This book provides skills for therapists and families to help improve interpersonal communication, promoting a new system of family coexistence and a refreshed concept of the modern marriage in society. Written from a constructivist peace perspective, the book's aim is to reduce the high statistics of intimate partner violence that occurs in Mexico, arguing that the culture of peace and how it is born in the family in turn affects society for better or for worse. Based upon interviews from 150 long-term married couples, the chapters address the components that promote peaceful dialogue in marriages, such as assertive language, active listening, tolerance to frustration, and gender perspectives. Including accessible language and several models of peace, the book uniquely examines same-sex marriages, the role of children in marriage conflicts, and prescribed gender assumptions and roles in relationships. It aims to empower family members to move away from old habits and seek a more equitable existence in marriages and society at large. This interdisciplinary text will be of great interest to family therapists and clinical social workers, as well as to students and researchers in communication and peace studies.

This book explores the potential of social media as a space for teaching and bringing about sustainable peace. Using cutting-edge research, the editors and authors analyze the fundamental transformations taking place in the digital and interactive public sphere, most recently with the advent of the 'post-truth' age and the impact of this upon young people's perceptions of 'friend' and 'foe'. Peace initiatives at almost every level recognize the importance of education for sustainable peace: this volume examines the opportunities emerging from these societal transformations for both formal and informal education. This book will appeal to students and scholars of social media, peace education and the post-truth age.

Homeland Security Cultures: Enhancing Values While Fostering Resilience explores the role that culture plays in the study and practice of homeland security in an all-hazards, whole-community, and all-of-government scope. It does so by analyzing and discussing strategic, organizational, operational, and social cultures in the U.S. Homeland Security Enterprise, as well as from an international perspective. The focus is on how knowledge and interpretation, normative values, common symbols, and/or action repertories inform the evolution of the homeland security mission space and the accomplishment of homeland security functions. Contributions also address institutional changes designed to foster a more coherent common homeland security culture. This textbook will make a contribution to the evolution of homeland security as a policy area and a field of study by offering actionable insight as well as critical thinking from scholars and practitioners on how cultural aspects matter in balancing security against liberty, in managing complex risks, in enhancing collaboration across sectors, and in explaining how a resilient nation can be fostered while enhancing liberal and democratic values.

This book provides a detailed analysis of Russia's 'great power identity' and the role of Europe in forming this identity. 'Great power identity' implies an expansionist foreign policy, and yet this does not explain all the complexities of the Russian state. For instance, it cannot explain why Russia decided to take over Crimea, but provided only limited support to break-away regions in Eastern Ukraine. Moreover, if Russia is in geo-economic competition with Europe, why has no serious conflict erupted between Moscow and other post-Soviet states which developed closer ties with the EU? Finally, why does Putin maintain relationships with the European countries that imposed tough economic sanctions on Russia? Vsevolod Samokhvalov provides a more nuanced understanding of Russia's great power identity by drawing on his experience in regional diplomacy and research and applying a constructivist methodology. The book will appeal to students and scholars of international relations, in particular Russian-European relations, Russian foreign policy and Russian studies.

Maintaining the importance of socio-economic issues in devising transitional justice mechanisms, this book examines the widespread practice of land grabbing in Afghanistan. On 3 September 2003, 100 armed police officers bulldozed around 30 homes in the Sherpur neighborhood of Kabul, Afghanistan, evicting over 250 people. Historically, the land was part of the property of the Ministry of Defense, of which a zone was allocated to the ministry's employees who had built homes and had lived there for nearly 30 years. After the demolition, however, the land was distributed among 300 high-ranking government officials, including ministers, deputy ministers, governors and other powerful warlords. Land grabbing in Afghanistan has become a widespread practice across the country. Based on over 50 semi-structured interviews with key informants and group discussions with war victims and local experts in Kabul, the current book examines the relevance of transitional justice discourse and practice in response to this situation. Following a critical criminological concern with social harm, the book maintains that it is not enough to consider a country's political history of violent conflict and the violation of civil and political rights alone. Rather, to decide on appropriate transitional justice mechanisms, it is crucial to consider a country's socio-economic background, and above all the socio-economic harm inflicted on people during periods of violent conflict. This original and detailed account of the socio-economic challenges faced by transitional justice mechanisms will be of interest to those studying and working in this area in law, politics, development studies and criminology.

This book examines the issue of territorial control by violent jihadist groups, using a comparative perspective. The book argues that in many parts of the world the connection between a state and the control over territory is not as close as presented by conventional political maps, and therefore it is necessary to analyse the territoriality of non-state actors as well. Based on a variety of case studies, the work looks at different levels of connection between the violent Islamist groups and territory, dividing them into non-territorial, semi-territorial and territorial groups. While the majority of the cases are located in the Middle East (Islamic State, Al-Qaeda, Al-Qaeda at the Arabian Peninsula, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, Hamas and Hezbollah), the book also draws cases from Africa (groups in the western Sahel, Al-Shabaab and Boko Haram), South Asia (Taliban), and East Asia (Abu Sayyaf). By providing in-depth understanding of their respective approaches to territory, the book identifies the specifics of each group's territoriality, while also drawing more general conclusions. This book will be of much interest to students of terrorism and political violence, radical Islam, Middle Eastern studies, and International Relations in general.

This book explores the evolution and future relevance of NATO from the perspective of the member-states. Addressing the overarching question of the relevance of transatlantic relations in the 21st century, the volume has three core objectives. The first is to reinforce the view that international alliances serve not only an external-oriented goal, but also a domestic-oriented aim, which is to control others' behaviour. The second is to show that tensions amongst NATO allies have become more acute and, therefore, more dangerous. The third is to discuss current transatlantic relations through the adoption of a "second image" perspective; that is, one that emphasizes the multiple vertical linkages that connect NATO to the politics and the policies of each ally. The chapters presented here are built on a dual approach: on the one hand, they look at the place the Alliance occupies in the domestic public debate and the strategic culture of specific member states; on the other, they analyze how each of these countries contributes to NATO's operations and what interests and visions they share for the Alliance's future. This book will be of much interest to students of NATO, international organizations, foreign policy, and security studies in general.

This book offers insights into the building of trust in Muslim communities through community engagement in a climate of counter-terrorism. Police engagement with Muslim communities is complex with a history of distrust. This book first attempts to understand the role and implications of uncertainty on community engagement in Muslim communities, and then explores the cultural nuances associated with the demonstration of trustworthiness, and decisions to bestow trust. It further highlights the complexities and implications for Muslim leaders when trying to simultaneously engage police and appease their own communities; the book exposes community perceptions of an over-reaction by authorities that has moved suspicion from a handful of terrorists to the entire Muslim community, resulting in problematic community perceptions that Muslim communities are being targeted by police. The findings suggest that the intentionality of police is a highly significant consideration in trust negotiations, and reveals a number of cultural preferences considered critical to trust negotiations. The book further highlights opportunities to enhance the development of trust and avoid pitfalls that can be problematic to community engagement. The lessons learned seek to enhance the existing body of literature regarding strategies and resources to improve counter-terrorism community engagement with Muslim communities. This book will be of much interest to students of counter-terrorism, preventing violent extremism, deradicalization, and security studies.

This book analyses the possibilities and limitations that sub-national actors face when developing diplomatic activities in the Arctic region. Sub-national actors, such as civil society groups and sub-national governments or administrations, have been active in international relations for decades. They face specific political and economic limitations on the international scene as non-sovereign entities. This book investigates how these actors have developed their international presence in the Arctic region. It analyzes the diplomatic activities of states, provinces, regional administrations, and multilateral forums made of sub-national governments to offer comparative insights on the strategies, interests, and activities of sub-national governments. Alaska, Scotland, Quebec, Yakutsk, and Indigenous People's organizations are among the examples covered in this book that have forged bilateral and multilateral relations to promote and defend their interests and values. Moreover, sovereign states are often using these sub-national actors to further their own interests, as exemplified in this book in how Russia and China harnessed the potential of sub-national governments to align with their Arctic policies. The volume will be useful to academics and graduate students of Arctic politics, international relations, comparative politics, comparative federalism, foreign policy, and global governance.

This book explores how participatory governance processes help to find integrated solutions to resource-based development while protecting ecosystems in UNESCO designated areas. Participatory Governance of UNESCO Biosphere Reserves in Canada and Israel explores how stakeholders' participation in decision-making processes related to natural resource management facilitates or hinders the obtainment of an acceptable balance between nature protection and sustainable development policies in the eyes of the participating stakeholders. A comparative analysis of nature versus development conflicts in the Megiddo and Mount Carmel biosphere reserves in Israel and the Mount Arrowsmith and Clayoquot Sound biosphere reserves in Canada, showcases the different approaches in implementing the biosphere reserve concept. The participatory processes of stakeholders, including governments, resource-based industries, local and indigenous communities and environmental NGOs established to address the local natural resource use problems are considered to be an opportunity of reconciliation among stakeholders with diverse interests, lifestyles and cultures but also improving the relationship between man and nature. Yet, achievement of these goals has proven to be a challenge. In some cases the participatory decision-making process yields benefits and in some cases it fails to deliver expected results. This book explores why is that the case. This title will be of great interest to students and scholars of natural resource management, integrated approaches to conservation and sustainable development, and participatory governance of social-ecological systems. It will also be of interest to environmental conflict mediators, participatory process facilitators, policymakers and professionals involved in managing social-ecological systems or establishing biosphere reserves.

In State Secrecy and Security: Refiguring the Covert Imaginary, William Walters calls for secrecy to be given a more central place in critical security studies and elevated to become a core concept when theorising power in liberal democracies. Through investigations into such themes as the mobility of cryptographic secrets, the power of public inquiries, the connection between secrecy and place-making, and the aesthetics of secrecy within immigration enforcement, Walters challenges commonplace understandings of the covert and develops new concepts, methods and themes for secrecy and security research. Walters identifies the covert imaginary as both a limit on our ability to think politics differently and a ground to develop a richer understanding of power. State Secrecy and Security offers readers a set of thinking tools to better understand the strange powers that hiding, revealing, lying, confessing, professing ignorance and many other operations of secrecy put in motion. It will be a valuable resource for scholars and students of security, secrecy and politics more broadly.

This volume addresses how and in what capacity the European Union and its member states are able to respond to fundamental shifts occurring in global politics and remain relevant for the future. The changing nature of the international system is subject to considerable contestation among scholars, with many claiming that the fundamentals of the post-war international system are being rewritten. This volume brings together prominent scholars in the field of European security to address a range of pertinent issues related to Europe's role in the context of evolving global challenges. The first section focuses on whether the EU is an actor with a strategic nature and the means to act on a global security strategy. The second section considers the institutional dynamics and the approaches at the EU's disposal to fulfil its possible intended global roles. The third section addresses Europe's most important strategic relationship-the partnership it has with the United States. This section considers the recalibration of the transatlantic relationship in light of the changing international system and the reorientation of U.S. foreign policy. This book will be of much interest to students of European Union policy, European Security policy, European Foreign policy and International Relations in general.

This book proposes that work on the Women, Peace and Security agenda undertaken by civil society actors can be interpreted as a form of care labour that nourishes and sustains the agenda - without which the agenda could not, in fact, succeed. The care labour of civil society is thus a condition of the Women, Peace and Security agenda's success. United Nations Security Council resolution 1325 is the foundation of a diverse and pluralising policy framework known as the Women, Peace and Security agenda. Over the 20 years since the adoption of the foundational resolution, despite sustained resistance from some quarters and a general lack of adequate resourcing and political will, the agenda has continued to see many successes, and to achieve elements of political transformation large and small. This book explores how the supporting constituency of the agenda has 'made 1325 work'. Based on new interviews with representatives of diverse civil society organisations working on WPS, the book offers a novel intervention into WPS scholarship, which has thus far paid relatively little attention to the labours of civil society actors working on WPS, particularly on an individual level. The authors consider the motivations, pressures and frustrations experienced by WPS civil society actors, as well as the goals and challenges. This book is based on original research and will be of interest to scholars, policymakers and practitioners working on WPS specifically, and those working in Political Science, International Relations, Development Studies, and on the global governance of peace and security. It will also be relevant for students in WPS-focused programs and of peace and security studies more broadly.

This book forwards Assam (and Northeast India) as a specific location for studying operations of gendered power in multi-ethnic, conflict-habituated geopolitical peripheries globally. In the shifting and relational margins of such peripheral societies, power and agency are constantly negotiated and in flux. Notions of masculinity are redefined in an interlaced environment of militarization, hyper-masculinization, and gendered violence. These interconnections inform victimhood and agency among the most vulnerable marginalized constituencies - namely, women and migrants. By centering the marginalized in its inquiry, the book analyzes obstacles to achieving positive, organic peace based on cooperation and mutual healing. The tools used to perpetuate an endless cycle of violence that makes conflict a habit - a way of life - are identified in order to enable resistance against them from within the margins. Such resistance must be based on reflexivity and strategic, cautious radicalism. This involves critically interrogating the inherent connections between engendered pasts and feminist futures, local changes and global contexts, as well as between small, incremental changes and big shifts impacting entire societies, nations, and global orders. This book will be of much interest to students of ethnic conflict, conflict resolution, feminist peace, and Asian/South Asian politics.

Provides unique and cutting-edge insights into the relationship of political, (post)colonial and economic determinants of gendered and racialized violence. Bridges feminist political economy with feminist security studies in IR scholarship. Very timely, given the ongoing issues with Colombia's peace process.

This book looks at Salafi influencers and foreign fighters in the Balkans to examine how the origins and dynamics of radical milieus are related to the legacy of the Bosnian War and the Kosovo War. The work seeks to understand if and in what ways these wars influenced the consolidation of radical milieus and whether they impacted the recruitment of foreign fighters. In doing so, the book traces the path of more than 400 individuals that either traveled to Syria or were involved in recruitment locally. Employing a qualitative methodological approach, the book argues that radical influencers are likely to be more evident in postwar societies due to state and societal fragility, which create more power for social actors and constrain efforts to counter extremism. Through the activism of social actors emerging from wars, preceding conflicts resonate through society across different locations and particular postwar radical milieus do not need to be only in the place where war atrocities happened. Thus, radical milieus can spread to various locations including countries hosting postwar diaspora communities. This book will be of much interest to students of radicalisation, terrorism and political violence, Balkan politics, Middle Eastern politics, and IR in general.

This book investigates how Uyghur-related violent conflict and Uyghur ethnic minority identity, religion, and the Xinjiang region, more broadly, became constituted as a 'terrorism' problem for the Chinese state. Building on securitization theory, Critical Terrorism Studies (CTS), and the scholarly definitional debate on terrorism, it develops the concept of terroristization as a critical analytical framework for the study of historical processes of threat construction. Investigating the violent events reported in Xinjiang since the early 1980s, the evolving discursive patterns used by the Chinese state to make sense of violent incidents, and the crackdown policies that the official terrorism discourse has legitimized, the book demonstrates how the securitization, and later terroristization, of Xinjiang and the Uyghurs, is the result of a discursive and political choice of the Chinese state. The author reveals the contingent and unstable nature of such construction, and how it problematizes the inevitability of the rationale behind China's 'war on terror', that has prescribed a brutal crackdown as the most viable approach to governing the tensions that have historically characterized China's rule over the Turkic Muslim ethnic minorities in Xinjiang. This book will be of interest to scholars and students of the politics of contemporary China, security and ethnic minority issues, International Relations and Security, as well as those adopting discursive approaches to the study of security, notably those within the critical security and terrorism studies fields.

In Researching Yugoslavia and its Aftermath, a common thread is the authors' path through the time and space context in which fieldwork has taken place. Accordingly, this collection tackles problems that have always existed but have not been dealt with in a single volume. In particular, it examines a range of methodological questions arising from the contributors' shared concerns, and thus the obstacles and solutions characterising the relationship between researchers and their objects of study. Being an interdisciplinary project, this book brings together highly regarded historians, sociologists, anthropologists, political scientists, cultural and social theorists, as well as experts in architecture and communication studies. They share a belief that the awareness of the researcher's own position in fieldwork is a precondition of utmost significance to comprehend the evolution of objects of study, and hence to ensure transparency and ultimate credibility of the findings. Moreover, the contributors come from diverse backgrounds, including authors from the former Yugoslavia and others who have made their way to the region after starting their research careers; some from universities in the area, others from institutions in the Global North. Here, they explore cross-cutting issues such as the repercussions of gender, nationality, institutional affiliation and the consequences of their entry into the field. This is examined in terms of the results of the research and the ethical aspect of the relationship with the object of study, as well as the implications of the chosen time framework in the methodological design and the clash between this decision and the interests of the actors studied.

The 30th edition of the Yearbook analyses developments in 1998 in: Security and conflicts; Military spending and armaments; Non-proliferation, arms control and disarmament.It also contains extensive annexes on the implementation of arms control and disarmament agreements and a chronology of security- and arms control-related events. Studies in this volume: major armed conflicts the conflicts in Kashmir, Kosovo and Tajikistan armed conflict prevention, management and resolution the Good Friday Agreement for Northern Ireland regional studies of security in the Middle East, the Caspian Sea region and Europe military reform in Russia world military expenditure Chinese military expenditure military research and development the nuclear tests conducted by India and Pakistan arms production transfers of major conventional weapons international and regional efforts to control the trade in small arms nuclear, chemical and biological arms control threats posed by developments in biotechnology and genetic engineering conventional arms control the prohibition on anti-personnel mines multilateral non-cooperative responses to the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction The Yearbook has unique collections of official documents concluded during the year in the field of arms control, disarmament and international security. The annual accounts and analyses are extensively footnoted, providing a comprehensive bibliography in each subject area.

This volume explores the Western-led liberal order that is claimed to be in crisis. Currently, the West appears less as a modernizing or civilizing entity leading the way and more as being engulfed in a deep crisis. Simultaneously, the West still appears to be needed in order to imagine the global order by promoters of liberal peace as well as its opponents. This book asks how and why "crisis" is needed for constituting "the West," liberal, and global order and how these three are conjoined and reinvented. The book encompasses narratives endorsing and rejecting the West and the liberal international order, as well as alternative visions for a post-Western world conceived within the rising and challenging powers. The study is of interest to scholars and students of international relations, critical security studies, peace and conflict research, and social sciences in general.

This book investigates the ways in which people in the Lake Chad region that divides Nigeria, Niger, Chad, and Cameroon deal with the crises of violence, jihadism, drought, and climate change that continue to afflict the area. In 2014 Boko Haram expanded into the Lake Chad region, prompting a counter-insurgency response, and exacerbating pre-existing social and ecological challenges. Drawing on extensive ethnographic research, this book investigates how people within the liminal space of this key border region respond to and navigate the unpredictability which typifies their day-to-day lives. Building up a picture of individual and community experiences of crisis, the book gradually demonstrates the complex interactions between economic circuits, political orders, socio-religious processes, and labour practices which operate in the region. This book will be of interest to researchers across African studies, security studies, political science, and border studies.

This book examines the effect of economic power on a state's strategic autonomy. Strategic autonomy is a fundamental condition for the availability of strategic options in the interaction of states. This book provides the first clear operational definition of the concept and offers an analysis of the relevance of the national economy to strategic autonomy. The main sources of economic power - size of the economy, position in trade and technological networks, savings, wealth, and finance - and their impact on strategic autonomy are analyzed in depth. The strategic governance of the national economy is also addressed as a way of ensuring that national economic power can work as strategic power for a country, providing it with strategic autonomy. The strategies pursued by China - which in under four decades has gone from an underdeveloped state to the main challenger of the dominant world power - and Germany - which, despite being defeated in World War II, having no nuclear weapons and having chosen to be a "civilian power", became the dominant power in Europe - are analyzed in depth, as two paradigmatic examples of the theory developed by the book. This book will be of much interest to students of strategic studies, economics, foreign policy and International Relations.

This book addresses one of the most important issues in international relations - how wars are ended. The volume draws on the direct experience of both soldiers and academics, who in each case have also been advisers on fighting and ending wars. Unlike more theoretical works, the book draws on first-hand experiences in the case studies, which include the wars in Iraq, Afghanistan, Sierra Leone and Indonesia, among others. The volume is constructed around a series of themes. The first theme is why wars start and how they can be understood, based on the assumption that knowing how, and why, wars start is fundamental to understanding how they might end. The second is what sustains wars and what makes them difficult to end. Again, once wars start, understanding what keeps them going is critical to how to end them. The third focuses on the role of external intervention in ending wars, including as a belligerent partner in war, as a peacemaking or peacekeeping force, and as a mediator between warring parties. The fourth addresses the issue of 'ripeness' and the right conditions for ending wars. The fifth addresses the modalities for ending wars and creating peace, with the sixth theme being focused on transitions to peace and what is required to help make those transitions successful. The book will be of interest to students of military, strategic and security studies, peace studies and International Relations.

This book revolves around the altering security roles of three pivotal powers - the US, China, and India. Each of these actors has experienced incremental changes in their external roles and behaviour over the last two decades, which are determined by the range of domestic and international factors. As each country works towards performing its revised security roles, the policymakers are subject to dilemmas and challenges that impact policy implementation and conduct. Using the framework of role theory, the book analyses the role evolution of these countries and elucidates its link with their security policies in the Indo-Pacific and on the global stage. In the process, it also examines the systemic and sub-systemic factors that determine the foreign and security behaviour of these critical Indo-Pacific countries. Accessibly written, this volume will be of great interest to scholars and researchers of international relations, security and intelligence studies, political science, and foreign policy. It will also be of great interest to policymakers, career bureaucrats, security and intelligence practitioners, and professionals working with think tanks and embassies.

This book uses the 'strategic-relational approach' to explain how the Labour governments of Tony Blair and Gordon Brown integrated the United Kingdom into the US ballistic missile defence system in order to maintain national security and to uphold the 'special relationship' while at the same time recognising that voters were in general opposed to missile defence. Labour's Ballistic Missile Defence Policy 1997-2010 examines how the Labour administration was tasked with navigating a domestic political environment in which they had to appear tough on defence in general in order to appeal to a broader range of the electorate while recognising that voters were opposed to missile defence in particular. This book seeks to answer the question of why the centre-left government of Tony Blair and Gordon Brown, elected on a mandate of multi-lateralism in international relations and espousing an 'ethical dimension' to foreign policy, committed the United Kingdom to US ballistic missile defence - an internationally divisive military project associated with the US Republican Party and George W. Bush in particular. This book is essential for students and researchers interested in British military history, international relations, strategic studies, British politics, Labour politics and political theory.