When a country experiences a civil war, media reports are mainly brought to the attention of the outside world by those who can only report on the surface impressions obtained during a short visit or from the comfort of a studio thousands of miles away. My experiences, living and working at the grass roots level, during and after the crisis in Nigeria in the 1960s has a different perspective. As a young Scotswoman married to a Nigerian from the breakaway republic of Biafra we lived as refugees with our young family, forced to leave our home seven times in the 30 months of the civil war as the war raged around us. Cut off from the outside world, in a situation the British High Commissioner in Nigeria had predicted at the onset, would be over in two weeks, we lived a life full of experiences which gave me a `qualification in survival' no university could have imparted. Without electricity, gas, petrol or phones, and often without money, medicine or safe drinking water we learned to appreciate the basic necessities of life. I was 18 years old, living in Dunfermline, Scotland when the man I was to marry asked me for a dance at the Kinema Ballroom. Two years later my career plan to qualify as a nurse was over and I was married to Len Ofoegbu, with a baby daughter and we were on our way to a new and very different life. Our first home was in the capital, Lagos, and was a big culture shock to Len and I. The newly independent West African country was already experiencing political and civil unrest, leading to violence, massacres, coups, and the inability of the central government to control the situation. Hundreds of thousands of Easterners who had settled throughout the whole of the country now `went home' as they had become the targets of slaughtering mobs. The secession of the Eastern Region, calling itself Biafra, followed and a David and Goliath bitter conflict ensued. The word `kwashiorkor' and pictures of starving children and adults appeared in the Western press for the first time. I was one of around a dozen, mainly British, foreign wives of Biafrans who remained with their husband throughout the civil war. I worked voluntarily with relief agencies in feeding centres, clinics, an orphanage and, after Biafra surrendered in January 1970, in a children's hospital in return for food for my growing family. In May 1970 we moved back to live in Lagos where we went through more crises as a family. I became an early member of Nigerwives, an organisation for foreign wives and partners of Nigerians which became like an extended family as we gave mutual support and strove to resolve anomalies in Nigerian laws which put unnecessary restrictions affecting our particular circumstances. By the 1980s I accepted that my husband and I had grown so far apart that I could no longer remain with him. My legal reason to remain in Nigeria was `to accompany him' and he could withdraw his immigration responsibility for me at any time. I needed a security which he could not give me and I left him and Nigeria to begin a new life and career in Britain in 1985. I was advised when I completed the original manuscript in the 1970s not have it published as Nigeria was extremely sensitive about any account which was sympathetic to the Biafran side of the civil war. In 1986 a much shorter version of Together in Biafra, titled Blow The Fire, telling the story up to 1970 was printed by Tana Press in Nigeria. I retain the copyright. It was published under my married name Leslie Jean Ofoegbu. It has been cited in academic papers. An example is A Lingering Nightmare: Achebe, Ofoegbu and Adichie on Biafra, Francoise Ugochukwu 2011.

When a country experiences a civil war, media reports are mainly brought to the attention of the outside world by those who can only report on the surface impressions obtained during a short visit or from the comfort of a studio thousands of miles away. My experiences, living and working at the grass roots level, during and after the crisis in Nigeria in the 1960s has a different perspective. As a young Scotswoman married to a Nigerian from the breakaway republic of Biafra we lived as refugees with our young family, forced to leave our home seven times in the 30 months of the civil war as the war raged around us. Cut off from the outside world, in a situation the British High Commissioner in Nigeria had predicted at the onset, would be over in two weeks, we lived a life full of experiences which gave me a `qualification in survival' no university could have imparted. Without electricity, gas, petrol or phones, and often without money, medicine or safe drinking water we learned to appreciate the basic necessities of life. I was 18 years old, living in Dunfermline, Scotland when the man I was to marry asked me for a dance at the Kinema Ballroom. Two years later my career plan to qualify as a nurse was over and I was married to Len Ofoegbu, with a baby daughter and we were on our way to a new and very different life. Our first home was in the capital, Lagos, and was a big culture shock to Len and I. The newly independent West African country was already experiencing political and civil unrest, leading to violence, massacres, coups, and the inability of the central government to control the situation. Hundreds of thousands of Easterners who had settled throughout the whole of the country now `went home' as they had become the targets of slaughtering mobs. The secession of the Eastern Region, calling itself Biafra, followed and a David and Goliath bitter conflict ensued. The word `kwashiorkor' and pictures of starving children and adults appeared in the Western press for the first time. I was one of around a dozen, mainly British, foreign wives of Biafrans who remained with their husband throughout the civil war. I worked voluntarily with relief agencies in feeding centres, clinics, an orphanage and, after Biafra surrendered in January 1970, in a children's hospital in return for food for my growing family. In May 1970 we moved back to live in Lagos where we went through more crises as a family. I became an early member of Nigerwives, an organisation for foreign wives and partners of Nigerians which became like an extended family as we gave mutual support and strove to resolve anomalies in Nigerian laws which put unnecessary restrictions affecting our particular circumstances. By the 1980s I accepted that my husband and I had grown so far apart that I could no longer remain with him. My legal reason to remain in Nigeria was `to accompany him' and he could withdraw his immigration responsibility for me at any time. I needed a security which he could not give me and I left him and Nigeria to begin a new life and career in Britain in 1985. I was advised when I completed the original manuscript in the 1970s not have it published as Nigeria was extremely sensitive about any account which was sympathetic to the Biafran side of the civil war. In 1986 a much shorter version of Together in Biafra, titled Blow The Fire, telling the story up to 1970 was printed by Tana Press in Nigeria. I retain the copyright. It was published under my married name Leslie Jean Ofoegbu. It has been cited in academic papers. An example is A Lingering Nightmare: Achebe, Ofoegbu and Adichie on Biafra, Francoise Ugochukwu 2011.

How can we interpret and respond to the rise of populist regimes that infringe on human rights? This incisive book analyses illiberal, repressive, and patriarchal logics of rule, identifying critical catalysts in the meteoric growth of populist agendas. Contributors scrutinise the records of authoritarian and nationalist leaders in Brazil, Hungary, India, Mexico, the Philippines, Poland, Turkey and the United States. This topical book treats populism as a multi-faceted, performative phenomenon that claims to improve social rights while suppressing civil liberties and substitutes the promise of cultural citizenship for the loss of self-determination in a turbulent era of globalization. The chapters bring attention to understudied dimensions of populism including gender dynamics, bureaucratic politics, and the co-construction of foreign policy. Going beyond normative appeals to human rights, this innovative book urges advocates to contest populism at the national, social, and ideological levels in novel ways. Interweaving historical, political, comparative, statistical and discursive analysis, this interdisciplinary book will be vital to students and scholars of human rights, comparative politics, democracy, sociology and international studies. It will also prove invaluable to policymakers looking to address future populist regimes.

This forward-thinking book illustrates the complexities of the morality of human rights. Emphasising the role of human rights as the only true global political morality to arise since the Second World War, chapters explore its role as applied to often controversial issues, such as capital punishment, the exclusion of same-sex couples from civil marriage and criminal abortion bans. Clarifying and cross-examining the morality of human rights, Michael J. Perry discusses their connection to moral equality and moral freedom, as well as exploring the significance of anti-poverty human rights. This illuminating book concludes with an explanation as to why the morality of human rights is acutely relevant to challenges faced by humanity in the modern era. In particular, the challenges of growing economic inequality and climate change are emphasised as having profound relevance to the morality of human rights. Interrogating the Morality of Human Rights will be of great benefit to both undergraduate and graduate students who are contemplating the idea of human rights and their morality within their studies. Professors and academics with cause to study and research human rights would also find it to be of interest, particularly those in the field of legal scholarship.

Business and human rights (BHR) is a rapidly developing field at the intersection of business, law, and public policy. Teaching Business and Human Rights is a practical guide and resource for the growing community of BHR teachers, students, and practitioners – from advocates and policymakers to business managers and investors. Chapter authors explain common BHR topics, suggest teaching approaches that work in the classroom, and identify helpful teaching resources. Chapters cover the building blocks of a BHR curriculum: foundational topics including corporate responsibility, human rights, and human rights due diligence; tools, such as legislation and litigation, to provide remedy and hold companies accountable for their human rights impacts; and the specific rights affected by businesses in different industries. Teaching BHR effectively has the potential to improve the protection of human rights as more individuals in the private sector, government and civil society work to advance the corporate responsibility to respect human rights. Professors and students, practitioners in the private sector, government and civil society, and scholars of BHR will find this thorough and comprehensive resource indispensable.

This innovative book provides an overview and critical assessment of the current avenues and remedies available to victims seeking recourse from private military and security companies (PMSCs) for human rights violations. Kuzi Charamba explores the challenges of regulating PMSCs and the significant jurisprudential and practical difficulties that victims face in attaining recourse from PMSCs, whether through state or non-state, judicial or non-judicial mechanisms. In response to these problems, Charamba proposes the introduction of a new victim-focused grievance structure, based on international arbitration. He argues that this will provide for a more robust, inclusive, and participatory governance system to support the effective operation of a globally administered and locally accessible remedial mechanism. Taking a forward-thinking approach, the book also analyses law making and regulation by non-state actors in a globalized world and offers policy and legislative proposals for the reform of the national security sector. Hired Guns and Human Rights will be a valuable resource for students, scholars, and practitioners of international legal theory, international human rights law, global governance, business and human rights, and international dispute resolution. Its focus on both state and non-state responses to human rights grievances against corporations around the world will also benefit policy-makers and international NGOs.

This cutting-edge book explores the diverse and contested meanings of ''citizenship'' in the 21st century, as representative democracy faces a mounting crisis in the wake of the Digital Age. Luigi Ceccarini enriches and updates the common notion of citizenship, answering the question of how it is possible to fully live as a citizen in a post-modern political community. Employing an international, multidisciplinary framework, Ceccarini brings together the findings of continental political philosophy and history, and contemporary western political science and communication studies to advance our understanding of political motivation and participation in the present day. As new participatory and monitoring dynamics of online citizenship redefine the very form of public space, this timely book addresses the values, creativity and aspirations through which social actors engage with a networked society, making use of technological innovations and new forms of communication to participate in post-representative politics. A provocative call to action in an era defined by distrust, disillusionment and digitization, this book is crucial reading for scholars and researchers of political science, sociology and communication studies, particularly those seeking a thoroughly modern understanding of digital citizenship. It will also benefit advanced political science students in need of a historical overview of the concept of citizenship and how it has developed under the auspices of the Internet.

This timely book explores the extent to which national security has affected the intersection between human rights and the exercise of state power. It examines how liberal democracies, long viewed as the proponents and protectors of human rights, have transformed their use of human rights on the global stage, externalizing their own internal agendas. Contextualizing human rights goals, structures and challenges in the immediate post-UDHR era, key chapters analyse the role that national security has played in driving competition between individual rights and rhetoric-laden, democracy-reinforcing approaches to collective rights of security. Internationally diverse authors offer evocative insights into the ways in which law is used to manipulate both intra and interstate relationships, and demonstrate the constant tensions raised by a human rights system that is fundamentally state-centric though defined by individuals' needs and demands. Acknowledging the challenges in contemporary human rights practice, policy and discourse as features of transitional eras in human rights, this forward-thinking book identifies opportunities to correct past inadequacies and promote a stronger system for the future. This is a hard-hitting and much needed study for students and scholars of human rights, security law, constitutional law and international relations more widely. Its practical dimensions will also greatly benefit practitioners in the field.

Providing an intellectual biography of the challenging concept of genocide from inception to present day, this topical Handbook takes an interdisciplinary approach to shed new light on the events, processes, and legacies in the field. Reaching beyond the traditional study of canonical genocides and related pathologies of behaviour, this Handbook strives to spell out the multiple dimensions of genocide studies as an academic realm. In doing so, it incorporates a vast range of methods and disciplines, including historiography, archival research, listening to testimony, philosophical inquiry, film studies, and art criticism. Contributors address a broad array of episodes, including genocides of indigenous populations in the Americas and Africa, the Armenian genocide, the Holocaust, twentieth century genocides in Indonesia, Cambodia, Rwanda, Bosnia, and twenty-first century genocides in Iraq, Myanmar, and China. By developing a cross-disciplinary framework, this Handbook showcases the diversity that comprises the field and creates a rich understanding of the origin, effects, and legacy of genocide. With a wide variety of perspectives, this Handbook will prove an invigorating read for students and scholars of international and human rights, public policy, and political geography and geopolitics, particularly those interested in genocide studies and the UN Genocide Convention.

Elgar Research Agendas outline the future of research in a given area. Leading scholars are given the space to explore their subject in provocative ways, and map out the potential directions of travel. They are relevant but also visionary. This Research Agenda explores the academic field of intelligence studies and how it is developing into an increasingly international and diverse area of study. As more governments release records, and as new generations of scholars engage with the topic from a range of perspectives, the book considers how the field is becoming richer, wider, and more global in scope. Featuring contributions by a diverse range of leading intelligence scholars, it surveys a variety of core areas in, and approaches to, the study of intelligence - including technological perspectives, gender, deception, and the 'deep state' - highlighting how intelligence will become a greater feature of government and security in the future. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, the book explores not only the established elements of intelligence studies, but analyses the cutting edge of intelligence research and proposes an agenda for the continued development of the field. Offering concise and accessible discussions of developing topics in intelligence studies, this Research Agenda will be a useful guide for scholars and students of public policy, international relations and security. It will also be of interest to professionals engaged in research into security and intelligence matters.

Combining the knowledge and experience of leading international researchers, practitioners and policy consultants, Knowledge for Peace discusses how we identify, claim and contest the knowledge we have in relation to designing and analysing peacebuilding and transitional justice programmes. Exploring how knowledge in the field is produced, and by whom, the book examines the research-policy-practice nexus, both empirically and conceptually, as an important part of the politics of knowledge production. This unique book centres around two core themes: that processes of producing knowledge are imbued with knowledge politics, and that research-policy-practice interaction characterises the politics of knowledge and transitional justice. Investigating the realities of, and suggested improvements for, knowledge production and policy making processes as well as research partnerships, this book demonstrates that knowledge is contingent, subjective and shaped by relationships of power, affecting what is even imagined to be possible in research, policy and practice. Providing empirical insights into previously under-researched case studies, this thought-provoking book will be an illuminating read for scholars and students of transitional justice, peacebuilding, politics and sociology.

Building a thorough and comprehensive understanding of the limits of transitional justice theory, this innovative book proposes a new concept of the transitional justice citizen. Throughout the book, Briony Jones addresses contemporary criticism of transitional justice theory and practice in order to improve our understanding of the agency of people at times of transition. Drawing on three diverse case studies from across the globe, chapters demonstrate how the transitional justice citizen is defined by transitional justice discourse, policy and practice, and through acts of claiming justice such as protests and political violence. Combining in-depth theorization with empirical insights, this perceptive book positions the concept of citizenship within the context of long-term historical political struggle and the contemporary importance of justice. Investigating the current debates and key research gaps in the field of transitional justice, this book will be vital reading for students and scholars of transitional justice, including those focusing on peacebuilding, citizenship, democratization, and political geography. It will also be beneficial for transitional justice practitioners who wish to reflect on their practice and compare their work with other case studies.