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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Political activism > General
This text examines the political importance of moral opposition to authoritarian rule in Chile, 1973-90, as a challenge to the government's systematic human rights' violations. It was initially led by the Catholic Church, whose primate founded an organization to defend human rights: the Vicariate of Solidarity (1976-92). The book assesses the impact of moral opposition as a force for redemocratization by tracing the history and achievements of the Vicariate. It also argues that such moral matters are often underestimated in regime transition analysis.
This text has established itself as the best short account of the Chartist movement available. It considers its origins and development, placing the movement within its broad social and economic context. Dr Royle also provides clear analysis of its strategy and leadership and assesses the conflicting interpretations for the failure of Chartism.
Comparing differences in migrant political participation, the
author discusses the influence that institutions have on
opportunities and constraints for migrants' political engagement.
The book adopts a multi-country comparative approach, highlighting
three areas where institutions influence the scope for migrant
actors in Sweden, the Netherlands, France, Germany and the UK:
Food activism is core to the contemporary study of food - there are numerous foodscapes which exist within the umbrella definition of food activism from farmer's markets, organic food movements to Fair Trade. This highly original book focuses on one key emerging foodscape dominating the Italian alternative food network (AFN) scene: GAS (gruppi di acquisto solidale or solidarity-based purchase groups) and explores the innovative social dynamics underlying these networks and the reasons behind their success. Based on a detailed 'insider' ethnography, this study interprets the principles behind these movements and key themes such as collective buying, relationships with local producers and consumers, financial management, to the everyday political and practical negotiation involving GAS groups. Vitally, the author demonstrates how GAS processes are key to providing survival strategies for small farms, local food chains and sustainable agriculture as a whole. Beyond Alternative Food Networks offers a fresh and engaged approach to this area, demonstrating the capacity for individuals to join organised forms of alternative political ecologies and impact upon their local food systems and practices. These social groups help to create new economic circuits that help promote sustainability, both for the environment and labor practices. Beyond Alternative Food Networks provides original insight and in-depth analysis of the alternative food network now thriving in Italy, and highlights ways such networks become embedded in active citizenship practices, cooperative relationships, and social networks.
View the Table of Contents. Read the Prologue. Foreword by U.S. Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg "Exceptionally well-researcheda].Norgrenas contribution is to
situate Lockwood among a generation of female activistsa].Norgren
isa]successful in moving the woman who would be president to her
proper standing as a pioneering lawyer who would change
America." aNorgren has written an engrossing and insightful book about
Belva Lockwood, a woman who, through tenacity, drive and self
worth, accomplished more in the 19th century than many modern women
accomplish. Because Lockwood was known to few and most of her
personal papers were destroyed after her death, Norgren has done an
exemplary job of illuminating the life of this varied and
accomplished woman.a aAn engaging account of Belva Lockwoodas struggles and achievements as one of the first women to enter the legal profession in the United States in the late 19th century.a--"Canadian Journal of Law and Society" aNorgren describes a farmwife who became a fearless advocate for
womenas rights and the first woman lawyer to argue before the
Supreme Courta aNorgren eloquently and succinctly educates the reader on the
story of the first woman to ever be allowed to argue before the
United States Supreme Court, as well as the first woman to ever
launch two full scale bids for this countryas
presidency....Norgrenas writing is engaging and her narrative is
accessible yet rich with fact.a aJill Norgrenas study of Belva Lockwood (which comes with a
graceful preface by Ruth Bader Ginsburg) is a very unusual book. ..
. Norgren has the great discernment to see Lockwoodas life as large
and anticipatory rather than eccentric and half-realized. A legal
historian of considerable skill, she ploughed through reams of
records to construct an account of Lockwoodas legal career. . . .
The comparison [of Hillary Clinton and Nancy Pelosi to] Belva
Lockwood is illuminating, because it was Lockwoodas instinct for
opportunity that took her out of womenas politics, with their
intact principles, into the thick of things. . . . The biographies
of these women will be composed of the workaday, disenchanted
materials of political lives--perseverance, competence, canniness,
and, yes, a facility for the quick grab--that Belva Lockwood
cultivated and prized.a aAstonishingly, this is the first scholarly biography of
19th-century activist Belva Lockwood. Lawyer, lobbyist, wife,
mother, and contemporary of Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady
Stanton, Lockwood was among the most formidable of equal rights
advocates. The first female lawyer admitted to practice before the
U.S. Supreme Court, the relentlessly ambitious Lockwood ran for the
U.S. presidency in 1884 and 1888 on the Equal Rights Party
ticketa].Later she concentrated on her work for the Universal Peace
Union and her Washington, DC, legal practice while maintaining a
demanding public-speaking schedule. Her life was never easy, as she
constantly fought to surmount political and legal barriers and to
support her family. Although few of Lockwoodas papers have
survived, Norgren has delivered an able and long overdue study of
Lockwoodas life, drawing on newspapers, magazines, organizational
records, and the papers ofLockwoodas contemporaries. Though the
book emphasizes Lockwoodas career, the inclusion of information on
her family and friends gives added dimension. Highly recommended
for both public and academic libraries; essential for womenas
history collections.a aMany biographers would balk at the paucity of archival sources,
but Norgren persisted. . . . In [Norgrenas] credible narrative,
Lockwood emerges as a shrewd self-promoter, never hesitating to
garner publicity for herself and her causes. . . . In eloquent
detail, Norgren shows how Lockwood loved the law.a aLong before Hillary Clinton, there was Belva Lockwood: two-time
presidential hopeful, Lockwood campaigned in 1884 and 1888 on a
platform of women's suffrage. In the first full-length biography of
this feminist pioneer, legal historian Norgren has meticulously
researched what little has remained of Lockwood's papers, most of
which were destroyed after her death.a aIn this thoroughly researched and beautifully written
biography, Jill Norgren traces Belva Lockwoodas dogged efforts to
earn a living as a lawyer in Washington while caring for her
daughter and becoming a leading advocate for womanas suffrage and
the peaceful arbitration of international disputes. Norgrenas
brilliant study makes clear why Lockwood--the first woman to argue
before the Supreme Court (1879) and run for President (1884 and
1888)--belongs in the ranks of Susan B. Anthony, Elizabeth Cady
Stanton, and Frances Willard.a aJill Norgren beautifully weaves thepersonal and political
ordeals of Belva Lockwood's life into a compelling story that
illuminates Lockwood's enduring contributions. This is a dramatic
account of a pioneering woman whose life in the law still resonates
in contemporary times.a aJill Norgren's splendid biography of one of history's most
astonishing pioneers-first woman counsel before the Supreme Court,
visionary for equal rights, international peace activist, Indian
rights litigator, presidential candidate-is provocative,
challenging, galvanizing! Brilliantly researched, vividly written,
and profoundly discerning. Everybody concerned about justice, human
rights, the future of democracy, and women's power will rush to
read, and assign, this important book.a aBelva Lockwood lived a life of afirstsa as a practicing lawyer
at a time when women were rare in any profession. She was the first
woman admitted to the Bar of the Supreme Court and twice ran for
President of the United States. Jill Norgren captures the story of
this forgotten heroine in a biography as fast paced and interesting
as the life Lockwood led.a aJill Norgren's biography of Belva Lockwood is a gem. Not only
does she describe the amazingly full life of an important woman now
practically forgotten, but she takes us into the politics of the
late-nineteenth century women's reform movement in a way few other
authors have done. This is a must-read book.a In Belva Lockwood: The Woman Who Would be President, prize-winning legal historian Jill Norgren recounts, for the first time, the life story of one of the nineteenth century's most surprising and accomplished advocates for women's rights. As Norgren shows, Lockwood was fearless in confronting the male establishment, commanding the attention of presidents, members of Congress, influential writers, and everyday Americans. Obscured for too long in the historical shadow of her longtime colleague, Susan B. Anthony, Lockwood steps into the limelight at last in this engaging new biography. Born on a farm in upstate New York in 1830, Lockwood married young and reluctantly became a farmer's wife. After her husband's premature death, however, she earned a college degree, became a teacher, and moved to Washington, DC with plans to become an attorney-an occupation all but closed to women. Not only did she become one of the first female attorneys in the U.S., but in 1879 became the first woman ever allowed to practice at the bar of the Supreme Court. In 1884 Lockwood continued her trailblazing ways as the first woman to run a full campaign for the U.S. Presidency. She ran for President again in 1888. Although her candidacies were unsuccessful (as she knew they would be), Lockwood demonstrated that women could compete with men in the political arena. After these campaigns she worked tirelessly on behalf of the Universal Peace Union, hoping, until her death in 1917, that she, or the organization, would win the Nobel Peace Prize. Belva Lockwood deserves to be far better known. As Norgren notes, it is likely that Lockwood would be widely recognized today as a feminist pioneer if most of her personal papers had not been destroyed after her death. Fortunately for readers, Norgren shares much of her subject's tenacity and she has ensured Lockwood's rightful place in history with this meticulously researched and beautifully written book.
The essays in this collection represent a major contribution to our understanding of youth and transitions to key areas of adult citizenship, including employment, independent living arrangements and political participation. The education of children and young people in 'citizenship' usually emphasizes either rights or responsibilities, through the concept of 'active citizenship'. The central concern of the book is to address the tensions and contradictions between the teaching of active citizenship and the real life difficulties many young people face in the practical transition to being adult citizens in modern life.
Exploring the unknown is a personal account of a South African's backpacking journey of self-discovery and adventure off the beaten trail. In 1990, leaving behind a life of white privilege and a career, the author travelled to 35 countries in five years on a shoestring budget as the apartheid regime collapsed with uncertainty. A time of carefree travel, inbred survival instinct and always proudly South African he became set on seeing and experiencing as many cultures and places using maps, travel books and various modes of transport. An exciting and funny account with history and politics enmeshed throughout the story, spanning three continents the author using temporary bases in and around London to springboard his travels-United Kingdom, Ireland and Europe- East Germany, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Poland, Turkey, Morocco and South East Asia-Thailand, Malaysia, Sri Lanka, India, Nepal, Hong Kong and Cuba. In 1996, he returned home before choosing a new life in Canada. In 2003, he travelled to Namibia and in 2005 embarked on a special trip to Mozambique.
What does it mean to be a young undocumented immigrant? Current public debate on undocumented immigration provokes discussion worldwide, and it is estimated that there are more than 11.1 million undocumented immigrants in the US, yet what it really means to be an undocumented immigrant appears less explicitly delineated in the debate. This interdisciplinary volume applies theories from Media, Cultural, and Literary Studies to investigate how undocumented immigrant youth in the United States have claimed a public voice by publishing their video narratives on YouTube. Case studies show how political protest significantly shapes these videos as activists narrate and perform their 'dispossession', redefining their understanding of the mechanisms of immigration in the Americas, and of home, belonging, and identity. The impact of the videos is explored as the activists connect them to Congressional bills and present their activities as a continuation of the legacy of the civil rights movements of the 1960s and 1970s. This book will be of interest to a wide range of scholars and students involved in debates on migration, communication, new media, culture, protest movements and political lobbying.
The protest movements that followed the Second World War have recently become the object of study for various disciplines; however, the exchange of ideas between research fields, and comparative research in general, is lacking. An international and interdisciplinary dialogue is vital to not only describe the similarities and differences between the single national movements but also to evaluate how they contributed to the formation and evolution of a transnational civil society in Europe. This volume undertakes this challenge as well as questions some major assumptions of post-1945 protest and social mobilization both in Western and Eastern Europe. Historians, political scientists, sociologists and media studies scholars come together and offer insights into social movement research beyond conventional repertoires of protest and strictly defined periods, borders and paradigms, offering new perspectives on past and present processes of social change of the contemporary world.
Fighting for marriage and family rights; protection from discrimination in employment, education, and housing; criminal law reform; economic justice; and health care reform: the LGBT movement is engaged in some of the most important cultural and political battles of our times. Seeking to reshape many of our basic social institutions, the LBGT movement's legal, political, and cultural campaigns reflect the complex visions, strategies, and rhetoric of the individuals and groups knocking at the law's door. The original essays in this volume bring social movement scholarship and legal analysis together, enriching our understanding of social movements, LGBT politics and organizing, legal studies, and public policy. Moreover, they highlight the struggle to make the law relevant and responsive to the LGBT community. Ultimately, Queer Mobilizations examines how the LGBT movement's engagement with the law shapes the very meanings of sexuality, sex, gender, privacy, discrimination, and family in law and society. Contributors: Ellen Ann Andersen, Steven A. Boutcher, Bayliss Camp, Casey Charles, Ashley Currier, Courtenay W. Daum, Shauna Fisher, David John Frank, Jonathan Goldberg-Hiller, Charles W. Gossett, Marybeth Herald, Nicholas Pedriana, Darren Rosenblum, Susan M. Sterett, and Amy L. Stone.
The clash between Communism and Islam in the Soviet Union pitted two socio-political systems against one another, each proclaiming ultimate truth. This study examines the first decades of the struggle in Central Asia (1917-1941), where an ancient religious tradition faced an aggressive form of secular modernity. The Soviets attempted to break down Muslim culture and remold it on Marxist-Leninist lines. Central Asians played complex roles in this effort, both defending and attacking Islam, but mostly trying to survive. Despite Stalin's totalitarian aims, the Soviet regime in Central Asia was often weak even into the 1930s, and by 1941 the opposing systems had reached a standoff. The Communist Party pursued the destruction of Islam in stages, which reflected the development of Soviet political strength. The party developed propaganda that both attacked Islam and extolled the new Soviet culture. However, the entire process was plagued by inefficiency, ignorance, and disobedience. By 1941, the Communists had inflicted tremendous damage, but customs such as circumcision, brideprice, and polygyny had merely gone underground. Central Asians had not exchanged the fundamental identity of Muslim for Marxist-Leninist. Keller utilizes documents from Moscow and Tashkent, including the now-closed former Communist Party Archive of Uzbekistan.
The book series Rethinking Community Development offers a critical re-evaluation of community development in theory and practice, based on recognition of its dialectical and malleable potential. The first book in the series is entitled Politics, Power and Community Development. As such it highlights and critically examines key political issues, and the associated power relationships, that are shaping contemporary community development. In this edited collection, writers from diverse settings draw upon policy and practice issues from their own contexts to elaborate concepts, theories and critical questions that are more widely relevant.
Much environmental activism is caught in a logic that plays science against emotion, objective evidence against partisan aims, and human interest against a nature that has intrinsic value. Radical activists, by contrast, play down the role of science in determining environmental politics, but read their solutions to environmental problems off fixed theories of domination and oppression. Both of these approaches are based in a modern epistemology grounded in the fundamental dichotomy between the human and the natural. This binary has historically come about through the colonial oppression of other, non-Western and often non-binary ways of knowing nature and living in the world. There is an urgent need for a different, decolonised environmental activist strategy that moves away from this epistemology, recognises its colonial heritage and finds a different ground for environmental beliefs and politics. This book analyses the arguments and practices of anti-GMO activists at three different sites - the site of science, the site of the Bt cotton controversy in India, and the site of global environmental protest - to show how we can move beyond modern/colonial binaries. It will do so in dialogue with Gilles Deleuze, Bruno Latour, Maria Lugones, and Gayatri C. Spivak, as well as a broader range of postcolonial and decolonial bodies of thought.
Much of the writing on charisma focuses on specific traits associated with exceptional leaders, a practice that has broadened the concept of charisma to such an extent that it loses its distinctiveness - and therefore its utility. More particularly, the concept's relevance to the study of social movements has not moved beyond generalizations. The contributors to this volume renew the debate on charismatic leadership from a historical perspective and seek to illuminate the concept's relevance to the study of social movements. The case studies here include such leaders as Mahatma Gandhi; the architect of apartheid, Daniel F. Malan; the heroine of the Spanish Civil War, Dolores Ibarruri (la pasionaria); and Mao Zedong. These charismatic leaders were not just professional politicians or administrators, but sustained a strong symbiotic relationship with their followers, one that stimulated devotion to the leader and created a real group identity.
This special issue of Research in Social Movements, Conflicts and Change analyzes examples of nonviolent resistance from across the globe. It covers how regime changes, political movements and nonviolent unrest develop and then shape the political decisions of both civil society and the state. Section one is focused on the strategic interactions between nonviolent movements and the state. This includes discussions on the civil rights movement in Northern Ireland, youth movements in Post-Communist states and nonviolent Islamic movements in Turkey. The second and third sections examine regime conflicts and the global diffusion of nonviolent movements. Here chapters center on the Iranian Revolution, social psychological approaches to nonviolent civil resistance, the Palestinian human rights movements, the efforts of nonviolent INGOs and the Nashville civil rights movement. This volume is essential reading because it introduces new analytical concepts and theoreticalframeworks for understanding nonviolent resistance, merging social movement scholarship with nonviolent studies in fresh and exciting ways.
A captivating time, the 60s and 70s now draw more attention than ever. The first substantial work by historians has appeared only in the last few years, and this volume offers an important contribution. These meticulously researched essays offer new perspectives on the Cold War and global relations in the 1960s and 70s through the perspective of the youth movements that shook the U.S., Western Europe, and beyond. These movements led to the transformation of diplomatic relations and domestic political cultures, as well as ideas about democracy and who best understood and promoted it. Bringing together scholars of several countries and many disciplines, this volume also uniquely features the reflections of former activists. Belinda Davis is Professor and Director of Graduate Studies, Department of History at Rutgers University. Wilfried Mausbach is the Executive Director of the Heidelberg Center for American Studies (HCA) at the University of Heidelberg. Martin Klimke is an Associate Professor of History at New York University Abu Dhabi. Carla MacDougall is a visiting assistant professor at Simon Fraser University, Canada.
Shares the story of the revolutionary Marxist and Catholic Grace Holmes Carlson and her life-long dedication to challenging social and economic inequality On December 8, 1941, Grace Holmes Carlson, the only female defendant among eighteen Trotskyists convicted under the Smith Act, was sentenced to sixteen months in federal prison for advocating the violent overthrow of the government. After serving a year in Alderson prison, Carlson returned to her work as an organizer for the Socialist Workers Party (SWP) and ran for vice president of the United States under its banner in 1948. Then, in 1952, she abruptly left the SWP and returned to the Catholic Church. With the support of the Sisters of St. Joseph, who had educated her as a child, Carlson began a new life as a professor of psychology at St. Mary's Junior College in Minneapolis where she advocated for social justice, now as a Catholic Marxist. The Fierce Life of Grace Holmes Carlson: Catholic, Socialist, Feminist is a historical biography that examines the story of this complicated woman in the context of her times with a specific focus on her experiences as a member of the working class, as a Catholic, and as a woman. Her story illuminates the workings of class identity within the context of various influences over the course of a lifespan. It contributes to recent historical scholarship exploring the importance of faith in workers' lives and politics. And it uncovers both the possibilities and limitations for working-class and revolutionary Marxist women in the period between the first and second wave feminist movements. The long arc of Carlson's life (1906-1992) ultimately reveals significant continuities in her political consciousness that transcended the shifts in her particular partisan commitments, most notably her life-long dedication to challenging the root causes of social and economic inequality. In that struggle, Carlson ultimately proved herself to be a truly fierce woman.
Peter Joyce provides a comprehensive account of the extra-parliamentary political activity that has taken place in Great Britain since 1970. The issues discussed include demonstrations, direct action, counter-cultural protest, industrial unrest, urban disorder, and politically motivated violence. The book concludes with an examination of the extent to which the United Kingdom's liberal democrat political system has been undermined by the response of the state to these activities.
This book investigates women's political activism and conflict in the struggle against apartheid in South Africa, examining issues around domestic violence, racial abuse and women in detention without trial. It builds on the theatrical analysis within play texts such as 'You Strike the Woman, You Strike the Rock', 'Glass House', 'Born in the RSA', 'Has Anyone Seen Zandile?' and 'So What's New?' to chart participation in the struggle against apartheid between 1975 and 1993, providing a political, economic and social herstory of South African women's activism. Further, the focus on play texts addresses the dearth of knowledge of pertinent herstorical moments, women's fight for political agency and equality, how apartheid laws affected women's role in theatre and provides a feminist lens and insight into how these laws affected the herstory of South Africa. The inclusion of a critical perspective from women who wrote plays and worked in theatre takes the book beyond a purely theatrical analysis. It seeks to explore how theatre as a form can help write a 'herstory' of apartheid, not only to document the reality of women's experiences but also as a means to imagine different realities.
In entries such as Jane Addams and the Settlement House Movement, Booker T. Washington and Black Self-Help, and Betty Friedan and the National Organization for Women, this dictionary provides in-depth examination of major American reformers and the movements they defined. With coverage extending from the early republic to today, the book considers abolitionism, women's rights, temperance, the social gospel, birth control, pacifism, civil rights, environmentalism, consumerism, and other controversial movements. Each entry combines biography with historical analysis to show the historical context and character of the movement and person. Individually, the entries provide modern, interpretive treatments of their subjects. Collectively, they reveal the direction and dynamics of American reform over two centuries. Emphasizing social reform over civic reform, the book gives special attention to reformers and reforms that have significantly altered the social order. Written by prominent scholars, the entries show the importance of personality and historical context in reform movements and the relationship between particular reforms and the temperament of an age. With full-bodied biographies of the reformers and their movements, a time-line on American reform, up-to-date interpretations and bibliographies, and a wide range of subjects, this book provides the most comprehensive and cogent view of American reform and reformers anywhere. It also provides the fullest treatment to date of post-World War II reform activity and personalities.
This book is available as open access through the Bloomsbury Open Access programme and is available on www.bloomsburycollections.com. What is Hacktivism? In The Coming Swarm, rising star Molly Sauter examines the history, development, theory, and practice of distributed denial of service actions as a tactic of political activism. The internet is a vital arena of communication, self expression, and interpersonal organizing. When there is a message to convey, words to get out, or people to unify, many will turn to the internet as a theater for that activity. As familiar and widely accepted activist tools-petitions, fundraisers, mass letter-writing, call-in campaigns and others-find equivalent practices in the online space, is there also room for the tactics of disruption and civil disobedience that are equally familiar from the realm of street marches, occupations, and sit-ins? With a historically grounded analysis, and a focus on early deployments of activist DDOS as well as modern instances to trace its development over time, The Coming Swarm uses activist DDOS actions as the foundation of a larger analysis of the practice of disruptive civil disobedience on the internet. |
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