Wall Street Journal Bestseller | USA Today Bestseller "Really an interesting read, would make a great Christmas gift! Get your copy of The Return: Trump's Big 2024 Comeback"-Donald J. Trump, 45th President of the United States "The Return is a fantastic political analysis of what very well may be taking place in the not-too-distant future. Dick Morris is a #1 New York Times Bestselling Author, who is also a true political pro. Great book, get it now!!!"-Donald J. Trump, 45th President of the United States The Trump revolution cannot succeed without Trump. Will he run in 2024? You bet he will. Will he be the GOP nominee? Absolutely. Will he win the election? YES. New York Times bestselling author, Dick Morris, is a winning presidential strategist and the man Time magazine dubbed "the most influential private citizen in America." In his new book, The Return: Trump's Big 2024 Comeback, lays-out Trump's secret plan to return to the Oval Office in 2024. Since 2016, Dick Morris has been a behind-the-scenes adviser to Donald Trump, playing a key role in Trump's surprise 2016 win. For the first time, Dick Morris reveals President Trump's strategy to win in 2024 (And yes, he's running!). The stakes for the next elections could not be higher. "President Trump knows the future of America rests on his shoulders," Morris says bluntly. Morris explains that we cannot repeat 2020-and we can't let the Democrats get away with it again or America is lost. He provides the road map that Trump is prepared to implement in his effort to take-back the White House and the nation. Conservatives and MAGA supporters must realize that there are new rules. The Democrats, Big Media, Soros, and the Deep State have decided Trump must be stopped at any cost. Morris reveals how to beat the Democrats and the radical left at their own game - and getting freedom-loving Americans to rise up for Trump and our democracy. Morris outlines the strategy for victory on three fronts: Make certain more legal, eligible voters cast ballots for Republicans, and that their votes are not offset by a torrent of illegal ballots. Morris says a new group of Trump voters are emerging who will create a New Majority. The Republican candidate in 2024 will, and must, be Donald J. Trump. Accept no substitutes. As Morris explains, Florida Governor Ron DeSantis is not ready for prime time. The Winning (Trump) Message: The Democrats will transform America into a nation none of us will recognize by destroying social, cultural, economic, and political freedoms. Morris says time is short. This election really is critical. With the results of the 2020 election, everything pundits knew-or thought they knew-is obsolete in this new era of massively higher turnout. Read The Return to find out how conservatives can take advantage of the new rules to make America great again!

This book focuses on the vulnerabilities of state and local services to cyber-threats and suggests possible protective action that might be taken against such threats. Cyber-threats to U.S. critical infrastructure are of growing concern to policymakers, managers and consumers. Information and communications technology (ICT) is ubiquitous and many ICT devices and other components are interdependent; therefore, disruption of one component may have a negative, cascading effect on others. Cyber-attacks might include denial of service, theft or manipulation of data. Damage to critical infrastructure through a cyber-based attack could have a significant impact on the national security, the economy, and the livelihood and safety of many individual citizens. Traditionally cyber security has generally been viewed as being focused on higher level threats such as those against the internet or the Federal government. Little attention has been paid to cyber-security at the state and local level. However, these governmental units play a critical role in providing services to local residents and consequently are highly vulnerable to cyber-threats. The failure of these services, such as waste water collection and water supply, transportation, public safety, utility services, and communication services, would pose a great threat to the public. Featuring contributions from leading experts in the field, this volume is intended for state and local government officials and managers, state and Federal officials, academics, and public policy specialists.

When the National Government assumed power in 1948, one of the earliest moves was to introduce segregated education. Its threats to restrict the admission of black students into the four ‘open universities’ galvanised the staff and students of those institutions to oppose any attempt to interfere with their autonomy and freedom to decide who should be admitted.

In subsequent years, as the regime adopted increasingly oppressive measures to prop up the apartheid state, opposition on the campuses, and in the country, increased and burgeoned into a Mass Democratic Movement intent on making the country ungovernable.

Protest escalated through successive states of emergency and clashes with police on campus became regular events. Residences were raided, student leaders were harassed by security police and many students and some staff were detained for lengthy periods without recourse to the courts.

First published in 1996, Wits: A University in the Apartheid Era by Mervyn Shear tells the story of how the University of the Witwatersrand (Wits) adapted to the political and social developments in South Africa under apartheid. This new edition is published in the University’s centenary year with a preface by Firoz Cachalia, one of Wits’ student leaders in the 1980s. It serves as an invaluable historical resource on questions about the relationship between the University and the state, and on understanding the University’s place and identity in a constitutional democracy.

Banksy is known worldwide for his politically subversive works of art, but he is far from the only artist whose creations are infused with internationally relevant, activist themes. How else can the arts help activate citizen participation in social justice movements? Moreover, what is the role of culture in a globalizing world? Transnationalism, Activism, Art goes beyond Banksy by investigating how the three complementary political, social, and cultural phenomena listed in the title interact in the twenty-first century. Renowned and emerging critics use current theory on cultural production and politics to illuminate case studies of various media, including film, literature, visual art, and performance, in their multiple manifestations, from electronic dance music to Wikileaks to bestselling poetry collections. By addressing how these artistic media are used to enact citizen participation in social justice movements, the volume makes important connections between such participation and scholarly study of globalization and transnationalism.

THE NEW BOOK FROM DEBORAH FRANCES-WHITE, BESTSELLING AUTHOR OF THE GUILTY FEMINIST Six Conversations We're Scared to Have - from The Guilty Feminist will face up to one of the biggest challenges in feminism right now - how we can have difficult conversations well, how we can disagree well, how we can build bridges and change minds, including our own. In Deborah's own words, 'Six Conversations... is a book I simply have to write. This is a dialogue I've been having with those I trust in private for a long time. This is a conversation I need to be brave enough to have in public. I am part of a movement that has called Time's Up on top-down power at the expense of those who have been used and discarded. I want to live in a world where people in marginalised groups have a real voice that enacts fast change. I also speak as someone whose formative years were spent in a high control group, where people rarely said what they meant. We said what we needed to, to avoid punishment and shunning which meant our words often didn't match our thoughts and actions. I know what that fosters and where it ends. I feel compelled to look at the way our society is changing and look at how we can mature together and build better, stronger, more usable bridges more quickly to make the world a genuinely better place for those who desperately need it to be. And isn't that all of us right now?' Praise for Deborah Frances-White and THE GUILTY FEMINIST: 'Breathes life into conversations about feminism' PHOEBE WALLER-BRIDGE 'Genius' SUNDAY TIMES 'Funny, fresh, thought-provoking' OBSERVER 'Very funny, very clever, very thoughtful and very relevant' DOLLY ALDERTON 'Everything you wanted to know about feminism but were afraid to ask' EMMA THOMPSON 'Quite possibly the defining feminist of our generation' ELIZABETH DAY 'Encouraging every woman to say: "I get to be heard. I deserve to be seen" ' DAILY EXPRESS

" . . . an exceptionally fine text - one that could only have been written by an author mercifully free, for whatever reason of the phobias and philias about French intellectual life of previous generations." - New Left Review "This book is clearly an indispensable resource for historians of twentieth-century France and French intellectual life, and a fine resource for anyone interested in a political sociology of the intellectual. Its fundamental thesis concerning the political sources of the antitotalitarian moment in the discourse of direct democracy and the electoral opposition to the PCF is largely persuasive-and a welcome antidote to the many distortions that obscure this key reactive shift." - Radical Philosophy "I learned an enormous amount from your first-rate contribution. It is a very exciting and intelligent piece of work . . . very impressive." - Michael Seidman In the latter half of the 1970s, the French intellectual Left denounced communism, Marxism, and revolutionary politics through a critique of left-wing totalitarianism that paved the way for today's postmodern, liberal, and moderate republican political options. Contrary to the dominant understanding of the critique of totalitarianism as an abrupt rupture induced by Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn's The Gulag Archipelago, Christofferson argues that French anti-totalitarianism was the culmination of direct-democratic critiques of communism and revisions of the revolutionary project after 1956. The author's focus on the direct-democratic politics of French intellectuals offers an important alternative to recent histories that seek to explain the course of French intellectual politics by France's apparent lack of a liberal tradition. Michael Scott Christofferson was educated at Carleton College and Columbia University. He currently is Assistant Professor of History at the Pennsylvania State University, Erie and lives in the Cleveland, Ohio.

"This is a fine, well-written book . . . a penetrating and informed analysis." . Martin A. Schain, New York University "Anyone interested in contemporary European and French politics, ERP parties, the Front National, populism nationalism, or racism will find the book both interesting and useful . . . it] offers a rich overview and a rewarding analysis of the recent political and societal developments." . H-France Review During the last decade and a half a new political party family, the extreme Right-wing populist (ERP) parties, has established itself in a variety of West European democracies. These parties represent a monist politics based on ethnic nationalism and xenophobia as well as an opposition against the 'political establishment'. Being the prototypic ERP party, the French Front National (FN) has been a model for ERP parties emerging elsewhere in Western Europe. This study presents a theoretically based explanation that combines the macro and the micro-level, as well as the political supply and the demand-side. More specifically, this study shows that it is necessary to consider both opportunity structures, created by demand and supply-side factors, as well as the ability of the FN to take advantage of the available opportunities. Of particular interest is the author's analysis of the sociology and attitudes of the FN-voters. Jens Rydgren is Researcher and Lecturer in the Department of Sociology at Stockholm University.

The aim of Protests and Generations is to problematize the relations between generations and protests in the Middle East, North Africa and the Mediterranean. Most of the work on recent protests insists on the newness of their manifestation but leave unexplored the various links that exist between them and what preceded them. Mark Muhannad Ayyash and Ratiba Hadj-Moussa (Eds.) argue that their articulation relies at once on historical ties and their rejection. It is precisely this tension that the chapters of the book address in specifically documenting several case studies that highlight the generating processes by which generations and protests are connected. What the production and use of generation brings to scholarly understanding of the protests and the ability to articulate them is one of the major questions this collection addresses. Contributors are: Mark Muhannad Ayyash, Lorenzo Cini, Eric Gobe, Ratiba Hadj-Moussa, Andrea Hajek, Chaymaa Hassabo, Gal Levy, Ilana Kaufman, Sunaina Maira, Mohammad Massala, Matthieu Rey, Goekboeru Sarp Tanyildiz, and Stephen Luis Vilaseca. *Protests and Generations is now available in paperback for individual customers.

This book offers a ground-breaking analysis of how women's movements have been remaking citizenship in multicultural Europe. Presenting the findings of a large scale, multi-disciplinary cross-national feminist research project, FEMCIT, it develops an expanded, multi-dimensional understanding of citizenship as practice and experience.

Read the fascinating story of one of the greatest unsung figures of the nature conservation movement, founder of the RSPB and icon of early animal rights activism, Etta Lemon. A heroine for our times, Etta Lemon campaigned for fifty years against the worldwide slaughter of birds for extravagantly feathered hats. Her legacy is the RSPB, grown from an all-female pressure group of 1889 with the splendidly simple pledge: Wear No Feathers. Etta's long battle against 'murderous millinery' triumphed with the Plumage Act of 1921 - but her legacy has been eclipsed by the more glamorous campaign for the vote, led by the elegantly plumed Emmeline Pankhurst. This gripping narrative explores two formidable heroines and their rival, overlapping campaigns. Moving from the feather workers' slums to high society, from the first female political rally to the rise of the eco-feminist, it restores Etta Lemon to her rightful place in history - the extraordinary woman who saved the birds. ETTA LEMON was originally published in hardback in 2018 under the title of MRS PANKHURST'S PURPLE FEATHER. 'A great story of pioneering conservation.' KATE HUMBLE 'Quite brilliant. Meticulous and perceptive. A triumph of a book.' CHARLIE ELDER 'Shocking and entertaining. The surprising story of the campaigning women who changed Britain." VIRGINIA NICHOLSON 'A fascinating and moving story, vividly told.' JOHN CAREY 'A fascinating clash of two causes: rights for women and rights for birds to fly free not adorn suffragettes' hats. An illuminating story, provocative, well-researched and brilliantly told.' DIANA SOUHAMI

Originally published in 1977, this book brings together what is known about liberal feminist and socialist movements for the emancipation of women all over the world in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It deals not only with Britain and the United States but also with Australia, New Zealand, France, Germany, Russia, Austria-Hungary and the Scandinavian countries. The chapters trace the origins, development, and eventual collapse of these movements in relation to the changing social formations and political structures of Europe, America and Australasia in the era of bourgeois liberalism. The first part of the book discusses the origins of feminist movements and advances a model or 'ideal type' description of their development. The second part then takes a number of case studies of individual feminist movements to illustrate the main varieties of organised feminism and the differences from country to country. The third part looks at socialist women's movements and includes a study of the Socialist Women's International. A final part touches on the reason for the eclipse of women's emancipation movements in the half-century following the end of the First World War, before a general conclusion pulls together some of the arguments advanced in earlier chapters and attempts a comparison between these feminist movements of 1840-1920 and the Women's Liberation Movement.

There is still much uncertainty about the role of nineteenth-century British women in social and political protest. As politics was a man's world virtually all official accounts and statistics of popular protest deal only with the men involved. It is well known that women participated in food riots and mobilised support for Chartism, and as the dramatic changes in the economy during this period greatly increased the demand for women's labour, this stimulated their widespread involvement in political and social agitation, particularly the parliamentary reform movement of 1819. First published in 1982, this book provides a descriptive account of the part played by women - mainly working class women - in a variety of social and political activities that can broadly be categorised as protest. It establishes the basic outlines and offers an interpretation of the course of events.

First published in 1979, this book was the first, full-length study of working-class movements in London between 1800 and the beginnings of Chartism in the later 1830s. The leaders and rank and file in these movements were almost invariably artisans, and this book examines the position of the skilled artisan in politics. Starting from the social ideals, outlook and the experience of the London artisan, Dr Prothero describes trade union, political, co-operative, educational and intellectual movements in the first forty years of the century. Setting a scene of alternating growth and contraction in trade, successive hostile governments and the increasing articulation of working-class consciousness the author shows that artisans could be no less militant, radical or anti-capitalist than other groups of working class men.

Khulu Radebe had had a full life. Then, at the age of 50, he discovered that he was a king.

As a teenager, Khulu Radebe was part of the Alexandra Township 1976 uprisings. Arrested and sent to Robben Island, he was one of the youngest prisoners there. Returning to Alex, he participated in the township’s 1986 Six Days War. Radebe joined the armed struggle, repeatedly dodging death from the enemy and from fellow MK soldiers in Angola.

At age 50, and proving a prophet’s prediction correct, Khulu Radebe learned about his royal roots. He was informed that he was the ruler of the AmaHlubi people of the Embo Nation, a nation that stretches along the east coast of Africa.

In chronicling his extraordinary life and times in this landmark autobiography, Radebe, in a humane and vivid way, chronicles too the revolutionary path for freedom in South Africa. Alexandra Township in Johannesburg is a central character in this book and Radebe reveals an astonishing story of the post-1990 war between Inkatha and the ANC in Alex.

Gripping, bold and original, Comrade King, is an unforgettable story.

This book is about the mundane, local, every day practices that constitutes democracy. It defines politicization as the key process in understanding democracy in different cultural contexts throughstudies ofFrance and Finland. By means of comparative ethnographic, media, and visual analysis that focuseson how democracy is actually practiced in different contexts, thiswork sets outa more nuanced and controversial picture of two opposite models of European politics. The familiar juxtaposition of Southern and Northern political cultures is set in a new perspective through comparative analyses of politicizations: the processes of opening political arenas and recognizing controversy.The book explores the ways in which people in different contexts deliberate, resist, and politicize, and hence practice, challenge, and transform democracy in ways that are of relevance to all political systems.

This book explores the transformation of employment relations, the rise of the worker protest and the reform of trade union practice to ask how successfully the state-socialist trade unions have adapted to their new role of representing the rights and interests of workers.

At the close of the twentieth century, political protests have erupted throughout the world. While the collapse of communism was certainly one of the most spectacular protest- related events, smaller protests have become ubiquitous. In Los Angeles, labor activists campaign against commercial real estate owners to unionize janitors, mainly Latina immigrants. In the People's Republic of China, peasants revolt against tax collectors. Amazonian Indians protest public and economic policies that destroy their culture and rainforest habitat.

This book analyzes the reciprocal impact of cultural beliefs, sociopolitical structures, and individual behaviors on protests throughout the world. Why do individuals participate in protest activities? How do cultural beliefs, personal attitudes, and subjective perception influence the potential protester? Addressing the issue of agency in protest, the authors also examine why protestors enlist different tactics to achieve their goals. Why are some protests violent and others nonviolent? When and why do activists conclude that it is better to accommodate than confront? Finally, and crucially, what are the consequences of protest movements?

Political participation is falling and citizen alienation and cynicism is increasing. In response to evidence of this decline in democracy, a growing number of philosophers and political practitioners have advocated a more deliberative form of democracy. This volume brings together the first work of this kind by leading scholars in the US and Europe. The results of this work raise questions regarding the conception and practice of deliberative democracy. To address these questions, four of the leading philosophers of deliberative democracy contribute their commentaries on the groundbreaking empirical research.

On May 25, 2000 Israeli occupation forces withdrew from South Lebanon after 22 years of occupation. The Lebanese media's role in achieving liberation over this period is significant, through campaigns conducted to unify the Lebanese people against their foreign occupier and in support of the Lebanese resistance in South Lebanon. This book investigates the culture and performance of Lebanese journalism in this setting. "Channels of Resistance in Lebanon" is a story about journalism told by a journalist who is also using tools of scholarship and research to narrate her story and the story of her fellow journalists. Zahera Harb is also presenting here an alternative interpretation of propaganda under conditions of foreign occupation and the struggle against that occupation. She identifies the characteristics of "liberation propaganda" through the coverage and experience of the two Lebanese TV stations Tele Liban and Al Manar within the historical, cultural, organizational and religious contexts in which they operated, and how these elements shaped their professional practice and their news values.

This book brings multiple sites of lusophony together, and illuminates how mobile configurations of people, technologies and hip-hop creativities are best understood as compositions of ubiquitous identities, dispersed communities and syncretic networks. Significantly, the chapters highlight identity narratives that clash with the city, yet which play an important part in its reconstruction and resignification. Occupying public space, creative expressions of young people provide critiques of the social order, mainstream media and criminalization of fringe neighbourhoods. In this way, hip-hop has become a political instrument of an `I’ that is excluded and marginalized. Its growth has led to a global movement incorporating local forms such as traditional musical arrangements and native languages. Its messages educate youths about citizenship, addressing their reality of racial discrimination and oppression. At the same time, hip-hop continues to innovate at the street level, constantly rejecting and challenging a consumer culture that seeks to co-opt it. The pillars of hip-hop – rapping, DJing, break-dancing, graffiti, and now political organization – are considered across three continents, in a collection that seeks to provide more nuanced characterizations of contemporary relationships between lusophone countries allowing dialogue about inter/intra, colonial/racial contradictions and their impact on power structures. Lusophone Hip-hop offers fascinatingly diverse perspectives on rich source material little-known to readers more familiar with hip-hop in African American contexts.

No American state is more antistatist than Alaska. And no state takes in more federal money per capita, which accounts for a full third of Alaska’s economy. This seeming paradox underlies the story Stephen Haycox tells in Battleground Alaska, a history of the fraught dynamic between development and environmental regulation in a state aptly dubbed “The Last Frontier.” Examining inconvenient truths, the book investigates the genesis and persistence of the oft-heard claim that Congress has trampled Alaska’s sovereignty with its management of the state’s pristine wilderness. At the same time it debunks the myth of an inviolable Alaska statehood compact at the center of this claim. Unique, isolated, and remote, Alaska’s economy depends as much on absentee corporate exploitation of its natural resources, particularly oil, as it does on federal spending. This dependency forces Alaskans to endorse any economic development in the state, putting them in conflict with restrictive environmental constraint. Battleground Alaska reveals how Alaskans’ abiding resentment of federal regulation and control has exacerbated the tensions and political sparring between these camps— and how Alaska’s leaders have exploited this antistatist sentiment to promote their ownagendas, specifically the opening of the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge to oil drilling. Haycox builds his history andcritique around four now classic environmental battles in modern Alaska: the establishment of the ANWR is the 1950s; the construction of the Trans-Alaska Pipeline in the 1970s; the passage of the Alaska National Interests Lands Conservation Act in 1980; and the struggle that culminated in the Tongass Timber Reform Act of 1990. What emerges is a complex tale, with no clear-cut villains and heroes, that explains why Alaskans as a collective almost always opt for development, even as they profess their genuine love for the beauty and bounty of their state’s environment. Yet even as it exposes the potential folly of this practice, Haycox’s work reminds environmentalists that all wilderness is inhabited, and that human life depends—as it always has—on the exploitation of the earth’s resources.

British Communism and the Politics of Race explores the role that the Communist Party of Great Britain played within the anti-racism movement in Britain from the 1940s to the 1980s. As one of the first organisations to undertake serious anti-colonial and anti-racist activism within the British labour movement, the CPGB was a pioneering force that campaigned against racial discrimination, popular imperialism and fascist violence in British society. The book examines the balancing act that the Communist Party negotiated in its anti-racist work, between making appeals to the labour movement to get involved in the fight against racism and working with Britain's ethnic minority communities, who often felt let down by the trade unions and the Labour Party. Transitioning from a class-based outlook to an embrace of the new social movements of the 1960s-70s, the CPGB played an important role in the anti-racist struggle, but by the 1980s, it was eclipsed by more radical and diverse activist organisations.

The American Committee for the Protection of Foreign Born played a major role in legal matters pertaining to deportation, naturalization, and immigration. This study provides the first thorough examination of its work, from the Depression decade of the 1930s, when the committee defended prominent labor activists such as Harry Bridges, through the war years and into the 1950s, when it served as a legal bulwark for the Communist Party. In 1955 the ACPFB itself became a defendant-as the pilot case before the Subversive Activities Control Board. Cautious and rational, the Board reached the correct conclusion that the organization was a Communist Party front.

Indeed, in its fidelity to American communism, the ACPFB pursued a political agenda that often violated its stated mandate. It not only failed to protect Japanese-Americans during World War II, but it actually supported their internment. During the closing years of the war, it attempted to influence ethnic communities for the benefit of the Communist Party. False agendas, undemocratic internal controls, and duplicity drove liberal sympathizers away from the ACPFB by the early 1950s, when the pressures of the second Red Scare threatened both it and its host. The story of the ACPFB ultimately sheds new light on the nature of American communism itself-demonstrating anew its nature as a political movement in pursuit of power.