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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Political activism > General
Fight the Power: Breakin Down Hip Hop Activism, co-edited by
provocative and Fiercely intelligent Hip Hop heads Arash
Daneshzadeh, Anthony J. Nocella II, Chandra Ward, and Ahmad
Washington, is a fresh thought-provoking book that engages in
social justice, Black Lives Matter, Hip Hop, youth culture, and
current affairs. This must-read is a timely and powerfully engaging
collection of interviews by outstanding, brilliant BIPOC Hip Hop
activists from around the United States. Their stories are a
poignant testimony for what is happening in the streets against
racism, classism, police brutality, prisons, hate groups, and white
supremacy. This dope-ass book that screams loud FTP is perfect for
any reader at any age.
Microverses comprises over a hundred short essays inviting us to
think about society - and social theory - in new ways. Lockdown
created the conditions for what Adorno once termed 'enforced
contemplation'. Dylan Riley responded with the tools of his trade,
producing an extraordinary trail of notes exploring how critical
sociology can speak to this troubled decade. Microverses analyses
the intellectual situation, the political crisis of Trump's last
months in office, and love and illness in a period when both were
fraught with the public emergency of the coronavirus. Riley brings
the theoretical canon to bear on problems of intellectual culture
and everyday life, working through Weber and Durkheim, Parsons and
Dubois, Gramsci and Lukacs, MacKinnon and Fraser, to weigh
sociology's relationship to Marxism and the operations of class,
race and gender, alongside discursions into the workings of an
orchestra and the complicatedness of taking a walk in a pandemic.
Invitations rather than finished arguments, the notes attempt to
recover the totalising perspective of sociology - the ability to
see society in the round, as though from the outside - and to
recuperate what Paul Sweezy described as a sense of the 'present as
history'.
The most up-to-date and thorough compendium of scholarship on
social movements This second edition of The Wiley Blackwell
Companion to Social Movements features forty original essays from
the field. With contributions from both established and ascendant
scholars, the Companion seeks to present current research on social
movements in all its diversity. It is the most up-to-date,
comprehensive volume of social science research on social movements
available today. The essays address: facilitative and constraining
contexts and conditions; social movement organizations, fields, and
dynamics; strategies and tactics; micro-structural and social
psychological dimensions of participation; consequences and
outcomes; and various thematic intersections, including the
intersection of social movements and social class, gender, race and
ethnicity, religion, human rights, globalization, political
extremism and more. Offers an illuminating guide to understanding
the dynamics and operation of social movements within the modern,
global world Covers a diverse range of topics in the field of
social movement studies Offers original, state-of-the-art essays by
internationally recognized scholars The Wiley Blackwell Companion
to Social Movements is recommended for graduate seminars on social
movement and for scholars of social movements worldwide. It is also
an excellent text for college and university libraries, especially
with graduate programs in the social sciences.
In 2008, as the storms of the financial crash blew, Isabelle
Fremeaux and Jay Jordan deserted the metropolis and their academic
jobs, traveling across Europe in search of post-capitalist utopias.
They wanted their art activism to no longer be uprooted. They
arrived at a place French politicians had declared lost to the
republic, otherwise know as the zad (the zone to defend): a messy
but extraordinary canvas of commoning, illegally occupying 4,000
acres of wetlands where an international airport was planned. In
2018, the 40-year-long struggle snatched an incredible victory,
defeating the airport expansion project through a powerful cocktail
that merged creation and resistance. Fremeaux and Jordan blend rich
eyewitness accounts with theory, inspired by a diverse array of
approaches, from neo-animism to revolutionary biology,
insurrectionary writings and radical art history. Published in
collaboration with the Journal of Aesthetics & Protest.
Vicente Lombardo Toledano was the founder of numerous labour union
organisations in Mexico and Latin America between the 1920s and the
1960s. He was not only an organiser but also a broker between the
unions, the government, and business leaders—an almost singular
figure able to disentangle difficult, seemingly irreconcilable
conflicts. He cooperated closely with the governments of Mexico and
other Latin American nations and worked with the representatives of
the Soviet Union when he considered it useful. This willingness to
work across ideological divides meant that he was alternately seen
as a government stooge or a communist, even though he was never a
member of the Communist Party nor of any Mexican government
administration. Daniela Spenser's rousing new biography of Lombardo
Toledano is the first to be based on his extensive private papers.
In addition to this unprecedented access, Spenser also draws on
primary sources from European, Mexican and American archives, and
on extensive personal interviews. Her even-keeled portrayal of the
man counters both previous hagiographies and vilifications that
have come before it.
Who would go to prison on purpose? Incarcerated Resistance tells
the stories of 43 activists from the School of the America's Watch
and Plowshares movements who have chosen to commit illegal
nonviolent actions against the state and endure the court trials
and lengthy prison sentences that follow. Employing this high-risk
tactic is one of the most extreme methods in the nonviolent toolkit
and typically entails intentionally breaking the law, most often
through crimes of trespass onto federal property or the destruction
of federal property. Though they have knowingly broken the law and
generally expect to be incarcerated, their goal is to raise
awareness and to resist, not necessarily to go to jail. The
majority of "justice action prisoners" seek not-guilty verdicts,
and use the space of the courtroom and subsequent media attention
as opportunities to share information about their issues of
concern. Rooted in individual stories and told through a feminist
framework that is attentive to relations of power, Incarcerated
Resistance is as much about nuclear weapons and solidarity activism
as it is about the U.S. prison system and patriarchal culture.
Almost all war-resisting "justice action prisoners" are white,
well-educated, Christian, and over the age of 60. Privilege,
gender, and religious identity especially shape what happens to
this committed group of nonviolent activists, as their identities
may also be strategically deployed to bolster their acts of
resistance, in important but fraught attempts to "use" privilege
"for good." From the decision to act through their release from
prison, nonviolent resistance illuminates the interconnected
struggles required to upend systemic violence, and the ways that we
are all profoundly affected by America's deep-seated structures of
inequality.
This book examines the phenomenon of athlete activism across all
levels of sport, from elite and international sport, to collegiate
and semi-pro, and asks what this tells us about the relationship
between sport and wider society. With contributions from scholars
around the world, the book presents a series of fascinating case
studies, including the activism of world-famous athletes such as
Serena Williams, Megan Rapinoe and Raheem Sterling. Covering a
broad range of sports, from the National Football League (NFL) and
Australian Rules, to fencing and the Olympic Games, the book sheds
important light on some of the most important themes in the study
of sport, including gender, power, racism, intersectionality and
the rise of digital media. It also considers the financial impact
on athletes when they take a stand and the psychological impact of
activism and how that might relate to sports performance. It has
never been the case that 'sport and politics don't mix', and now,
more than ever, the opposite is true. This is essential reading for
anybody with an interest in the politics or sociology of sport, the
politics of protest, social movements or media studies.
Volatile social dissonance in America's urban landscape is the
backdrop as Valerie A. Miles-Tribble examines tensions in
ecclesiology and public theology, focusing on theoethical dilemmas
that complicate churches' public justice witness as prophetic
change agents. She attributes churches' reticence to confront
unjust disparities to conflicting views, for example, of Black
Lives Matter protests as "mere politics," and disparities in leader
and congregant preparation for public justice roles. As a practical
theologian with experience in organizational leadership,
Miles-Tribble applies adaptive change theory, public justice
theory, and a womanist communitarian perspective, engaging Emilie
Townes's construct of cultural evil as she presents a model of
social reform activism re-envisioned as public discipleship. She
contends that urban churches are urgently needed to embrace active
prophetic roles and thus increase public justice witness. "Black
Lives Matter times" compel churches to connect faith with public
roles as spiritual catalysts of change.
This book analyses the various ways and the extent to which young
people participate in politics, focusing primarily on the UK and
including cross-national comparisons where relevant. It covers
topics including: what is meant by political participation; youth
political participation on a pan-European basis; new social media
and youth political participation; whether the voting age should be
lowered to 16; youth participation at the local level; and young
women and political participation. Written in a lively and engaging
style, the book provides a detailed investigation into the extent
to which young people in the twenty-first century are interested
and participate in politics. The author has included interviews
with many young people, as well as with academics and specialists
in the field. The book's greatest contribution is to the debate
surrounding whether or not the voting age should be lowered to 16 -
a timely and thought-provoking analysis.
In recent years critics of Romantic poetry have divided into two
groups that have little to say to one another. One group, as yet
the most numerous, insists that to study a poem is to investigate
the historical circumstances out of which it was produced; the
other retorts that poetry offers pleasures fully available only to
readers whose attention is focused on their language. This book
attempts to reconcile the two groups by arguing that a poet's most
effective political action is the forging of a new language, and
that the political import of a poem is a function of its style.
Authored by an individual with 30 years of experience studying
terrorism as well as access to the most senior counter-terrorist
army and police officers combating the IRA, this book provides the
first complete analysis of the world's premier terrorist group to
explain them in ideological as well as operational terms. The IRA:
The Irish Republican Army begins by examining the historical
background to the development of the IRA, the group's basic
ideology, and its aims and objectives. The second part of the book
concentrates on the IRA-specifically the Provisional IRA-as a
contemporary phenomenon, explaining its organization, how it
operates, who joins the IRA, and why. The book explores how the IRA
was formed from a Romantic reaction against modernity, and is an
expression of a vehement rejection of the liberal, individualist,
and scientific values of the Enlightenment. The IRA's attachment to
violence almost as an end in itself, its conflation of Catholicism
with Irish-ness, its rejection of big-business for
peasant-proprietor economics, and its disregard for individual
rights in pursuit of group rights is explained in terms of the
groups' scholastic Catholicism foundation. For academic audiences
in Irish studies, politics, sociology, history, and security and
defense studies, as well as professional security forces and
interested general readers with an interest in current affairs,
this book supplies a wholly new perspective on both the IRA and
terrorism in general.
This book intertwines academic and activist voices to engage with
more than three decades of lesbian activism in the Yugoslav space.
The empirically rich contributions uncover a range of lesbian
initiatives and the fundamental, but rarely acknowledged, role that
lesbian alliances have played in articulating a feminist response
to the upsurge of nationalism, widespread violence against women,
and high levels of lesbophobia and homophobia in all of the
post-Yugoslav states. By offering a distinctly intergenerational
and transnational perspective, this collection does not only shed
new light on a severely marginalised group of people, but
constitutes a pioneering effort in accounting for the intricacies -
solidarities, joys, and tensions - of lesbian activist organising
in a post-conflict and post-socialist environment. With a plethora
of authorial standpoints and innovative methodological approaches,
the volume challenges the systematic absence of (post-)Yugoslav
lesbian activist enterprises from recent social science
scholarship. Lesbian Activism in the (Post-)Yugoslav Space will be
of interest to students and scholars across a range of disciplines,
including gender studies, history, politics, anthropology, and
sociology.
This book considers the radical effects the emergence of social
media and digital politics have had on the way that advocacy
organisations mobilise and organise citizens into political
participation. It argues that these changes are due not only to
technological advancement but are also underpinned by hybrid media
systems, new political narratives, and a new networked generation
of political actors. The author empirically analyses the emergence
and consolidation within advanced democracies of online campaigning
organisations, such as MoveOn, 38 Degrees, Getup and AVAAZ. Vromen
shows that they have become leading political advocates, and
influential on both national and international level governance.
The book critically engages with this digital disruption of
traditional patterns of political mobilisation and organisation,
and highlights the challenges in embracing new ideas such as
entrepreneurialism and issue-driven politics. It will be of
interest to advanced students and scholars in political
participation and citizen politics, interest groups, civil society
organisations, e-government and politics and social media.
The Co-opting of Education by Extremist Factions: Professing Hate
is a study of the ways in which various extremist groups have
appropriated education for social manipulation in order to gain
political power, and, in some cases, to incite violence. It is a
detailed exploration of case studies representing both a wide range
of situational differences (time, place, and political orientation)
and experiential similarities. To examine a broad scope of
circumstances, this book explores various types of rule (from
National Socialism to communism to capitalism) from around the
world (Europe, Asia, Africa, and North America) and spans time
periods from the mid-twentieth century to the beginning of the
twenty-first century. With the purpose of allowing these diverse
situations to dialogue with one another, this study explores each
country in its own right as well as in relation to others,
ultimately demonstrating the extent to which they influenced one
another.
In 1964 Malcolm X was invited to debate at the Oxford Union Society
at Oxford University. The topic of debate that evening was the
infamous phrase from Barry Goldwater's 1964 Republican Convention
speech:"Extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice; moderation
in the pursuit of justice is no virtue." At a time when Malcolm was
traveling widely and advocating on behalf of blacks in America and
other nations, his thirty minute speech at the Oxford Union stands
out as one of the great addresses of the civil rights era.
Delivered just months before his assassination, the speech followed
a period in which Malcolm had traveled throughout Africa and much
of the Muslim world. The journey broadened his political thought to
encompass decolonization, the revolutions underway in the
developing world, and the relationship between American blacks and
non-white populations across the globe-including England. Facing
off against debaters in one of world's most elite institutions, he
delivered a revolutionary message that tackled a staggering array
of issues: the nature of national identity; US foreign policy in
the developing world; racial politics at home; the experiences of
black immigrants in England; and the nature of power in the
contemporary world. It represents a moment when his thought had
advanced to its furthest point, shedding the parochial concerns of
previous years for an increasingly global and humanist approach to
ushering in social change. Set to publish near the fiftieth
anniversary of his death, Malcolm X at Oxford Union will reshape
our understanding not only of the man himself, but world politics
both then and now.
In Democracy's Think Tank, Brian S. Mueller places the Institute
for Policy Studies (IPS) at the center of a network of activists
involved in making the world safe for diversity. Unlike defense
intellectuals at the RAND Corporation and other think tanks
responsible for formulating military strategy, the "peace
intellectuals" at IPS developed blueprints for an alternative to
the U.S.-led world order. As the Iron Curtain fell across Eastern
Europe, a triumphalist Cold War narrative emerged proclaiming
victory for freedom, democracy, and free enterprise over
totalitarianism. Yet for the peace intellectuals at IPS, the
occasion did not merit celebration. Since its doors opened in 1963,
IPS refused to embrace American exceptionalism and waged a battle
against the Cold War and its liberal anti-communist supporters. As
IPS founders Marcus Raskin and Richard Barnet saw it, in the
process of fighting communism and preserving the liberal capitalist
order, Cold War liberals had forsaken democracy. Democracy's Think
Tank tells the story of IPS's crusade to resurrect democracy at
home and abroad. Borrowing from populist, progressive, and New Left
traditions, IPS challenged elite expertise and sought to restore
power to "the people." To this end, IPS, in the words of journalist
I. F. Stone, served as the "institute for the rest of us." Mueller
tells the story of IPS's involvement in a broad range of grassroots
campaigns aimed at ending the Cold War and increasing participatory
democracy in the United States and across the globe. Contemporary
observers seeking an alternative to American empire in the
twenty-first century will find Democracy's Think Tank offers
several possible paths toward a more democratic order.
These essays are mainly concerned with the development of some of
Max Gluckman's ideas about African politics. He regarded frequent
rebellions to replace incumbents of political offices (as against
revolutions to alter the structure of offices) as inherent in these
politics. Later he connected this situation with modes of
husbandry, problems of the devolution of power, types of weapons
and the law of treason. He advanced to a general theory of ritual,
as well as to general propositions about the position of officials
representing conflicting interests within a hierarchy, typified by
the African chief under colonial rule. Originally published in
1963.
Drawing on fieldwork conducted in Italy among political activists
of the LGBTIQ movement and the traditionalist movement during the
"anti-gender" campaign, this book provides a dynamic picture of
their sustained interactions. Through an analysis of the
contentious strategies, discourses, and performances of both the
LGBTIQ and the traditionalist movements from a strategic
interactionist perspective, it considers the key actors involved in
this struggle over normative and social change, showing how
activists on both sides are confronted with different dilemmas,
influencing each other's choices, practices and identities at the
individual and collective levels. Approaching social movements as
interactive processes, the author deploys the concepts of social
performance and gender performativity to illustrate the ways in
which activists interact with and within gender norms, and how they
reproduce or contest gender hierarchies as they protest, thus
revealing the centrality of gender to the analysis of processes of
recruitment and mobilization, strategies, frames and forms of
organization. As such, it will appeal to scholars of sociology and
political science with interests in social movements and gender.
This book explores the commonalities between the struggles of the
last years around the Mediterranean and tries to find the cultural
roots of this season of protests and activism against repression
and a growing systemic crisis. Who are their main characters? How
has mobility of ideas and persons contributed to it? Why has the
Mediterranean become the cradle of civil resistance? And how can
one make sure that what has begun bears fruit? The author discusses
how a strategic action of social movements and activists from both
Europe and the Arab world can build the basis for a grassroots
project for integration between the two shores, where mobility is
at the core: on the one hand, mobility of ideas, activists, men and
women of culture and other key-players, and trans-national
strategizing; on the other hand, challenging the paradigms of visa
policies and striving for a space of safe human mobility as one of
the steps of a grassroots Mediterranean citizens project. Providing
argument to a new theory of social mobilization, this book will be
of interest to scholars of European and Arab politics as well as to
political activists in the region.
Growing up in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Monique Misenga
Ngoie Mukuna persevered through many challenges: political turmoil
and violence, misogyny and patriarchy, lack of community resources
and personal loss. As she carved out a life for herself, her
family, and her community, she kept seeing the same story played
out for women vulnerable and trapped in poverty. Every system was
stacked against them. So "Maman" Monique committed to take action
in every sphere she could: through education, the local and
national church, and international cooperation. In 1999 she joined
with other Christian women to start the nonprofit Femme, Berceau de
l'Abondance-Woman, Cradle of Abundance. The very personal story of
Maman Monique opens a unique window on the lives of women in Congo,
across Africa, and throughout the Majority World. In Cradling
Abundance she recounts her remarkable experiences as a gifted
student and teacher, successful businesswoman, local and
denominational church leader, visionary social activist, and
matriarch for her extended family. With stories of other African
women woven in, this narrative presents a panoramic view of
Christian women at work at every level of the church and community.
We see the resistance they face even within their own congregations
and families, as well as how their faith leads them to oppose
injustice, discrimination, and suffering. Professor Elsie McKee
introduces the autobiography of her friend Maman Monique
(translating it from conversations in French and Tshiluba), then
provides helpful historical background and textual notes
throughout, along with a study guide to additional cultural
information. For anyone interested in how lay women lead in
Christian ministries, what it takes to start a pioneering
nonprofit, or how empowering women is critical to the health of
communities, Cradling Abundance is a unique and gripping resource.
Populism has become a favorite catchword for mass media and politicians faced with the challenge of protest parties or movements. It has often been equated with radical right leaders or parties. This unique volume underlines that populism is an ambiguous but constitutive component of democratic systems torn between their ideology (government of the people, by the people, for the people) and their actual functioning.
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