|
Books > History > History of other lands
Lynching is often viewed as a narrow form of violence: either the
spontaneous act of an angry mob against accused individuals, or a
demonstration of white supremacy against an entire population
considered subhuman. However, in this new treatise, historian Guy
Lancaster exposes the multiple forms of violence hidden beneath the
singular label of lynching.Lancaster, who has written extensively
on racial violence, details several lynchings of Blacks by white
posses in post-Reconstruction Arkansas. Drawing from the fields of
history, philosophy, cognitive science, sociology, and literary
theory, and quoting chilling contemporary accounts, he argues that
the act of lynching encompasses five distinct but overlapping types
of violence. This new framework reveals lynching to be even more of
an atrocity than previously understood: that mobs did not disregard
the humanity of their victims but rather reveled in it; that they
were not simply enacting personal vengeance but manifesting an
elite project of subjugation. Lancaster thus clarifies and connects
the motives and goals of seemingly isolated lynch mobs, embedding
the practice in the ongoing enforcement of white supremacy. By
interrogating the substance of lynching, American Atrocity shines
new light on both past anti-Black violence and the historical
underpinnings of our present moment.
To date, most texts regarding higher education in the Civil War
South focus on the widespread closure of academies. In contrast,
Persistence through Peril: Episodes of College Life and Academic
Endurance in the Civil War South brings to life several case
histories of southern colleges and universities that persisted
through the perilous war years. Contributors tell these stories via
the lived experiences of students, community members, professors,
and administrators as they strove to keep their institutions going.
Despite the large-scale cessation of many southern academies due to
student military enlistment, resource depletion, and campus
destruction, some institutions remained open for the majority or
entirety of the war. These institutions-"The Citadel" South
Carolina Military Academy, Mercer University, Mississippi College,
the University of North Carolina, Spring Hill College, Trinity
College of Duke University, Tuskegee Female College, the University
of Virginia, the Virginia Military Institute, Wesleyan Female
College, and Wofford College-continued to operate despite low
student numbers, encumbered resources, and faculty ranks stripped
bare by conscription or voluntary enlistment. This volume considers
academic and organizational perseverance via chapter "episodes"
that highlight the daily operations, struggles, and successes of
select southern institutions. Through detailed archival research,
the essays illustrate how some southern colleges and universities
endured the deadliest internal conflict in US history.
Contributions by Christian K. Anderson, Marcia Bennett, Lauren
Yarnell Bradshaw, Holly A. Foster, Tiffany Greer, Don Holmes,
Donavan L. Johnson, Lauren Lassabe, Sarah Mangrum, R. Eric Platt,
Courtney L. Robinson, David E. Taylor, Zachary A. Turner, Michael
M. Wallace, and Rhonda Kemp Webb.
In recent years, ethnographers have recognized south Louisiana as
home to perhaps the most complex rural society in North America.
More than a dozen French-speaking immigrant groups have been
identified there, Cajuns and white Creoles being the most famous.
In this guide to the amazing social, cultural, and linguistic
variation within Louisiana's French-speaking region, Carl A.
Brasseaux presents an overview of the origins and evolution of all
the Francophone communities. Brasseaux examines the impact of
French immigration on Louisiana over the past three centuries. He
shows how this once-undesirable outpost of the French empire became
colonized by individuals ranging from criminals to entrepreneurs
who went on to form a multifaceted society-one that, unlike other
American melting pots, rests upon a French cultural foundation. A
prolific author and expert on the region, Brasseaux offers readers
an entertaining history of how these diverse peoples created south
Louisiana's famous vibrant culture, interacting with African
Americans, Spaniards, and Protestant Anglos and encountering
influences from southern plantation life and the Caribbean. He
explores in detail three still cohesive components in the
Francophone melting pot, each one famous for having retained a
distinct identity: the Creole communities, both black and white;
the Cajun people; and the state's largest concentration of French
speakers-the Houma tribe. A product of thirty years' research,
French, Cajun, Creole, Houma provides a reliable and understandable
guide to the ethnic roots of a region long popular as an
international tourist attraction.
How can women wear diamonds when babies cry for bread?" Kate
Barnard demanded in one of the incendiary stump speeches for which
she was well known. In A Life on Fire, Connie Cronley tells the
story of Catherine Ann "Kate" Barnard (1875-1930), a fiery
political reformer and the first woman elected to state office in
Oklahoma, as commissioner of charities and corrections in
1907-almost fifteen years before women won the right to vote in the
United States. Born to hardscrabble settlers on the Nebraska
prairie, Barnard committed her energy, courage, and charismatic
oratory to the cause of Progressive reform and became a political
powerhouse and national celebrity. As a champion of the poor,
workers, children, the imprisoned, and the mentally ill, Barnard
advocated for compulsory education, prison reform, improved mental
health treatment, and laws against child labor. Before statehood,
she stumped across the Twin Territories to unite farmers and miners
into a powerful political alliance. She also helped write
Oklahoma's Progressive constitution, creating what some heralded as
"a new kind of state." But then she took on the so-called "Indian
Question." Defending Native orphans against a conspiracy of graft
that reached from Oklahoma to Washington, D.C., she uncovered
corrupt authorities and legal guardians stealing oil, gas, and
timber rights from Native Americans' federal allotments. In
retaliation, legislators and grafters closed ranks and defunded her
state office. Broken in health and heart, she left public office
and died a recluse. She remains, however, a riveting figure in
Oklahoma history, a fearless activist on behalf of the weak and
helpless.
Maria Baldwin (1856--1922) held a special place in the racially
divided society of her time, as a highly respected educator at a
largely white New England school and an activist who carried on the
radical spirit of the Boston area's internationally renowned
abolitionists from a generation earlier. African American
sociologist Adelaide Cromwell called Baldwin "the lone symbol of
Negro progress in education in the greater Boston area" during her
lifetime. Baldwin used her respectable position to fight alongside
more radical activists like William Monroe Trotter for full
citizenship for fellow members of the black community. And, in her
professional and personal life, she negotiated and challenged
dominant white ideas about black womanhood. In Maria Baldwin's
Worlds, Kathleen Weiler reveals both Baldwin's victories and what
fellow activist W. E. B. Du Bois called her "quiet courage" in
everyday life, in the context of the wider black freedom struggle
in New England.
Parisian Pauline Guyot (1805-1886), who wrote under the nom de
plume Camille Lebrun, published many novels, translations,
collections of tales, and articles in French magazines of her day.
Yet she has largely been forgotten by contemporary literary critics
and readers. Among her works is a hitherto-untranslated 1845 French
novel, Amitie et devouement, ou Trois mois a la Louisiane, or
Friendship and Devotion, or Three Months in Louisiana, a
moralizing, educational travelogue meant for a young adult
readership of the time. Lebrun's novel is one of the few
perspectives we have by a mid-nineteenth-century French woman
writer on the matters of slavery, abolition, race relations, and
white supremacy in France's former Louisiana colony. E. Joe Johnson
and Robin Anita White have recovered this work, providing a
translation, an accessible introduction, extensive endnote
annotations, and period illustrations. After a short preface meant
to educate young readers about the geography, culture, and history
of the southern reaches of the Louisiana Purchase, the novel tells
the tale of two teenaged, orphaned Americans, Hortense Melvil and
Valentine Arnold. The two young women, who characterize one another
as "sisters," have spent the majority of their lives in a Parisian
boarding school and return to Louisiana to begin their adult lives.
Almost immediately upon arrival in New Orleans, their close
friendship faces existential threats: grave illness in the form of
yellow fever, the prospect of marriage separating the two, and
powerful discrimination in the form of racial prejudice and
segregation.
The origin of the names of many English towns, hamlets and villages
date as far back as Saxon times, when kings like Alfred the Great
established fortified borough towns to defend against the Danes. A
number of settlements were established and named by French Normans
following the Conquest. Many are even older and are derived from
Roman placenames. Some hark back to the Vikings who invaded our
shores and established settlements in the eighth and ninth
centuries. Most began as simple descriptions of the location; some
identified its founder, marked territorial limits, or gave tribal
people a sense of their place in the grand scheme of things.
Whatever their derivation, placenames are inextricably bound up in
our history and they tell us a great deal about the place where we
live.
"Riddell's travel account of early Texas rewards readers with a
rich assortment of period detail."--True West "A scholarly and
valuable contribution to our understanding of mid-nineteenth
century Texas. . . . his observations on the land and its people
will not disappoint."--Review of Texas Books "Perhaps divine
intervention has kept silent this vainglorious scientist who so
openly lusted for recognition; a century and a half, however, is
penance enough, and for so effectively restoring this long-lost
voice, the editor deserves praise."--Journal of Mississippi History
Jamestown, the Lost Colony of Roanoke, and Plymouth Rock are
central to America's mythic origin stories. Then, we are told, the
main characters--the "friendly" Native Americans who met the
settlers--disappeared. But the history of the Lumbee Tribe of North
Carolina demands that we tell a different story. As the largest
tribe east of the Mississippi and one of the largest in the
country, the Lumbees have survived in their original homelands,
maintaining a distinct identity as Indians in a biracial South. In
this passionately written, sweeping work of history, Malinda Maynor
Lowery narrates the Lumbees' extraordinary story as never before.
The Lumbees' journey as a people sheds new light on America's
defining moments, from the first encounters with Europeans to the
present day. How and why did the Lumbees both fight to establish
the United States and resist the encroachments of its government?
How have they not just survived, but thrived, through Civil War,
Jim Crow, the civil rights movement, and the war on drugs, to
ultimately establish their own constitutional government in the
twenty-first century? Their fight for full federal acknowledgment
continues to this day, while the Lumbee people's struggle for
justice and self-determination continues to transform our view of
the American experience. Readers of this book will never see Native
American history the same way.
To understand the long march of events in North Carolina from
secession to surrender is to understand the entire Civil War--a
personal war waged by Confederates and Unionists, free blacks and
the enslaved, farm women and plantation belles, Cherokees and
mountaineers, conscripts and volunteers, gentleman officers and
poor privates. In the state's complex loyalties, its sprawling and
diverse geography, and its dual role as a home front and a
battlefield, North Carolina embodies the essence of the whole epic
struggle in all its terrible glory. Philip Gerard presents this
dramatic convergence of events through the stories of the
individuals who endured them--reporting the war as if it were
happening in the present rather than with settled hindsight--to
capture the dreadful suspense of lives caught up in a conflict
whose ending had not yet been written. As Gerard reveals, whatever
the grand political causes for war, whatever great battles decided
its outcome, and however abstract it might seem to readers a
century and a half later, the war was always personal.
In February 1971, racial tension surrounding school desegregation
in Wilmington, North Carolina, culminated in four days of violence
and skirmishes between white vigilantes and black residents. The
turmoil resulted in two deaths, six injuries, more than $500,000 in
damage, and the firebombing of a white-owned store, before the
National Guard restored uneasy peace. Despite glaring
irregularities in the subsequent trial, ten young persons were
convicted of arson and conspiracy and then sentenced to a total of
282 years in prison. They became known internationally as the
Wilmington Ten. A powerful movement arose within North Carolina and
beyond to demand their freedom, and after several witnesses
admitted to perjury, a federal appeals court, also citing
prosecutorial misconduct, overturned the convictions in 1980.
Kenneth Janken narrates the dramatic story of the Ten, connecting
their story to a larger arc of Black Power and the transformation
of post-Civil Rights era political organizing. Grounded in
extensive interviews, newly declassified government documents, and
archival research, this book thoroughly examines the 1971 events
and the subsequent movement for justice that strongly influenced
the wider African American freedom struggle.
Drivers exiting the New Jersey Turnpike for Perth Amboy, and map
readers marveling at all the places in Pennsylvania named
Lackawanna, need no longer wonder how these names originated.
Manhattan to Minisink provides the histories of more than five
hundred place names in the Greater New York area, including the
five boroughs, western Long Island, the New York counties north of
the city, and parts of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Connecticut.
Robert S. Grumet, a leading ethnohistorian specializing in the
region's Indian peoples, draws on his meticulous research and deep
knowledge to determine the origins of Native, and Native-sounding,
place names.Grumet divides his encyclopedic entries into two parts.
The first comprises an alphabetical listing of nearly 340 Indian
place names preserved in colonial records, located by county and
state. Each entry includes the name's language of origin, if known,
and a brief discussion of its etymology, including its earliest
known occurrence in written records, the history of its appearance
on maps, and the name's current status. The book's second section
presents nearly 200 place names that, though widely believed to be
of Indian origin, are "imports, inventions, invocations, or
impostors." Mistranslations are abundant in place names, and Grumet
has ferreted out the mistakes and deceptions among home-grown
colonial etymologies that New Yorkers have accepted for centuries.
Complete with a concise history of Greater New York, a discussion
of the region's naming practices, a useful timeline, and four maps,
this is an invaluable resource both for scholars and for readers
who want a more intimate knowledge of the place where they live or
visit.
Most communists, as any plains state patriot would have told you in
the 1950s, lived in Los Angeles or New York City, not Minot, North
Dakota. The Cold War as it played out across the Great Plains was
not the Cold War of the American cities and coasts. Nor was it
tempered much by midwestern isolationism, as common wisdom has it.
In this book, David W. Mills offers an enlightening look at what
most of the heartland was up to while America was united in its war
on Reds. Cold War in a Cold Land adopts a regional perspective to
develop a new understanding of a critical chapter in the nation's
history. Marx himself had no hope that landholding farmers would
rise up as communist revolutionaries. So it should come as no
surprise that in places like South Dakota, where 70 percent of the
population owned land and worked for themselves, people didn't take
the threat of internal subversion very seriously. Mills plumbs the
historical record to show how residents of the plains states-while
deeply patriotic and supportive of the nation's foreign
policy-responded less than enthusiastically to national
anticommunist programs. Only South Dakota, for example, adopted a
loyalty oath, and it was fervently opposed throughout the state.
Only Montana, prodded by one state legislator, formed an
investigation committee-one that never investigated anyone and was
quickly disbanded. Plains state people were, however, "highly
churched" and enthusiastically embraced federal attempts to use
religion as a bulwark against atheistic communist ideology. Even
more enthusiastic was the Great Plains response to the military
buildup that accompanied Cold War politics, as the construction of
airbases and missile fields brought untold economic benefits to the
region. A much-needed, nuanced account of how average citizens in
middle America experienced Cold War politics and policies, Cold War
in a Cold Land is a significant addition to the history of both the
Cold War and the Great Plains.
The International Joint Commission oversees and protects the shared
waters of Canada and the United States. Created by the Boundary
Waters Treaty of 1909, it is one of the world's oldest
international environmental bodies. A pioneering piece of
transborder water governance, the IJC has been integral to the
modern Canada-United States relationship. This is the definitive
history of the International Joint Commission. Separating myth from
reality and uncovering the historical evolution of the IJC from its
inception to its present, this collection features an impressive
interdisciplinary group of scholars and practitioners. Examining
the many aspects of border waters from east to west The First
Century of the International Joint Commission traces the three
major periods of the IJC, detailing its early focus on water flow,
its middle period of growth and increasing politicization, and its
modern emphasis on ecosystems. Informative, detailed, and
fascinating, The First Century of the International Joint
Commission is essential reading for academics, contemporary policy
makers, governments, and all those interested in sustainability,
climate change, pollution, and resiliency along the Canada-US
Border.
When the Los Angeles neighborhood of Watts erupted in violent
protest in August 1965, the uprising drew strength from decades of
pent-up frustration with employment discrimination, residential
segregation, and poverty. But the more immediate grievance was
anger at the racist and abusive practices of the Los Angeles Police
Department. Yet in the decades after Watts, the LAPD resisted all
but the most limited demands for reform made by activists and
residents of color, instead intensifying its power. In Policing Los
Angeles, Max Felker-Kantor narrates the dynamic history of
policing, anti-police abuse movements, race, and politics in Los
Angeles from the 1965 Watts uprising to the 1992 Los Angeles
rebellion. Using the explosions of two large-scale uprisings in Los
Angeles as bookends, Felker-Kantor highlights the racism at the
heart of the city's expansive police power through a range of
previously unused and rare archival sources. His book is a gripping
and timely account of the transformation in police power, the
convergence of interests in support of law and order policies, and
African American and Mexican American resistance to police violence
after the Watts uprising.
Using cultural theory, author R. Bruce Brasell investigates issues
surrounding the discursive presentation of the American South as
biracial and explores its manifestation in documentary films,
including such works as Tell about the South, bro*ken/ground, and
Family Name. After considering the emergence of the region's
biraciality through a consideration of the concepts of racial
citizenry and racial performativity, Brasell examines two problems
associated with this framework. First, the framework assumes racial
purity, and, second, it assumes that two races exist. In other
words, biraciality enacts two denials, first, the existence of
miscegenation in the region and, second, the existence of other
races and ethnicities.Brasell considers bodily miscegenation,
discussing the racial cloSet and the southeastern expatriate road
film. Then he examines cultural miscegenation through the lens of
racial poaching and 1970s southeastern documentaries that use
redemptive ethnography. In the subsequent chapters, using specific
documentary films, he considers the racial in-betweenness of
Spanish-speaking ethnicities (Mosquitoes and High Water, Living in
America, Nuestra Communidad), probes issues related to the process
of racial negotiation experienced by Asian Americans as they seek a
racial position beyond the black and white binary (Mississippi
Triangle), and engages the problem of racial legitimacy confronted
by federally nonrecognized Native groups as they attempt the same
feat (Real Indian).
A first-ever book on the subject, New York City Blues: Postwar
Portraits from Harlem to the Village and Beyond offers a deep dive
into the blues venues and performers in the city from the 1940s
through the 1990s. Interviews in this volume bring the reader
behind the scenes of the daily and performing lives of working
musicians, songwriters, and producers. The interviewers capture
their voices - many sadly deceased - and reveal the changes in
styles, the connections between performers, and the evolution of
New York blues. New York City Blues is an oral history conveyed
through the words of the performers themselves and through the
photographs of Robert Schaffer, supplemented by the input of Val
Wilmer, Paul Harris, and Richard Tapp. The book also features the
work of award-winning author and blues scholar John Broven. Along
with writing a history of New York blues for the introduction,
Broven contributes interviews with Rose Marie McCoy, ""Doc"" Pomus,
Billy Butler, and Billy Bland. Some of the artists interviewed by
Larry Simon include Paul Oscher, John Hammond Jr., Rosco Gordon,
Larry Dale, Bob Gaddy, ""Wild"" Jimmy Spruill, and Bobby Robinson.
Also featured are over 160 photographs, including those by
respected photographers Anton Mikofsky, Wilmer, and Harris, that
provide a vivid visual history of the music and the times from
Harlem to Greenwich Village and neighboring areas. New York City
Blues delivers a strong sense of the major personalities and places
such as Harlem's Apollo Theatre, the history, and an in-depth
introduction to the rich variety, sounds, and styles that made up
the often-overlooked New York City blues scene.
After the upheavals of the Civil War and Reconstruction shattered
the plantation economy of the Old South, white southerners turned
to the railroad to reconstruct capitalism in the region. Examining
the rapid growth, systemization, and consolidation of the southern
railroad network, R. Scott Huffard Jr. demonstrates how economic
and political elites used the symbolic power of the railroad to
proclaim a New South had risen. The railroad was more than just an
economic engine of growth; it was a powerful symbol of capitalism's
advance. However, as the railroad spread across the region, it also
introduced new dangers and anxieties. White southerners came to
fear the railroad would speed an upending of the racial order,
epidemics of yellow fever, train wrecks, violent robberies, and
domination by corporate monopolies. To complete the reconstruction
of capitalism, railroad corporations and their allies had to sever
the negative aspects of railroading from capitalism's powers and
deny the railroad's transformative powers to black southerners.
This study of the New South's experience with the growing railroad
network provides valuable insights into the history of
capitalism--how it evolves, expands, and overcomes resistance.
On Friday, January 28, 1977, it began to snow in Buffalo. The
second largest city in New York State, located directly in line
with the Great Lakes' snowbelt, was no stranger to this kind of
winter weather. With their city averaging ninety-four inches of
snow per year, the citizens of Buffalo knew how to survive a
snowstorm. But the blizzard that engulfed the city for the next
four days was about to make history. Between the subzero wind chill
and whiteout conditions, hundreds of people were trapped when the
snow began to fall. Twenty- to thirty-foot-high snow drifts
isolated residents in their offices and homes, and even in their
cars on the highway. With a dependency on rubber-tire vehicles,
which lost all traction in the heavily blanketed urban streets,
they were cut off from food, fuel, and even electricity. This one
unexpected snow disaster stranded tens of thousands of people,
froze public utilities and transportation, and cost Buffalo
hundreds of millions of dollars in economic losses and property
damages. The destruction wrought by this snowstorm, like the
destruction brought on by other natural disasters, was from a
combination of weather-related hazards and the public policies
meant to mitigate them. Buffalo's 1977 blizzard, the first
snowstorm to be declared a disaster in US history, came after a
century of automobility, suburbanization, and snow removal
guidelines like the bare-pavement policy. Kneeland offers a
compelling examination of whether the 1977 storm was an anomaly or
the inevitable outcome of years of city planning. From the local to
the state and federal levels, Kneeland discusses governmental
response and disaster relief, showing how this regional event had
national implications for environmental policy and how its effects
have resounded through the complexities of disaster politics long
after the snow fell.
On Friday, January 28, 1977, it began to snow in Buffalo. The
second largest city in New York State, located directly in line
with the Great Lakes' snowbelt, was no stranger to this kind of
winter weather. With their city averaging ninety-four inches of
snow per year, the citizens of Buffalo knew how to survive a
snowstorm. But the blizzard that engulfed the city for the next
four days was about to make history. Between the subzero wind chill
and whiteout conditions, hundreds of people were trapped when the
snow began to fall. Twenty- to thirty-foot-high snow drifts
isolated residents in their offices and homes, and even in their
cars on the highway. With a dependency on rubber-tire vehicles,
which lost all traction in the heavily blanketed urban streets,
they were cut off from food, fuel, and even electricity. This one
unexpected snow disaster stranded tens of thousands of people,
froze public utilities and transportation, and cost Buffalo
hundreds of millions of dollars in economic losses and property
damages. The destruction wrought by this snowstorm, like the
destruction brought on by other natural disasters, was from a
combination of weather-related hazards and the public policies
meant to mitigate them. Buffalo's 1977 blizzard, the first
snowstorm to be declared a disaster in US history, came after a
century of automobility, suburbanization, and snow removal
guidelines like the bare-pavement policy. Kneeland offers a
compelling examination of whether the 1977 storm was an anomaly or
the inevitable outcome of years of city planning. From the local to
the state and federal levels, Kneeland discusses governmental
response and disaster relief, showing how this regional event had
national implications for environmental policy and how its effects
have resounded through the complexities of disaster politics long
after the snow fell.
|
|