This book critically examines the institutional curation of traumatic memory at the 9/11 Memorial Museum and its evocative power as a cultural storyteller. Memorial Museums are evocative spaces. Drawing on aesthetic practices deeply rooted in representing the 'unrepresentability' of cultural trauma, most notably the Holocaust, Memorial Museums are powerful, popular mediums for establishing cultural values, asking the visitor to contemplate "Who am I?" in relation to the difficult histories on display. Using primary data, this book poses important questions about the emotionally-charged site: what 'moral lessons' are visitors imparted with at the 9/11 Memorial Museum? Who is the cultural institution's primary audience-the imagined community it reconstructs this traumatic history and safeguards its memories for? What does the National September 11 Memorial & Museum ultimately teach visitors about history, ourselves, and others? This work will be of interest to students and scholars in the areas of Human Geography, American Studies, Museum Studies and Public History, Cultural and Heritage Studies, and Trauma and Memory Studies.

This book is based on original research into intimidation and violence directed at civilians by combatants during the revolutionary period in Ireland, considering this from the perspectives of the British, the Free State and the IRA. The book combines qualitative and quantitative approaches, and focusses on County Kerry, which saw high levels of violence. It demonstrates that violence and intimidation against civilians was more common than clashes between combatants and that the upsurge in violence in 1920 was a result of the deployment of the Black and Tans and Auxiliaries, particularly in the autumn and winter of that year. Despite the limited threat posed by the IRA, the British forces engaged in unprecedented and unprovoked violence against civilians. This study stresses the increasing brutality of the subsequent violence by both sides. The book shows how the British had similar methods and views as contemporary counter-revolutionary groups in Europe. IRA violence, however, was, in part, an attempt to impose homogeneity as, beneath the Irish republican narrative of popular approval, there lay a recognition that universal backing was never in fact present. The book is important reading for students and scholars of the Irish revolution, the social history of Ireland and inter-war European violence.

This book deals with Israeli development aid to Sub-Saharan Africa countries as a part of Israeli foreign policy. The analysis is framed by the concept of soft power: an assumption that development cooperation increases attractiveness of the donor and contributes to constructive bilateral and multilateral relations. Israel is a particular case of a donor, as it concentrates on technical aid and its aid is motivated by a particular set of ideological and pragmatic motives.Covering the period since the 1950s till today, the book analyses particular Israeli resources relevant for African development and the system and contents of Israeli development aid, with a particular focus on a new phenomenon of the engagement of businesses and NGOs.Zielinska explores the geopolitical context of Israeli aid for Sub-Saharan countries and the recipients' perception of Israeli aid; asking if and how these attitudes influence the recipients' behaviour towards Israel within their bilateral relations as well as on multilateral forums. Contributing to the knowledge of development diplomacy as a form of expression of soft power and as a tool of foreign policy, it will be of interest to international relations' students and faculty as well as to other people professionally dealing with Israeli foreign policies.

This book investigates the relationship between international security governance, democratic civil-military relations and the relevance of strategy, as well as of absolute and relative gains, in norms formation in hybrid orders. Highlighting caveats of the legacy of Huntington's paradigm of military professionalism, the book applies a robust methodology and data collected in four sample regions in Pakistan. It gauges the effects of international and local actors' support in the Security Sector Reform domain and examines instances of civil-military interactions and military transition. The book also analyses determinants and strategies that can influence them to demonstrate the impact of global governance in norms diffusion, as well as of absolute and relative utility gains and incentives in normative change. The author generates a new theory pertaining to international organisations and actors as determinants of transformation processes and consequently sheds new light on the issue of global security governance, especially its impact on civil-military relations and democratisation in hybrid orders. The book will be of interest to scholars and practitioners in the field of global governance, civil-military relations, grand strategy and foreign policy as well as Asian politics, South Asian studies, peace, security and strategic studies, International Relations and political science in more general.

This volume explores the shifts in how civil disobedience has come to be theorized, defined, understood, and practised in contemporary politics. As social activism takes increasingly global forms, the goals of individuals and groups who view themselves as disobedient activists today can be defined in broader cultural terms than before, and their relationship to law and violence can be ambiguous. Civil disobedience may no longer be entirely nonviolent, its purposes no longer necessarily serve progressive or emancipatory agendas. Its manifestations often blur the lines established in "classic", philosophically justified, and self-regulatory forms as epitomised in mass nonviolent protests of Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King and theories of Arendt, Rawls and Dworkin. How civil disobedience operates has changed over the years, and this volume unpacks its many contemporary lives. It discusses new theoretical and political dilemmas and paradoxes through empirical cases and practical examples from Europe, the United States, and South Asia, which enables a "mirroring" perspective for the challenges and complexities of civil disobedience in different parts of the world. Bringing together innovative and introspective perspectives on people and protests in contemporary political contexts, this volume will be of great interest to scholars and philosophers of political science, international relations theory, political philosophy, peace and conflict studies, sociology, and cultural studies.

This book examines the contours of the Sino-American confrontation and its future trajectories. It delineates the two major causes of the friction in Sino-American relations-change in the balance of power in China's favor and the conf licting ideologies of the two states-and emphasizes why it is imperative for the U.S. to hold on to its ideological principles. It demonstrates the ultimate and irreconcilable gap in the visions the two competitors have for international politics and consequently why conf lict-certainly cold, and very possibly hot-is inevitable. The authors also suggest measures which the U.S. can adopt to sustain its leadership and deter China's ideology and vision for the future of global politics. A significant contribution to the study of Sino-American relations, the volume will be of interest to scholars and researchers of international relations, foreign policy, and U.S. and Chinese politics. It will be of great interest to think tanks, public policy professionals, and the interested general reader.

Presenting case studies and comparisons across seven countries, this book addresses key questions as to the nature of state fragility, policies used to mitigate it, assessment of outcomes and prospects. It offers a novel empirical contribution in examining a range of distinct but interdependent dimensions of state fragility, not only focusing on questions of state legitimacy, capacity and authority, but also involving the economy and resilience to political and economic shocks, as well as at vital questions of context and diversity. Examining Afghanistan, Lebanon, Burundi, Pakistan, Sierra Leone, Papua New Guinea and Rwanda within the context of their different local circumstances, and within broader questions of global security, the book identifies unique factors that have played a part in their specific context and explores key drivers and dominant features. This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of state fragility and more broadly to students of politics, public policy, development studies, state-society relations, political economy, state building, peace and conflict studies, international studies, security studies regional studies., as well as NGOs and international organizations.

This book focuses on security dynamics in the contemporary Gulf and Arabian Peninsula. It highlights the development of the Gulf and the Arabian Peninsula, the contemporary challenges and opportunities confronting the principal powers that are active in this important sub-region, and analyzes and evaluates their policy responses. The various perspectives of the chapters all suggest that the stability and security of the Gulf sub-region is now and will continue in the future to be of vital importance to the global community. The chapters that compose the volume are organized into three thematic sections. Part I, 'Security Challenges and Power Configurations in the Gulf and the Arabian Peninsula: The Historical Context', comprises three chapters. Part II, consisting of seven chapters, is entitled, 'Contemporary Security Challenges and Opportunities in the Gulf and the Arabian Peninsula.' Part III, 'Contemporary National Interests, Objectives, and Strategies of the Major Powers in the Gulf and the Arabian Peninsula', comprises five chapters. Finally, the volume ends with a concluding chapter. Unfortunately, the contemporary unstable, heterogeneous Gulf sub-region is fraught with extremely serious and often urgent challenges that threaten the sub-region's security. This volume helps to illuminate the nature of the sub-regional environment and the contemporary challenges and opportunities that confront the various powers that are active in the Gulf. It also contributes to a greater understanding of the interests, contemporary objectives, and strategies of those powers as they formulate and implement policies in response to the challenges and opportunities that they confront. This book will be of much interest to students of security studies, Middle Eastern politics and International Relations.

This volume explores the shifts in how civil disobedience has come to be theorized, defined, understood, and practised in contemporary politics. As social activism takes increasingly global forms, the goals of individuals and groups who view themselves as disobedient activists today can be defined in broader cultural terms than before, and their relationship to law and violence can be ambiguous. Civil disobedience may no longer be entirely nonviolent, its purposes no longer necessarily serve progressive or emancipatory agendas. Its manifestations often blur the lines established in "classic", philosophically justified, and self-regulatory forms as epitomised in mass nonviolent protests of Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King and theories of Arendt, Rawls and Dworkin. How civil disobedience operates has changed over the years, and this volume unpacks its many contemporary lives. It discusses new theoretical and political dilemmas and paradoxes through empirical cases and practical examples from Europe, the United States, and South Asia, which enables a "mirroring" perspective for the challenges and complexities of civil disobedience in different parts of the world. Bringing together innovative and introspective perspectives on people and protests in contemporary political contexts, this volume will be of great interest to scholars and philosophers of political science, international relations theory, political philosophy, peace and conflict studies, sociology, and cultural studies.

Analyzing informal trading practices and smuggling through the case study of Novi Pazar, this book explores how societies cope when governments no longer assume the responsibility for providing welfare to their citizens. How do economic transnational practices shape one's sense of belonging in times of crisis/precarity? Specifically, how does the collapse of the Ottoman Empire - and the subsequent migration of the Muslim Slav population to Turkey - relate to the Yugoslav Succession Wars during the 1990s? Using the case study of Novi Pazar, a town in Serbia that straddles the borders of Montenegro, Serbia and Kosovo that became a smuggling hub during the Yugoslav conflict, the book focuses on that informal market economy as a prism through which to analyze the strengthening of existing relations between the emigre community in Turkey and the local Bosniak population in the Sandzak region. Demonstrating the interactive nature of relations between the state and local and emigre communities, this book will be of interest to scholars and students interested in Southeastern Europe or the Yugoslav Succession Wars of the 1990s, as well as social anthropologists who are working on social relations and deviant behavior.

This book examines the contours of the Sino-American confrontation and its future trajectories. It delineates the two major causes of the friction in Sino-American relations-change in the balance of power in China's favor and the conf licting ideologies of the two states-and emphasizes why it is imperative for the U.S. to hold on to its ideological principles. It demonstrates the ultimate and irreconcilable gap in the visions the two competitors have for international politics and consequently why conf lict-certainly cold, and very possibly hot-is inevitable. The authors also suggest measures which the U.S. can adopt to sustain its leadership and deter China's ideology and vision for the future of global politics. A significant contribution to the study of Sino-American relations, the volume will be of interest to scholars and researchers of international relations, foreign policy, and U.S. and Chinese politics. It will be of great interest to think tanks, public policy professionals, and the interested general reader.

Peace Settlements and Political Transformation in Divided Societies examines what happened to Northern Ireland and South Africa after their miraculous political settlements in the 1990s, in which comparison between the two cases played a small but significant role. The author extends the story by exploring the connections between these two deeply divided societies during the consolidation of their settlements. He shows the ways in which their paths have subsequently diverged in both reality and perception. At the outset of the transformation of the two polities, the similarities between the two cases tended to be overstated. In this context, the book explains how the South African case came to be misidentified as an example of consociationalism, and the influence that this has continued to exert on comparative studies of power-sharing. In the process, other aspects of South Africa's political transformation, including respect for the constitution and the rule of law, have been overlooked and underappreciated. In the case of Northern Ireland, a missing element in the treatment of its settlement as a model for other deeply divided societies has been the role that external mediation played in the creation and survival of its institutions. Northern Ireland's dependence on favourable external circumstances explains in large part why the Good Friday Agreement is now facing a threat to its survival. By contrast, South Africa's political institutions seem relatively secure, despite the vast scale of the country's socio-economic problems. This book will be of interest to students, researchers and scholars of conflict resolution and peace processes, comparative politics, ethnic politics and democratisation, as well as those involved in the governance of deeply divided societies.

This book addresses the technical, organizational and political aspects of the national implementation measures of the projected Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC). It is essential that individual potential states parties now undertake studies to present a detailed picture of the implications of their obligations under a CWC. Experts from several countries in the field of disarmament and from the chemical industry examine and review experiences gained from different areas of arms control and disarmament regulations, national legislation and regulations relevant to the operation of the National Authority in the framework of the projected Convention. The study presents a range of options and is aimed at helping states parties in the development of procedures required by the National Authority. A detailed analysis of their obligations as outlined in the current draft text of the Convention is also presented. This study attempts to stimulate the potential states parties to start a review of their own specific national implementation obligations. The book includes a bibliography, tables, and relevant documents.

This book investigates the road map or the transitional justice mechanisms that theEthiopian government chose to confront the gross human rights violations perpetratedunder the 17 years' rule of the Derg, the dictatorial regime that controlled state powerfrom 1974 to 1991. Furthermore, the author extensively examines the prosecution ofpoliticide or genocide against political groups in Ethiopia. Dealing with the violent conflict, massacres, repressions and other mass atrocities ofthe past is necessary, not for its own sake, but to clear the way for a new beginning.In other words, ignoring gross human rights violations and attempting to close thechapter on an oppressive dictatorial past by choosing to let bygones be bygones, is nolonger a viable option when starting on the road to a democratic future. For unaddressedatrocities and a sense of injustice would not only continue to haunt a nation butcould also ignite similar conflicts in the future. So the question is what choices are available to the newly installed government whenconfronting the evils of the past. There are a wide array of transitional mechanismsto choose from, but there is no "one size fits all" mechanism. Of all the transitionaljustice mechanisms, namely truth commissions, lustration, amnesty, prosecution,and reparation, the Ethiopian government chose prosecution as the main means fordealing with the horrendous crimes committed by the Derg regime. One of the formidable challenges for transitioning states in dealing with the crimes offormer regimes is an inadequate legal framework by which to criminalize and punishegregious human rights violations. With the aim of examining whether or not Ethiopiahas confronted this challenge, the book assesses Ethiopia's legal framework regardingboth crimes under international law and individual criminal responsibility. This book will be of great relevance to academics and practitioners in the areas ofgenocide studies, international criminal law and transitional justice. Students in thefields of international criminal law, transitional justice and human rights will alsofind relevant information on the national prosecution of politicide in particular andthe question of confronting the past in general. Marshet Tadesse Tessema is Assistant Professor of the Law School, College of Law andGovernance at Jimma University in Ethiopia, and Postdoctoral Fellow of the SouthAfrican-German Centre, University of the Western Cape in South Africa.

The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict in the British Press provides an extensive empirical analysis of how the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has been constructed in British national newspapers since 1948. It traces the evolution of representations of the conflict by placing them in a historical context, with particular reference to Britain's postcolonial relation to Palestine, and by presenting an in-depth analysis of the evolution of press language, including the use of terms such as 'terrorism' and 'terrorist' to classify agents of political violence. It applies an original approach to the study of media coverage, using a Postcolonial Critical Discourse Analysis framework, an innovative method that examines selected case studies in relation to theories of postcolonialism and discourse. Using this unique hybrid methodology, Sanz Sabido provides a thorough and precise unpicking of a highly mediated conflict.

Until deep into the 20th century, empire remained a source of pride for European states and their politicians. The 21st century, however, has seen the unexpected emergence of certain European states apologising to their former colonies. Analysing apologies from Germany, Belgium, Britain and Italy, this book explores the shifting ways in which these countries represent their colonial pasts and investigates what this reveals about contemporary international politics, particularly relations between (former) coloniser and colonised. It is argued that, far from renouncing colonialism in its entirety, the apologies are replete with discourses that are reminiscent of the core legitimising tenets of empire. Specifically, the book traces how the apologies both illuminate and recycle many of the inequalities, mind-sets and ambivalences that circulated at the height of empire. This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of peace and post-conflict resolution studies, memory studies, colonial studies and postcolonial theory. More broadly, it will be of interest to those studying political science, International Relations, sociology and development.

Maintaining the importance of socio-economic issues in devising transitional justice mechanisms, this book examines the widespread practice of land grabbing in Afghanistan. On 3 September 2003, 100 armed police officers bulldozed around 30 homes in the Sherpur neighborhood of Kabul, Afghanistan, evicting over 250 people. Historically, the land was part of the property of the Ministry of Defense, of which a zone was allocated to the ministry's employees who had built homes and had lived there for nearly 30 years. After the demolition, however, the land was distributed among 300 high-ranking government officials, including ministers, deputy ministers, governors and other powerful warlords. Land grabbing in Afghanistan has become a widespread practice across the country. Based on over 50 semi-structured interviews with key informants and group discussions with war victims and local experts in Kabul, the current book examines the relevance of transitional justice discourse and practice in response to this situation. Following a critical criminological concern with social harm, the book maintains that it is not enough to consider a country's political history of violent conflict and the violation of civil and political rights alone. Rather, to decide on appropriate transitional justice mechanisms, it is crucial to consider a country's socio-economic background, and above all the socio-economic harm inflicted on people during periods of violent conflict. This original and detailed account of the socio-economic challenges faced by transitional justice mechanisms will be of interest to those studying and working in this area in law, politics, development studies and criminology.

This edited volume rethinks the relationship between power and law in the age of China's rise by examining recent developments in the South China Sea (SCS). The contributors explore different interpretations of international law on the legal status of the contested islands and rocks and provide detailed analyses of the contested concepts and provisions, the 2016 ruling by the SCS arbitration tribunal, as well as the environmental, economic, and political impacts of the ruling. This book facilitates a more meaningful and productive dialogue over the intersection, interaction, and interdependence between power and law in the context of the SCS. Assessing the interactions between political, legal, and normative forces, it provides insights into the specific dynamics of the dispute and the shifting security landscape in the region, but also offers a basis for thinking more deeply about the broader rise of China. This book will appeal to both students and scholars of IR, International Law, and Asian Studies and those engaged in research on the SCS disputes, the rise of China, and with a theoretical interest in law and power in international affairs.

Provides unique and cutting-edge insights into the relationship of political, (post)colonial and economic determinants of gendered and racialized violence. Bridges feminist political economy with feminist security studies in IR scholarship. Very timely, given the ongoing issues with Colombia's peace process.

This book explores the dynamics of international negotiations from the perspectives of researchers and practical negotiators. Reinforcing the idea that the study of negotiation is not merely an academic endeavor, the essays reflect the author's lifetime experiences as a negotiation researcher and provider of analytical support to international negotiation teams. Addressing a wide range of critical issues, such as creativity and experimentation, psychological dynamics, avoiding incomplete agreements, engineering the negotiation context, reframing negotiations for development conflicts, understanding what matters when implementing agreements, utilizing decision support systems, engaging new actors, and expanding core values, each chapter opens new doors on our conceptual and practical understanding of international negotiations. The author introduces new ways of understanding and explaining the negotiation process from different intellectual perspectives. The goal of this book is to resolve many critical unanswered questions by stimulating new research on these dynamics and developing new approaches that can help negotiation practitioners be more effective. The book will be used in university courses on international negotiation and conflict resolution, and provide a useful resource for researchers, policymakers, practitioners, NGOs, donor organizations, and grant-giving organizations.

This book explores the dynamics of international negotiations from the perspectives of researchers and practical negotiators. Reinforcing the idea that the study of negotiation is not merely an academic endeavor, the essays reflect the author's lifetime experiences as a negotiation researcher and provider of analytical support to international negotiation teams. Addressing a wide range of critical issues, such as creativity and experimentation, psychological dynamics, avoiding incomplete agreements, engineering the negotiation context, reframing negotiations for development conflicts, understanding what matters when implementing agreements, utilizing decision support systems, engaging new actors, and expanding core values, each chapter opens new doors on our conceptual and practical understanding of international negotiations. The author introduces new ways of understanding and explaining the negotiation process from different intellectual perspectives. The goal of this book is to resolve many critical unanswered questions by stimulating new research on these dynamics and developing new approaches that can help negotiation practitioners be more effective. The book will be used in university courses on international negotiation and conflict resolution, and provide a useful resource for researchers, policymakers, practitioners, NGOs, donor organizations, and grant-giving organizations.

This book explores the relationship between the developing India-US strategic Partnership and Pakistan's security. It assesses India and the US's areas of cooperation to show that the partnership will bring drastic changes for India's military capabilities and modernization of its forces. The book shows that, in addition to enhancing India's domestic nuclear stockpiles through the nuclear cooperation agreement, collaboration in high-tech areas such as space and innovative technologies will enable India to acquire sophisticated delivery systems as well as surveillance capacity. The author argues that these advancements will enable India to destabilize the strategic balance in the region. The book also briefly explores the nuclear doctrines of India and Pakistan that provide an insight into the role of nuclear weapons in maintaining deterrence in the region. To understand the power dynamics caused by the strategic partnership and their impact on strategic stability in South Asia, the author utilizes the Balance of Power and Power Transition theories. A timely analysis of the India-US Strategic Partnership with a Pakistan angle, the book will be of interest to academics working in the fields of Asian security, Asian politics, especially South Asia, strategic studies, international relations, political science, nuclear non-proliferation, conflict studies, arms control, and security studies.

Provides tools to challenge intelligence assessments systematically and as objectively as possible, a prerequisite to vetted intelligence conclusions Outlines diagnostic techniques that can be used to explain events or data sets, anticipate potential outcomes, predict future trends, and make decisions for optimal outcomes Details how to conduct research to effectively write, edit, format, and disseminate reports to best effect

In this book, Ann Gordon and Kai Hamilton Gentry expertly illuminate how the public has a role to play in ensuring its own security. Recent terror attacks and mass shootings in the United States have added urgency to the need for research on terrorism, the public's understanding of the precursors of terrorism and public preparedness for mass shootings and acts of terror. Unfortunately, most Americans do not understand what constitutes suspicious behavior or how to report it. Even more alarmingly, the public does not know what to do in the event of terrorist attack or mass casualty incident. Drawing on five years of the Chapman Survey of American Fears (CSAF), a nationally representative survey, and real-world events, Homeland InSecurity offers actionable solutions on how to educate the public to overcome fear and play an active role securing schools, public venues and the homeland itself. The book addresses proposals by survivors and victims' families to reduce violence through campaigns to deny shooters the notoriety they seek and reduce access to guns. It also explores the rise of activism among survivors of school shootings and their quest to educate the public and end school shootings. Homeland InSecurity will be essential for scholars, students, and policy makers.

Law, Force and Diplomacy at Sea, first published in 1985, is one of the few comprehensive treatments on the subject from a strategic perspective. It offers a detailed strategic analysis of the background and outcome of the Third UN Conference on the Law of the Sea, and its naval implications. The interplay between the interest of the naval powers in freedom of navigation and the interest of coastal states in control provides the setting for the strategic problems. The sea is taking on more properties of the land: it is becoming 'territorialised', and this is presenting fresh challenges and opportunities to which navies and their national governments have to respond. This study is designed for students of naval strategy, for international lawyers and for students of international affairs who wish to think about the important security questions in the maritime environment.