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Books > Reference & Interdisciplinary > Interdisciplinary studies > Peace studies
Is there a place left in international politics for the real use of violence as an instrument of policy in the nuclear age? Originally published in 1981, Dr Atkinson attempts to answer this question with new considerations in the presentation of a general theory of strategy. He argues that the classical theory of strategy, so influential for the 19th century and for the better half of the 20th century, was built on a mainly hidden structure of reasoning that still infests theory today. The larger and socially-rooted lessons that insurgent warfare can inform, as best exemplified in the primary sources of the Chinese Civil War period, reveal in a new light this hidden structure of which Clausewitz is the earliest and most eloquent example. By this analysis of the insurgent and classical paradigm opposites the author intends to strip away the blinds of convention still circulating in theory today so that observers and students of international politics may see where new forms of politically motivated violence in the nuclear age seem more than ever to be headed. Here we have perfect paradigm opposites. In the conventional world battle-field action and ideally 'decisive battle' is the center of all other issues in which such conventional logic in the end sweeps up everything else and runs it back through the logic into success or failure of armed power on the battle-field. Everything hangs on this. In the 'revisionist' insurgent world where social order is weaponized as an object and source of military power through its inherent and valuable (armed) power structures social order replaces narrow battle-field action (ideally focused on 'decisive battle') and alternatively redirects the entire logic and all other considerations, including previously heroic conventional military assets, are remodeled to act against (armed) enemy power structures inherent (as always) in social order for the ultimate object of military victory. Again, everything is on this alone. Which paradigm - one the opposite mirror image of the other - will prevail will depend on the stability and power of the nation state and its institutions, the continued and unhappy collapse on which I base the General Theory.
Many people believe that the violent and disruptive nature of war makes a military ethic impossible. The authors of this book, originally published in 1986 however, develop an ethical system that aims to control the military monster at least to some degree, rather than one that preaches to it idealistically - with little or no effect. Military ethics, they believe, must be an ethics for peacetime as well as an ethics for war, an ethics for soldiers in the field as well as an ethics for political leaders, and their book is designed to meet these needs. It presents a practical, utilitarian approach: an ethics of what is possible rather than what is ideal, drawing on real military experience and different from any other work previously published. The authors argue that both the pacifists, who claim that the horrible and ungovernable nature of war makes it morally wrong, and the realists, who believe that wars must be fought, but fought without moral scruple, are mistaken. They show that careful attention to the actual circumstances in which individual combatants function and the social institutions shaping their action allows genuine moral constraint. With its emphasis on real problems, Military Ethics will be of practical help to policy makers and military personnel at all levels, as well as being of great interest to students of applied philosophy and ethics.
Why do nations go to war? Is war an institutionalized outlet for our aggressive instincts? Or is it a cultural invention rather than a biological necessity? Originally published in 1990, Eric Carlton, looking across a number of societies investigates why men and women go to war, and how they are able to commit atrocities against their enemy. He believes that central to these issues is the perception of the enemy and the ways in which this is 'converted' - consciously or unconsciously - into an ideology of aggression. Military training and ideology are based upon the definition of the enemy as 'the other', and studies in the text reveal the importance of the stereotyped image of the enemy when soldiers carry out atrocities. Dr Carlton explores the underlying problem of how and why societies resort to war, by analysing the motivations, usually religious and ideological, which legitimize warlike policies and activities. Fascinating case studies consider the ways in which the enemy has been seen in various historical and comparative contexts: for instance, to ancient Egyptians the enemy were non-people, to Romans uncouth barbarians, to Maoists class antagonists. These studies underline the fact that perceptions of the adversary determine the nature of warfare more than any other single factor. The book is unique in its discussion of the idea of the enemy in warfare and military ideology, and in its use of an historical method to comment on situations which are still relevant to the modern world. Its historical and comparative perspective, and its extensive case studies, make it of great value and interest to students of history, sociology, and politics, as well as to those engaged in war studies.
During the few years prior to publication there had been a growing interest not only in the organisation and efficiency of the British Army, but also in its role in modern British society and the place of soldiering as a significant career. The time was therefore ripe for a book such as this, which looks objectively at the position of our Army whilst at the same time showing the actual experience of a Regular soldier. Originally published in 1972, Colonel Baynes's book was largely written during a year's Defence Fellowship at Edinburgh University in 1968-9, where he worked under Professor John Erickson in the Higher Defence Studies sections of the Department of Politics. He begins by examining the ways in which armies can be used, and then turns to more specific issues connected with the employment of the British Army in the modern world. He summarises what the British Army has accomplished since 1945 and how its strength has varied, and follows with a chapter on the cost of maintaining it. The core of the book revolves around three basic questions. First, what, in the 1970s, does British society really think about its Army, and what sort of army does it want? Second, how can soldiers be kept keen and efficient in a period of prolonged peace? And third, who will join the Army in the coming years, what will their conditions of service be like and what are their career opportunities? Some of Colonel Baynes's solutions to these problems are likely to be unpopular with traditionalists, although he is by no means an iconoclast and has a deep affection for, and belief in, his own profession. At the time this book was strongly recommended to all with an interest in the security of this country and the future of its armed forces: both those serving in them and civilians.
Provides tools to challenge intelligence assessments systematically and as objectively as possible, a prerequisite to vetted intelligence conclusions Outlines diagnostic techniques that can be used to explain events or data sets, anticipate potential outcomes, predict future trends, and make decisions for optimal outcomes Details how to conduct research to effectively write, edit, format, and disseminate reports to best effect
This book focuses on security dynamics in the contemporary Gulf and Arabian Peninsula. It highlights the development of the Gulf and the Arabian Peninsula, the contemporary challenges and opportunities confronting the principal powers that are active in this important sub-region, and analyzes and evaluates their policy responses. The various perspectives of the chapters all suggest that the stability and security of the Gulf sub-region is now and will continue in the future to be of vital importance to the global community. The chapters that compose the volume are organized into three thematic sections. Part I, 'Security Challenges and Power Configurations in the Gulf and the Arabian Peninsula: The Historical Context', comprises three chapters. Part II, consisting of seven chapters, is entitled, 'Contemporary Security Challenges and Opportunities in the Gulf and the Arabian Peninsula.' Part III, 'Contemporary National Interests, Objectives, and Strategies of the Major Powers in the Gulf and the Arabian Peninsula', comprises five chapters. Finally, the volume ends with a concluding chapter. Unfortunately, the contemporary unstable, heterogeneous Gulf sub-region is fraught with extremely serious and often urgent challenges that threaten the sub-region's security. This volume helps to illuminate the nature of the sub-regional environment and the contemporary challenges and opportunities that confront the various powers that are active in the Gulf. It also contributes to a greater understanding of the interests, contemporary objectives, and strategies of those powers as they formulate and implement policies in response to the challenges and opportunities that they confront. This book will be of much interest to students of security studies, Middle Eastern politics and International Relations.
Originally published in 2003 and now reissued with a new introduction, this collection provides an invaluable, academic resource on the challenges bioterrorism posed for American society and institutions. Critically selected essays from a wide range of disciplines document and analyze the problems and implications for political, economic, and legal institutions, as well as the challenges a weapon of disease and fear can impose on public health and public policy. By placing bioterrorism into its historical context, this collection also traces the academic research and historical decisions that have contributed to the formation of American policies attempting to cope with a potentially catastrophic attack on the population in general and urban population in particular.
Addressing Cybersecurity through the lens of a war-time set of varying battlefields is unique. Tying those to Zero Trust is also unique. It has that unique POV that hasn't been covered before combined with a highly credible view of and explanation of Zero Trust.
This book explores the evolution and future relevance of NATO from the perspective of the member-states. Addressing the overarching question of the relevance of transatlantic relations in the 21st century, the volume has three core objectives. The first is to reinforce the view that international alliances serve not only an external-oriented goal, but also a domestic-oriented aim, which is to control others' behaviour. The second is to show that tensions amongst NATO allies have become more acute and, therefore, more dangerous. The third is to discuss current transatlantic relations through the adoption of a "second image" perspective; that is, one that emphasizes the multiple vertical linkages that connect NATO to the politics and the policies of each ally. The chapters presented here are built on a dual approach: on the one hand, they look at the place the Alliance occupies in the domestic public debate and the strategic culture of specific member states; on the other, they analyze how each of these countries contributes to NATO's operations and what interests and visions they share for the Alliance's future. This book will be of much interest to students of NATO, international organizations, foreign policy, and security studies in general.
This book proposes a novel theoretical framework of "interactive arming" in order to explain armament dynamics in contemporary Asia. Frequently, the modernisation of contemporary naval forces in Asia is described as an "arms race," with the underlying assumption being that weapons acquisitions and increases in defence expenditure are competitive and bilateral and due to conflicting purposes or mutual fears. This book argues that the concept of an arms race is an unsuitable one for explaining contemporary military modernisation in 21st-century Asia. Instead, it proposes a novel and innovative concept of "interactive arming" and argues that what drives conflict is political rivalry, not weapons acquisitions. Instead of perceiving arming as abnormal behaviour, the book views arming as a natural strategic behaviour of states and military modernisation as a basic requirement for a state's ability to survive. This book will be of much interest to students of Asian security, strategic studies and international relations in general.
This book explores how participatory governance processes help to find integrated solutions to resource-based development while protecting ecosystems in UNESCO designated areas. Participatory Governance of UNESCO Biosphere Reserves in Canada and Israel explores how stakeholders' participation in decision-making processes related to natural resource management facilitates or hinders the obtainment of an acceptable balance between nature protection and sustainable development policies in the eyes of the participating stakeholders. A comparative analysis of nature versus development conflicts in the Megiddo and Mount Carmel biosphere reserves in Israel and the Mount Arrowsmith and Clayoquot Sound biosphere reserves in Canada, showcases the different approaches in implementing the biosphere reserve concept. The participatory processes of stakeholders, including governments, resource-based industries, local and indigenous communities and environmental NGOs established to address the local natural resource use problems are considered to be an opportunity of reconciliation among stakeholders with diverse interests, lifestyles and cultures but also improving the relationship between man and nature. Yet, achievement of these goals has proven to be a challenge. In some cases the participatory decision-making process yields benefits and in some cases it fails to deliver expected results. This book explores why is that the case. This title will be of great interest to students and scholars of natural resource management, integrated approaches to conservation and sustainable development, and participatory governance of social-ecological systems. It will also be of interest to environmental conflict mediators, participatory process facilitators, policymakers and professionals involved in managing social-ecological systems or establishing biosphere reserves.
Adopting a multi-disciplinary approach, this book opens new ground for research on territorial disputes. Many sovereignty conflicts remain unresolved around the world. Current solutions in law, political science and international relations generally prove problematic to at least one of the agents part of these differences. Arguing that disputes are complex, multi-layered and multi-faceted, this book brings together a global, inter-disciplinary view of territorial disputes. The book reviews the key conceptual elements central to legal and political sciences with regards to territorial disputes: state, sovereignty and self-determination. Looking at some of the current long-standing disputes worldwide, it compares and contrasts the many issues at stake and the potential remedies currently available in order to assess why some territorial disputes remain unresolved. Finally, it offers a set of guidelines for dispute settlement and conflict resolution that current remedies fail to provide. It will appeal to students and scholars working in international relations, legal theory and jurisprudence, public international law and political sciences.
First published in 1986, Military Power and Politics in Black Africa explores many themes that concerned military power and politics in sub-Saharan Africa at the time of publication. Adopting a thematic approach, the book considers the nature of both intervention and disengagement and looks at the relationship between civilian and military institutions. The final chapters put forward arguments for the importance of foreign intervention in the politics and civil-military relations of African states.
This book offers insights into the building of trust in Muslim communities through community engagement in a climate of counter-terrorism. Police engagement with Muslim communities is complex with a history of distrust. This book first attempts to understand the role and implications of uncertainty on community engagement in Muslim communities, and then explores the cultural nuances associated with the demonstration of trustworthiness, and decisions to bestow trust. It further highlights the complexities and implications for Muslim leaders when trying to simultaneously engage police and appease their own communities; the book exposes community perceptions of an over-reaction by authorities that has moved suspicion from a handful of terrorists to the entire Muslim community, resulting in problematic community perceptions that Muslim communities are being targeted by police. The findings suggest that the intentionality of police is a highly significant consideration in trust negotiations, and reveals a number of cultural preferences considered critical to trust negotiations. The book further highlights opportunities to enhance the development of trust and avoid pitfalls that can be problematic to community engagement. The lessons learned seek to enhance the existing body of literature regarding strategies and resources to improve counter-terrorism community engagement with Muslim communities. This book will be of much interest to students of counter-terrorism, preventing violent extremism, deradicalization, and security studies.
Peace Settlements and Political Transformation in Divided Societies examines what happened to Northern Ireland and South Africa after their miraculous political settlements in the 1990s, in which comparison between the two cases played a small but significant role. The author extends the story by exploring the connections between these two deeply divided societies during the consolidation of their settlements. He shows the ways in which their paths have subsequently diverged in both reality and perception. At the outset of the transformation of the two polities, the similarities between the two cases tended to be overstated. In this context, the book explains how the South African case came to be misidentified as an example of consociationalism, and the influence that this has continued to exert on comparative studies of power-sharing. In the process, other aspects of South Africa's political transformation, including respect for the constitution and the rule of law, have been overlooked and underappreciated. In the case of Northern Ireland, a missing element in the treatment of its settlement as a model for other deeply divided societies has been the role that external mediation played in the creation and survival of its institutions. Northern Ireland's dependence on favourable external circumstances explains in large part why the Good Friday Agreement is now facing a threat to its survival. By contrast, South Africa's political institutions seem relatively secure, despite the vast scale of the country's socio-economic problems. This book will be of interest to students, researchers and scholars of conflict resolution and peace processes, comparative politics, ethnic politics and democratisation, as well as those involved in the governance of deeply divided societies.
Isaiah Berlin's liberalism seems both dated and essential in an era of ideological extremes. Berlin's vision of liberalism rejected metaphysics, philosophies of history, and particular conceptions of the good, setting a pattern for Anglo-American political thought that is still influential and may offer resources for understanding the resurgence of ideology in the twenty-first century, but one that also seems to be firmly embedded in the Cold War opposition of liberalism against Marxism. In this volume, ten political theorists reconsider Berlin's thought-especially his famous essay, "Two Concepts of Liberty"-in the light of contemporary political developments such as populism. Several contributors focus on Berlin's neglected idea of political "maturity" as holding a key to his thought, making it an important site of contestation over his legacy. Others analyse Berlin's notoriously fraught definition of liberty and his understanding of value pluralism; situate him as a Cold War liberal; and relate his work to that of contemporaries such as Raymond Aron and Leo Strauss. This book was originally published as a special issue of Critical Review.
This book focuses on the ECOWAS Commission, both as an autonomous actor, as well as a policy-making nexus for its member states and external actors. Drawing from a variety of never-before analyzed sources, unpublished internal documents and over 120 interviews with staff from the ECOWAS Commission, its member states, and external actors supporting the organization, this book presents a comprehensive portrait of ECOWAS's institutional capabilities, challenges, and reforms. It utilizes a policy studies approach focusing on the areas of political affairs, peace, and regional security, as well as trade and customs to illustrate concrete cases of policy making. In doing so, the book provides practice-oriented insights into the policy-making agency within the organization, arguing for the significance of the ECOWAS Commission as an actor. This book will be of interest to scholars and students of West Africa and its international relations, comparative regionalism, international organization studies, development studies, policy-making, peace and conflict studies, governance and more broadly to African politics and international relations.
This edited volume seeks to contest prevailing assumptions about torture and to consider why, despite its illegality, torture continues to be widely employed and misrepresented. The resurgence of torture and public justifications of it led to the central questions that this inter-disciplinary volume seeks to address: How is it possible for torture to be practiced when it is legally prohibited? What kinds of moves do agents make that render torture palatable? Why do so many ignore the evidence that torture is ineffective as an intelligence-gathering technique? Who are the victims of torture? The various contributors in the book look to history, the practices of interrogators, artistic representations, documentary films, rendition policies, political campaigns, diplomatic discourses, international legal rules, refugee practices, and cultural representations of death and the body to illuminate how torture becomes permissible. Building from the personal to the communal, and from the practical to the conceptual, the volume reflects the multivalence of torture itself. This framework enables readers at all levels better appreciate how and why torture is open to so many interpretations and applications. This book will be of much interest to students of International Relations, Security Studies, Terrorism Studies, Ethics, and International Legal Studies.
This Companion explores the Israeli-Palestinian conflict from its inception to the present day, demonstrating the depth and breadth of the many facets of the conflict, from the historical, political, and diplomatic to the social, economic, and pedagogical aspects. The contributions also engage with notions of objectivity and bias and the difficulties this causes when studying the conflict, in order to reflect the diversity of views and often contentious discussion surrounding this conflict. The volume is organized around six parts, reflecting the core aspects of the conflict: historical and scholarly context of the competing narratives contemporary evolution of the conflict and its key diplomatic junctures key issues of the conflict its local dimensions international environment of the conflict the "other images" of the conflict, as reflected in public opinion, popular culture, the boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) movement, and academia and pedagogy. Providing a comprehensive approach to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, this companion is designed for academics, researchers, and students interested in the key issues and contemporary themes of the conflict.
Gulf stability is coming to play a larger role in the foreign policy calculus of many states, but the evolving role of Asian powers is largely under-represented in the International Relations literature. This volume addresses this gap with a set of empirically rich, theory driven case studies written by academics from or based in the countries in question. The underlying assumption is not that Asian powers have already become important security actors in the Gulf, but rather that they perceive the Gulf as a region of increasing strategic relevance. How will leaders in these countries adjust to an evolving regional framework? Will there be coordinated efforts to establish an Asian-centered approach to Gulf stability, or will Asian rivalries make the region a theater of competition? Will US-China tensions force alignment choices among Asian powers? Will Asian states balance, bandwagon, hedge, or adopt some other approach to their Gulf relationships? These questions become even more important as the western boundaries of Asia increasingly come to incorporate the Middle East. The book will appeal to scholars and students in the fields of International Relations, Security Studies, and International Political Economy, as well as area specialists on the Gulf and those working on foreign policy issues on each of the Asian countries included. Professionals in government and non-government agencies will also find it very useful. The Open Access version of this book, available at www.taylorfrancis.com, has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives 4.0 license.
Concerns about China's ambitions to return to global centre stage as a great power have recently begun to focus on the Digital Silk Road (DSR), an umbrella term for various activities - commercial and diplomatic - of interest to the Chinese government in the cyber realm. Part of (or a spin-off from) the 2013 Belt and Road Initiative, by 2020 the DSR had become a focal point of China's foreign policy. But the DSR remains ill-defined and poorly understood. At the heart of such concerns is not that Chinese technology companies are becoming globally competitive, but rather that Beijing could use them to 'rewire' the global digital architecture, from physical cables to code. Dominance by Chinese technology could shift global norms from a free cyber commons to competing systems of cyber sovereignty or cyber freedom. This Adelphi book brings together eight experts to examine the development of the DSR, explore its impact on economics, security and governance in recipient countries, and assess the broader impact on patterns of economic and technological dependence, on the emerging rules and norms of tech globalisation, and on global geopolitics and great-power relations. Beijing has grasped the opportunity to leverage the entrepreneurial strengths of its private tech sector to gain prominence in the world's digital ecosystem. But the more interventionist Beijing becomes, the more Chinese firms will be seen as instruments of the state, and the greater the pushback against Chinese technology and the DSR may be. To achieve great-power status and global centrality, Beijing might ultimately need to change tack. How it innovates in further rolling out Chinese tech across the world, and what the DSR will then look like, will have far-reaching impacts on global economics, politics and security.
Crisis Communication Planning and Strategies for Nonprofit Leaders examines the unique position of nonprofit organizations in an intersection of providing public services and also being a part of Emergency and crisis management practices. This text discusses the evolution of crisis communication planning, the unique position of nonprofit organizations and the crises they face, along with provision of conceptual and theoretical frameworks to generate effective crisis communication plans for nonprofit organizations to utilize within diverse crises. Through the use of innovative real-life case studies investigating the impact of crisis communication plans, this book provides the foundational knowledge of crisis communication planning, theoretically supported strategies, crisis typology and planning resources. Each chapter focuses on critical strategic planning concepts and includes a summary of key points, discussion questions and additional resources for each concept. With this text, nonprofit organizations will be able to strategically plan for organization-specific and emergency management related crises, develop effective crisis communication plans, garner internal and external support and generate assessment strategies to maintain the relevancy of these plans within their future endeavors. Crisis Communication Planning and Strategies for Nonprofit Leaders offers a new and insightful approach to crisis communication planning to assist nonprofit organizations that are called upon to fulfill a variety of community needs, such as sheltering, food distribution, relief funding, family reunification services, volunteer mobilization and much more. It is an essential resource for nonprofit organizations.
Using the Cyprus conflict as a case study, this book examines how the securitization process in protracted conflict environments changes, as it becomes routinized and potentially even institutionalized. Furthermore, the process is not limited to the mainstream top-down path, as it also follows a horizontal and even bottom-up direction, which inevitably has an impact on the goals and securitization options of both the mainstream securitizing actors and the audience(s). Lastly, on a theoretical level it examines how the multi-directional securitization forces have an impact on the elite and audience-driven desecuritization efforts and ultimately on the prospects for conflict resolution. The book's case study, the Cyprus question, offers an alternative reading of the forces dominating the specific conflict, while concurrently offers a useful framework for the study of similar protracted and deeply securitized conflicts.
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