punk's cultural legacy, provides an afterword on punk's impact and dissemination from the 1970s to the present day. -- .

Author of the Penderyn Prize-winning The Velvet Mafia Fifty years on from Britain's first Pride march, the long road to LGBT equality continues. Through protest songs and gay club nights, street theatre activism and fundraising concerts, the performing arts have played an influential role in each great stride made. With new interviews with musicians and DJs, performers and activists, including Andy Bell, Jayne County, John Grant, Horse McDonald and Peter Tachell, Pride, Pop and Politics hears from those whose art has been influenced by the campaign for LGBT rights - and helped push it forward. This informative, eye-opening book is the first to focus on the relationship between gay nightlife and political activism in Britain.

The year 1968 has widely been viewed as the only major watershed moment during the latter half of the twentieth century. Rethinking Social Movements after '68 takes on this conventional approach, exploring the spaces, practices, organization, ideas and agendas of numerous activists and movements across the 1970s and 1980s. From the Maoist Communist League to the women's movement, youth center movement, and gay liberation movement, established and emerging scholars across Europe and North America shed new light on the development of modern European popular politics and social change.

What I saw during the time I was employed at the Pass Office – I mean the ill- treatment of Africans – affected my heart and stirred my soul ... I would be of some service to my down-trodden people.

Richard Victor Selope Thema was voorsitter van die komitee wat ’n nuwe grondwet vir die South African Native National Congress opgestel het, die eerste redakteur van The Bantu World (nou The Sowetan) en lid van die Native Representative Council (NRC). Thema was in 1919 ook een van die eerste swart mans wat Engeland besoek het om voorspraak te maak vir swart Suid-Afrikaners.

Die boek, in Thema se eie woorde, beskryf sy vroeë lewe en volg sy denke en skryfwerk van radikaal na pasifis – Thema het geglo dat amper enigiets met onderhandeling en gesprek opgelos kan word en nie almal in die ANC het met hom saamgestem nie. Hy is ’n intellektuele voorvader van beide die ANC-jeugliga en die Pan-Afrikane van die 1950’s, en een van die vergete leiers van die ANC.

This book assesses how much influence social movements have on EU policy and the means through which influence is secured. Using wide-ranging case studies of campaigns from GMOs to water rights and Internet freedom, it elucidates the important differences between technical and political campaigns.

Advocating for the Common Good: People, Politics, Process, and Policy on Capitol Hill offers a rich and accessible guide to policy-making in the nation’s capital, beckoning us to get to the table, make our voices heard, and reinvigorate our policy making institutions. Jane West parts the curtains and brings us behind the scenes with a simple framework which enables both the novice and the experienced to deftly navigate the Washington maze. The 4 P’s—people, politics, process, and policy—are each examined with an eye toward what a successful advocate needs to know. Informed by her forty years of experience as part of the policy-making apparatus in education and disability, expert interviews with those in the room where it happens, a deep dive into congressional procedures and the scholarship on public policy, West delivers a powerful call to action. This affordable, jargon-free guide provides students and professionals with practical tools and a proven step-by-step process for analyzing past policies to understand how and why it became what it is, and then creating an advocacy strategy for a cause in order to change policy going forward.

Advocating for the Common Good: People, Politics, Process, and Policy on Capitol Hill offers a rich and accessible guide to policy-making in the nation’s capital, beckoning us to get to the table, make our voices heard, and reinvigorate our policy making institutions. Jane West parts the curtains and brings us behind the scenes with a simple framework which enables both the novice and the experienced to deftly navigate the Washington maze. The 4 P’s—people, politics, process, and policy—are each examined with an eye toward what a successful advocate needs to know. Informed by her forty years of experience as part of the policy-making apparatus in education and disability, expert interviews with those in the room where it happens, a deep dive into congressional procedures and the scholarship on public policy, West delivers a powerful call to action. This affordable, jargon-free guide provides students and professionals with practical tools and a proven step-by-step process for analyzing past policies to understand how and why it became what it is, and then creating an advocacy strategy for a cause in order to change policy going forward.

Northern Ireland stands out as having enacted historical positive change in abortion law, from an almost complete ban in the 20th century to the decriminalization achieved in 2019. This book documents and analyzes how this historical change was achieved. Each chapter is written by those directly involved in the long-fought battle to change abortion law - including those with personal experience of seeking abortions, activists, academics, legal experts, political actors, NGOs, and volunteers. In this, the first of two volumes, contributions focus on the legislative landscape of the process with particular emphasis on the importance of 'feminist legal work' - law-making influenced by the women most likely to be impacted by it.

Higher education has seen better days. Harsh budget cuts, the precarious nature of employment in colleague teaching, and political hostility to the entire enterprise of education have made for an increasingly fraught landscape. Radical Hope is an ambitious response to this state of affairs, at once political and practice - the work of an activist, teacher, and public intellectual grappling with some of the most pressing topics at the intersection of higher education and social justice. Kevin Gannon asks that the contemporary university's manifold problems be approached as opportunities for critical engagement, arguing that, when done effectively, teaching is by definition emancipatory and hopeful. Considering individual pedagogical practice, the students who are the primary audience and beneficiaries of teaching, and the institutions and systems within which teaching occurs, Radical Hope surveys the field, tackling everything from impostor syndrome to cell phones in class to allegations of a campus 'free speech crisis'. Throughout, Gannon translates ideals into tangible strategies and practices (including key takeaways at the conclusion of each chapter), with the goal of reclaiming teachers' essential role in the discourse of higher education.

Cultural and historical accounts of the public intellectual and French feminism have been remiss in their failure to recognise an important group of major women intellectuals in France. In particular, studies of French feminism and public intellectuals have overlooked the contribution of notable figures such as Francoise Parturier, Gisele Halimi and Elisabeth Badinter amongst many others which has necessarily had a detrimental effect on discourses about the gendered phenomenon of the public intellectual in France. By studying the work of these neglected intellectuals alongside those of more recognised women thinkers such as Assia Djebar, Marguerite Duras and Annie Ernaux, this book aims to provide a much broader picture of the activities, both political and literary, of female key public in the aftermath of May 1968. By exploring the relationship between their interventions in the public sphere and their creative work it throws new light on the reasons for their omission in standard theoretical and empirical work on the French intellectual. In so doing, this book offers a cultural and theoretical re-evaluation of the gendered phenomenon of the public intellectual in France, as such it is important reading to students and scholars of French Feminism and French public intellectuals more generally.