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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Political activism > General
Since long before the age of celebrity activism, literary authors
have used their public profiles and cultural capital to draw
attention to a wide range of socio-political concerns. This book is
the first to explore – through history, criticism and creative
interventions – the relationship between authorship, political
activism and celebrity culture across historical periods, cultures,
literatures and media. It brings together scholars, industry
stakeholders and prominent writer-activists to engage in a
conversation on literary fame and public authority. These scholarly
essays, interviews, conversations and opinion pieces interrogate
the topos of the artist as prophet and acute critic of the
zeitgeist; analyse the ideological dimension of literary celebrity;
and highlight the fault lines between public and private authorial
selves, ‘pure’ art, political commitment and marketplace
imperatives. In case studies ranging from the 18th century to
present-day controversies, authors illuminate the complex
relationship between literature, politics, celebrity culture and
market activism, bringing together vivid current debates on the
function and responsibility of literature in increasingly fractured
societies.
'Vanessa Nakate continues to teach a most critical lesson. She
reminds us that while we may all be in the same storm, we are not
all in the same boat.' - Greta Thunberg No matter your age,
location or skin colour, you can be an effective activist.
Devastating flooding, deforestation, extinction and starvation.
These are the issues that not only threaten in the future, they are
a reality. After witnessing some of these issues first-hand,
Vanessa Nakate saw how the world's biggest polluters are asleep at
the wheel, ignoring the Global South where the effects of climate
injustice are most fiercely felt. Inspired by a shared vision of
hope, Vanessa's commanding political voice demands attention for
the biggest issue of our time and, in this rousing manifesto for
change, shows how you can join her to protect our planet now and
for the future. Vanessa realized the importance of her place in the
climate movement after she, the only Black activist in an image
with four white Europeans, was cropped out of a press photograph at
Davos in 2020. This example illustrates how those who will see the
biggest impacts of the climate crisis are repeatedly omitted from
the conversation. As she explains, 'We are on the front line, but
we are not on the front page.' Without A Bigger Picture, you're
missing the full story on climate change. 'An indispensable voice
for our future.' - Malala Yousafzai 'A powerful global voice.' -
Angelina Jolie
The New York Times bestselling author of My Grandmother's Hands
surveys the deteriorating political climate and presents an urgent
call for action to save ourselves and our countries. In The Quaking
of America, therapist and trauma specialist Resmaa Menakem takes
readers through a step-by-step program of somatic practices
addressing the growing threat of white-supremacist political
violence. Through the coordinated repetition of lies,
anti-democratic elements in American society are inciting mass
radicalization, violent insurrection, and voter suppression, with a
goal of toppling American democracy. Currently, most pro-democracy
American bodies are utterly unprepared for this uprising. This book
can help prepare us--and, if possible, prevent more
destructiveness. This preparation focuses not on strategy or
politics, but on mental and emotional practices that can help us:
Build presence and discernment Settle our bodies during the heat of
conflict Maintain our safety, sanity, and stability under dangerous
circumstances Heal our personal and collective racialized trauma
Practice body-centered social action Turn toward instead of on one
another The Quaking of America is a unique, perfectly timed,
body-centered guide to each of these processes.
Women Activists between War and Peace employs a comparative
approach in exploring women's political and social activism across
the European continent in the years that followed the First World
War. It brings together leading scholars in the field to discuss
the contribution of women's movements in, and individual female
activists from, Austria, Bulgaria, Finland, France, Germany, Great
Britain, Hungary, Russia and the United States. The book contains
an introduction that helpfully outlines key concepts and broader,
European-wide issues and concerns, such as peace, democracy and the
role of the national and international in constructing the new,
post-war political order. It then proceeds to examine the nature of
women's activism through the prism of five pivotal topics: *
Suffrage and nationalism * Pacifism and internationalism *
Revolution and socialism * Journalism and print media * War and the
body A timeline and illustrations are also included in the book,
along with a useful guide to further reading. This is a vitally
important text for all students of women's history,
twentieth-century Europe and the legacy of the First World War.
Toxic Loves, Impossible Futures is an homage to a constellation of
women writers, feminists, and creators whose voices draw a map of
our current global political-environmental crisis and the
interlinked massive violence, enabled by the denigration of life
and human relationships. In a world, in which ""a woman's voice""
exists in bodies called in to occupy important positions in
corporations, government, cultural and academic institutions, to
work in factories, to join the army, but whose bodies are
systematically rendered vulnerable by gender violence and by the
double burden imposed on us to perform both productive and
reproductive labor, I ask what is the task of thought and form in
contemporary feminist situated knowledge? Toxic Loves, Impossible
Futures is a collection of essays rethinking feminist issues in the
current context of the production of redundant populations, the
omnipresence of the technosphere and environmental devastation,
toxic relationships, toxic nationalisms, and more. These
reflections and dialogues are an urgent attempt to resist the
present in the company of the voices of women like bell hooks,
Sarah Ahmed, Leslie Jamison, Lina Meruane, Leanne Simpson, Chris
Kraus, AlaIde Foppa, Lorena Wolffer, Sayak Valencia, Pip Day,
Veronica GonzAlez, Eimear McBride, Simone de Beauvoir, Elena
Poniatowska, Susan Sontag, Margaret Randall, Simone Weil, Arundhati
Roy, Marta Lamas, Paul B. Preciado, Dawn Paley, Raquel GutiErrez,
etc. Toxic Loves, Impossible Futures continues the discussion on
how to undo misogyny and dismantle heteropatriarchy's sublimating
and denigrating tricks against women, which are intrinsically
linked to colonialism and violence against the Earth.
Does the internet facilitate social and political change, or even
democratization, in the Middle East? Despite existing research on
this subject, there is still no consensus on the importance of
social media and online platforms, or on how we are to understand
their influence. This book provides empirical analysis of the
day-to-day use of online platforms by activists in Egypt and
Kuwait. The research evaluates the importance of online platforms
for effecting change and establishes a specific framework for doing
so. Egypt and Kuwait were chosen because, since the mid-2000s, they
have been the most prominent Arab countries in terms of online and
offline activism. In the context of Kuwait, Jon Nordenson examines
the oppositional youth groups who fought for a constitutional,
democratic monarchy in the emirate. In Egypt, focus surrounds the
groups and organizations working against sexual violence and sexual
harassment. Online Activism in the Middle East shows how and why
online platforms are used by activists and identifies the crucial
features of successful online campaigns. Egypt and Kuwait are
revealed to be authoritarian contexts but where the challenges and
possibilities faced by activists are quite different. The
comparative nature of this research therefore exposes the
context-specific usage of online platforms, separating this from
the more general features of online activism. Nordenson
demonstrates the power of online activism to create an essential
'counterpublic' that can challenge an authoritarian state and
enable excluded groups to fight in ways that are far more difficult
to suppress than a demonstration.
 Chicago is home to the second-largest Mexican immigrant
population in the United States, yet the activities of this
community have gone relatively unexamined by both the media and
academia. In this groundbreaking new book, Xóchitl Bada
takes us inside one of the most vital parts of Chicago’s Mexican
immigrant community—its many hometown associations. Hometown
associations (HTAs) consist of immigrants from the same town in
Mexico and often begin quite informally, as soccer clubs or prayer
groups. As Bada’s work shows, however, HTAs have become a
powerful force for change, advocating for Mexican immigrants in the
United States while also working to improve living conditions in
their communities of origin. Focusing on a group of HTAs founded by
immigrants from the state of Michoacán, the book shows how their
activism has bridged public and private spheres, mobilizing social
reforms in both inner-city Chicago and rural Mexico. Bringing
together ethnography, political theory, and archival research, Bada
excavates the surprisingly long history of Chicago’s HTAs, dating
back to the 1920s, then traces the emergence of new models of
community activism in the twenty-first century. Filled with vivid
observations and original interviews, Mexican Hometown Associations
in Chicagoacán gives voice to an underrepresented community and
sheds light on an underexplored form of global activism.
In this book, Mireya Loza sheds new light on the private lives of
migrantmen who participated in the Bracero Program (1942-1964), a
binationalagreement between the United States and Mexico that
allowed hundredsof thousands of Mexican workers to enter this
country on temporary workpermits. While this program and the issue
of temporary workers has longbeen politicized on both sides of the
border, Loza argues that the prevailingromanticized image of
braceros as a family-oriented, productive, legal workforcehas
obscured the real, diverse experiences of the workers
themselves.Focusing on underexplored aspects of workers' lives-such
as their transnationalunion-organizing efforts, the sexual
economies of both hetero andqueer workers, and the ethno-racial
boundaries among Mexican indigenousbraceros-Loza reveals how these
men defied perceived political, sexual, andracial norms. Basing her
work on an archive of more than 800 oral histories from theUnited
States and Mexico, Loza is the first scholar to carefully
differentiatebetween the experiences of mestizo guest workers and
the many Mixtec,Zapotec, Purhepecha, and Mayan laborers. In doing
so, she captures themyriad ways these defiant workers responded to
the intense discriminationand exploitation of an unjust system that
still persists today.
Recently, a wall was built in eastern Germany. Made of steel and
cement blocks, topped with razor barbed wire, and reinforced with
video monitors and movement sensors, this wall was not put up to
protect a prison or a military base, but rather to guard a
three-day meeting of the finance ministers of the Group of Eight
(G8). The wall manifested a level of security that is increasingly
commonplace at meetings regarding the global economy. The authors
of Shutting Down the Streets have directly observed and
participated in more than 20 mass actions against global in North
America and Europe, beginning with the watershed 1999 WTO meetings
in Seattle and including the 2007 G8 protests in Heiligendamm.
Shutting Down the Streets is the first book to conceptualize the
social control of dissent in the era of alterglobalization. Based
on direct observation of more than 20 global summits, the book
demonstrates that social control is not only global, but also
preemptive, and that it relegates dissent to the realm of
criminality. The charge is insurrection, but the accused have no
weapons. The authors document in detail how social control
forecloses the spaces through which social movements nurture the
development of dissent and effect disruptive challenges.
Written from the perspective of a practising artist, this book
proposes that, against a groundswell of historians, museums and
commentators claiming to speak on behalf of art, it is artists
alone who may define what art really is. Jelinek contends that
while there are objects called 'art' in museums from deep into
human history and from around the globe - from Hans Sloane's
collection, which became the foundation of the British Museum, to
Alfred Barr's inclusion of 'primitive art' within the walls of
MoMA, the Museum of Modern Art - only those that have been made
with the knowledge and discipline of art should rightly be termed
as such. Policing the definition of art in this way is not to
entrench it as an elitist occupation, but in order to focus on its
liberal democratic potential. Between Discipline and a Hard Place
describes the value of art outside the current preoccupation with
economic considerations yet without resorting to a range of
stereotypical and ultimately instrumentalist political or social
goods, such as social inclusion or education. A wider argument is
also made for disciplinarity, as Jelinek discusses the great
potential as well as the pitfalls of interdisciplinary and
multidisciplinary working, particularly with the so-called
'creative' arts. A passionate treatise arguing for a new way of
understanding art that forefronts the role of the artist and the
importance of inclusion within both the concept of art and the art
world.
In The Political Potential of Upper Silesian Ethnoregionalist
Movement: A Study in Ethnic Identity and Political Behaviours of
Upper Silesians Anna Mus offers a study on the phenomenon of
ethnoregionalism in one of the regions in Poland. Since 1945,
ethnopolitics in Poland have been based on the so-called assumption
of the ethnic homogeneity of the Polish nation. Even the
transformation of the political system to a fully democratic one in
1989 did not truly change it. However, over the last three decades,
we can observe growing discontent in Upper Silesia and the
politicisation of Silesian ethnicity. This is happening in a region
with its own history of autonomy and culturally diversified
society, where an ethnoregionalist political movement appeared
already in 1989.
Providing an unbiased analysis of the past, present, and future of
the hostile relationship between Iran, Israel, and the United
States, this book presents an up-to-date discussion of the security
implications for each of the two states as well as the entire
region. Ongoing tensions between Iran and Israel are highly
dangerous for the Middle East and have the potential to spark
another major war in the region, perhaps on a much larger scale
than prior conflicts. Such a confrontation between the two nations
would jeopardize regional and international security, and is of
immediate concern for the United States. In this new book noted
scholar Jalil Roshandel provides an in-depth look at topics such as
Iranian state support for terrorism, its pursuit of nuclear
capability and weapons, the implications of this activity for
Israel, and their relations with the Iraqi Kurdish region. The
United States' role in this conflict is also detailed, including a
history if its relations with Iran, policy with Israel, and
position as potential mediator. This book offers valuable context
that explains the evolution of these relationships rather than
simply summarizing the past and present situations, and concludes
with thought-provoking policy alternatives for decision makers.
Illustrates the complex relationship between Iran and Israel though
an examination of historic events Provides a comprehensive
bibliography of significant materials from the fields of history,
politics, and international relations Includes an index of
subjects, names, places, events, and related issues
Around the globe, contemporary protest movements are contesting the
oligarchic appropriation of natural resources, public services, and
shared networks of knowledge and communication. These struggles
raise the same fundamental demand and rest on the same irreducible
principle: the common. In this exhaustive account, Pierre Dardot
and Christian Laval show how the common has become the defining
principle of alternative political movements in the 21st century.
In societies deeply shaped by neoliberal rationality, the common is
increasingly invoked as the operative concept of practical
struggles creating new forms of democratic governance. In a feat of
analytic clarity, Dardot and Laval dissect and synthesize a vast
repository on the concept of the commons, from the fields of
philosophy, political theory, economics, legal theory, history,
theology, and sociology. Instead of conceptualizing the common as
an essence of man or as inherent in nature, the thread developed by
Dardot and Laval traces the active lives of human beings: only a
practical activity of commoning can decide what will be shared in
common and what rules will govern the common's citizen-subjects.
This re-articulation of the common calls for nothing less than the
institutional transformation of society by society: it calls for a
revolution.
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