This novel analysis of contemporary Asian and Pacific Islander immigration to the United States offers the most up-to-date synthesis of findings on global migration today. It presents a series of principles regarding new double-step patterns in population movements at the end of the twentieth century. This discussion of new paths and modes of world migration in a rimless world is intended for a broad, inter-disciplinary audience of students, teachers, and professionals in ethnic studies, U.S. history, Asian and Asian-American studies, studies relating to the Pacific Rim, sociology, demographics, and international relations. This study of multi-level and multi-directional global migration opens with an analysis of world migration theory, macro and micro factors in international migration, and a review of research about recent migration patterns. Next, this study offers twenty-seven propositions about factors that have affected decisions of peoples to move elsewhere, their adjustment to new countries, their return migrations, and the impact of international migration. Asian and Pacific Islander immigration to the United States is examined along with extensive data based on U.S. immigration records. This fourth wave of immigration to the United States is then analyzed in detail. Accompanying this data and analysis is a model of double stepwise international migration--extremely useful for those studying the intricacies of global patterns of migration. Barkan concludes with other data on mobility variables, an appendix, and an index.

CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE SOCIOLOGY OF LANGUAGE brings to students, researchers and practitioners in all of the social and language-related sciences carefully selected book-length publications dealing with sociolinguistic theory, methods, findings and applications. It approaches the study of language in society in its broadest sense, as a truly international and interdisciplinary field in which various approaches, theoretical and empirical, supplement and complement each other. The series invites the attention of linguists, language teachers of all interests, sociologists, political scientists, anthropologists, historians etc. to the development of the sociology of language.

Civil rights rhetoric has been central to the debate over U.S. immigration policy since at least the 1960s. A coalition of interest groups, including churches, ethnic organizations, civil rights groups, and employer associations has played a fundamental role in advancing civil rights norms in the immigration arena. The growing importance of civil rights rhetoric in the debate over U.S. immigration policy, DeLaet asserts, helps to explain the liberalization of U.S. immigration policy in spite of growing evidence that the public opposition to immigration has grown during the same period. In turn, the liberalization of U.S. immigration policy has contributed to rising numbers of both legal and illegal immigrants. Thus, high levels of immigration reflect the basic provisions of current U.S. immigration policy, rather than a loss of governmental control. Many analysts have suggested that the immigration policy reforms passed by Congress in 1996 marked the beginning of a new era of restrictionism. However, as DeLaet illustrates, the new restrictions adopted in 1996 contain many of the same loopholes as previous legislation, indicating the coalition of interest groups supporting immigration still pose a significant obstacle to efforts to restrict immigration.

Citizenship and Political Education Today brings together a collection of essays from around the world; including discussion of politics and education in Australia, The United States of America, New Zealand, Norway, England, France, Germany and the wider European Union. The contributors discuss vital and interesting issues involved in the engagement of citizens in politics and political institutions and the role of education in encouraging education for citizenship. The book is an important contribution to ongoing debates on citizenship.

Drawing on case studies from the global South, this book explores the politics of mediated citizenship in which citizens are represented to the state through third party intermediaries. The studies show that mediation is both widely practiced and multi-directional and that it has an important role to play in deepening democracy in the global South.

Despite the existence of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child there still exists a debate on whether children can really hold rights. This book presents a clear theory of children's rights by examining controversial case studies. The author presents a pathway to translating rights into practical social and political instruments for change.

Providing a new perspective on migration and sex work in Europe, this book is based on interviews with migrant women in the sex sector. It brings together issues of migration, labour and political subjectivity in order to refocus scholarly and policy agenda away from sex slavery and organized crime, towards agency and citizenship.

Open government initiatives have become a defining goal for public administrators around the world. However, progress is still necessary outside of the executive and legislative sectors. Achieving Open Justice through Citizen Participation and Transparency is a pivotal reference source for the latest scholarly research on the implementation of open government within the judiciary field, emphasizing the effectiveness and accountability achieved through these actions. Highlighting the application of open government concepts in a global context, this book is ideally designed for public officials, researchers, professionals, and practitioners interested in the improvement of governance and democracy.

Based on case studies of 11 societies in the worlda (TM)s most dynamic region, this book signals a new direction of study at the intersection of citizenship education and the curriculum. Following their successful volume, Citizenship Education in Asia and the Pacific: Concepts and Issues (published as No. 14 in this series), the editors, widely regarded as leaders in the field in the Asia-Pacific region, have gone beyond broad citizenship education frameworks to examine the realities, tensions and pressures that influence the formation of the citizenship curriculum. Chapter authors from different societies have addressed two fundamental questions: (1) how is citizenship education featured in the current curriculum reform agenda in terms of both policy contexts and values; and (2) to what extent do the reforms in citizenship education reflect current debates within the society? From comparative analysis of these 11 case studies the editors have found a complex picture of curriculum reform that indicates deep tensions between global and local agendas. On one hand, there is substantial evidence of an increasingly common policy rhetoric in the debates about citizenship education. On the other, it is evident that this discourse does not necessarily extend to citizenship curriculum, which in most places continues to be constructed according to distinctive social, political and cultural contexts. Whether the focus is on Islamic values in Pakistan, an emerging discourse about Chinese a democracya (TM), a nostalgic conservatism in Australia, or a continuing nation-building project in Malaysia a " the cases show that distinctive social values and ideologies construct national citizenship curricula in Asian contexts even in this increasingly globalized era.

This impressive collection of case studies of a diverse group of societies informs and enriches understanding of the complex relationship between citizenship education and the curriculum both regionally and globally.

Mark Newman outlines the range of white responses to the Civil Rights Movement and analyses both northern and southern opinion. He examines the role of the federal government, the church and organized labor, as well as the impact of the Cold War. The book discusses local, regional, and national civil rights campaigns; the utility of nonviolent direct action; and the resurgence of Black Nationalism. And it explains the development, achievements and disintegration of the national civil rights coalition, the role of Martin Luther King Jr. and the contribution of many otherwise ordinary men and women to the movement.

The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People receives particular attention, with contrasts drawn between the national office and state conferences and local branches. In detailing and assessing the African-American struggle between the 1930s and 1980s, Newman widens the movement's traditional chronology, offering readers a broad-ranging history.

This two-part book examines the roots of warfare and the development of the peace movement in America from the Colonial period through the Vietnam War. From the Colonial period on, war has inevitably divided U.S. society into pro-war and antiwar factions, and few subjects have proven so polarizing or long-lasting as a nexus of public discourse. In the contest over war and peace, uninformed beliefs have been conflated with uncontested truths by both sides, fueling a lack of bipartisanship in foreign policy that has been prevalent since the nation's earliest days. A History of War Resistance in America delineates clearly the tradition of war opposition in the United States. It examines the military, preparations for war, and war's justifiable prosecution, as well as pacifism, legitimate resistance to war, and the appropriate and free exercise of civil liberties. This thought-provoking volume offers an analysis of the reasons for conflict among peoples, the prosecution of war among nations, and the development of war resistance movements. It also explores the role of the media in forming public opinion and that of the courts in protecting—or limiting—civil liberties.

Today, all industrialized states are multinational. However, as Political Sociologist Feliks Gross points out, there remains considerable debate and experimentation on how to organize a multiethnic, democratic, and humane state. Gross examines various types of multiethnic states as well as their early origins and prospects for success. In the past, minorities were usually formed as a consequence of conquest or migration; minorities tended to have an inferior status, subordinated to the ruling, dominant ethnic class.

While Athens provides an early example of a state formed by alliance and association, the Romans advanced this concept when they extended to subjected peoples the status by means of citizenship. After the fall of Rome, citizenship continued in Italian and other continental cities. In England, subjectship associated with individual freedom had native roots. The American and French Revolutions revived and created the modern definition of citizenship. Along with Rome, however, only the United States provides an example of a successful multiethnic state of continental dimensions.

Voting Rights: A Reference Handbook is a valuable resource for high school and college students curious about the history of voting rights in the United States. Voting Rights: A Reference Handbook chronicles voting rights in the United States, from the colonial period to the present. Following a historical overview is an examination of current controversies in addition to profiles of key persons and reprint important documents. The book also includes a perspectives chapter featuring ten original essays on various topics related to voting rights, as well as an annotated bibliography and chronology. The variety of resources provided, such as further reading, perspective essays about voting rights, a timeline, and useful terms in the voting rights discourse, allow this book to stand out from others in the field. It is intended for readers at the high school through community college levels, along with adult readers who are interested in the topic. Does not assume prior knowledge about the history of voting rights, fully informing students and other readers on the topic Seeks primarily to explain voting rights, rather than to provide advocacy or criticism Provides a balanced analysis of many of the current controversies surrounding voting rights Rounds out the authors' expertise in perspective essays that give readers a diversity of viewpoints on the topic

Since the attacks of September 11, 2001, the tension between civil rights and public safety has dominated public discourse. On issues ranging from racial profiling to military tribunals, Americans have had to ask whether it is possible for the United States to defend itself against terrorism without violating the values and principles that lie at the heart of its democratic order. In Rights vs. Public Safety after 9/11, some of the nation's leading legal experts and social critics confront this question head-on. The contributors offer measured, often communitarian, approaches to topics such as the changes in United States immigration policy after September 11th, the practical and moral difficulties of racial profiling, the ethical dilemmas of an emergency response to a bioterrorist attack, and the role of the government in promoting national service. This balanced compilation of essays highlights where government will need to expand its authority in the fight against terrorism, where it risks overreaching, and how this new era might strengthen American society.

This collection explores the aftermath of the Representation of the People Act (1918), which gave some (but not all) British women the vote. Leading experts explore the paths taken by former-suffragists as well as their anti-suffragist adversaries, the practices of suffrage commemoration, and the changing priorities and formations of British feminism in this crucial era. In considering how generational conflict informed the contested legacy of suffragism, these essays examine the impact of universal suffrage on the main political parties. Were the hopes and ambitions invested in women's and universal enfranchisement realized or dashed? How did those concerned evaluate the outcome as the years wore on? And why did the attainment of full adult male suffrage in 1918 became overshadowed by the seemingly more momentous achievement of women's suffrage?

Like most of the nation during the 1930s, St. Louis, Missouri, was caught in the stifling grip of the Great Depression. For the next thirty years, the "Gateway City" continued to experience significant urban decline as its population swelled and the area's industries stagnated. Over these decades, many African American citizens in the region found themselves struggling financially and fighting for access to profitable jobs and suitable working conditions. To combat ingrained racism, crippling levels of poverty, and sub-standard living conditions, black women worked together to form a community-based culture of resistance -- fighting for employment, a living wage, dignity, representation, and political leadership. Gateway to Equality investigates black working-class women's struggle for economic justice from the rise of New Deal liberalism in the 1930s to the social upheavals of the 1960s. Author Keona K. Ervin explains that the conditions in twentieth-century St. Louis were uniquely conducive to the rise of this movement since the city's economy was based on light industries that employed women, such as textiles and food processing. As part of the Great Migration, black women migrated to the city at a higher rate than their male counterparts, and labor and black freedom movements relied less on a charismatic, male leadership model. This made it possible for women to emerge as visible and influential leaders in both formal and informal capacities. In this impressive study, Ervin presents a stunning account of the ways in which black working-class women creatively fused racial and economic justice. By illustrating that their politics played an important role in defining urban political agendas, her work sheds light on an unexplored aspect of community activism and illuminates the complexities of the overlapping civil rights and labor movements during the first half of the twentieth century.

Care-giving has become a high-profile issue in policy and practice, yet much of the literature conceives it as burdensome or even oppressive. Drawing extensively on real-life examples of care-giving relationships, Caring and Social Justice reveals an uplifting alternative approach to caring that highlights its contribution to social cohesion and social justice. It offers a clear overview of the literature including debates about an 'ethic of care' and offers a thought-provoking survey ideal for undergraduate and postgraduate study.

What happens when two deeply held American values, freedom of expression and freedom from discrimination, clash? In any well-established democratic society, people have the right to free speech as well as the right to equal treatment and protection under the law. But when one person's speech harms another person on the basis of race, ethnicity, religion, gender, or sexual orientation, it may qualify as hate speech and be subject to restriction. Cortese argues that restricting hate speech does not violate the guiding principle behind the First Amendment, but he is not eager to see more lawsuits. Effective restriction, he asserts, should not focus on litigation, but on speech codes and moral education. Is there a limit to freedom of expression in a democracy, and if so, where should the line be drawn? In attempting to answer that question, Cortese makes a solid case for paying attention to context and common sense. Some hate speech is more reprehensible than others; not all discriminatory statements are equally serious. There is a discernible difference between an offensive remark and an incitement to commit murder. There is also a fundamental distinction between intentional and unintentional discrimination. In this book, Cortese rethinks some of the issues that have been silenced in ways harmful to many--especially those that have been brutalized, oppressed, manipulated, dominated, segregated, and disadvantaged. We should recognize the grave injuries inflicted by hate speech and the potential tensions between legal solutions to those injuries and the First Amendment. We must push for moral education, educational speech codes, and when necessary, a formal, legal-structural response tohate speech in order to reinforce our commitment to tolerance as a value.

American political culture runs through civics classrooms, and the degraded dialogue and scorched-earth partisanship that has defined modern American politics is an indicator that all is not well in our nation's schools. Teaching Civics in Unstable Times: Guidelines for Defining "We" in American Democracy offers a fresh, expansive view of what civic education can look like in K-12 classrooms, and presents three strategies to help teachers, curriculum writers, and administrators turn their schools into laboratories for democracy that train young people for the moral and intellectual challenges of democratic citizenship. This book defines "democracy" as a way of life that is characterized by frequent public engagement, stubborn open-mindedness, and rigorous debate. Our democratic government depends on our citizens leading a democratic life, and civic education's chief priority is to teach young people how to do so. Civic curriculum has spent decades obsessing over names and dates that fail to give students a sense of their vaunted place in our governing system. This book presents three strategies for teaching civics that invest young people in our shared, grand experiment in self-government and prepares them to lead our nation towards a politics that is more compassionate, inclusive, and inspired.

These private writings by a prominent white southern lawyer offer insight into his state's embrace of massive white resistance following the 1954 "Brown v. Board of Education" ruling. David J. Mays of Richmond, Virginia, was a highly regarded attorney, a Pulitzer Prize-winning biographer, and a member of his city's political and social elite. He was also a diarist for most of his adult life. This volume comprises diary excerpts from the years 1954 to 1959. For much of this time Mays was counsel to the commission, chaired by state senator Garland Gray, that was charged with formulating Virginia's response to federal mandates concerning the integration of public schools. Later, Mays was involved in litigation triggered by that response.

Mays chronicled the state's bitter and divisive shift away from the Gray Commission's proposal that school integration questions be settled at the local level. Instead, Virginia's arch-segregationists, led by U.S. senator Harry F. Byrd, championed a monolithic defiance of integration at the highest state and federal levels. Many leading Virginians of the time appear in Mays's diary, along with details of their roles in the battle against desegregation as it was fought in the media, courts, polls, and government back rooms.

Mays's own racial attitudes were hardly progressive; yet his temperament and legal training put a relatively moderate public face on them. As James R. Sweeney notes, Mays's differences with extremists were about means more than ends--about "not the morality of Jim Crow but the best tactics for defending it."

Can human rights be claimed against agents other than states, such as transnational corporations and global governance institutions? Does the authority of human rights depend on international law-making, or do they have a moral status that must be honored even in the absence of legal structures? What obligations do human rights impose on states acting across borders? What does it mean that the international community must work together to bring about their universal realization? Do we have human rights to abortion, same-sex marriage, and fully democratic government? What must individuals do for the human rights of others? Although these questions may be essential for the future of global politics and international relations, human rights doctrine offers no conclusive answers for them. In Human Rights as Human Independence, Julio Montero develops an original theory of human rights that helps us think about these and similar issues. Montero argues that human rights regulate the conduct of sovereign political agents both within and beyond borders, and that the aim of human rights norms is to protect everyone's fundamental moral claim to enjoy an equal sphere of agency to develop their personality. Human Rights as Human Independence offers a comprehensive, systematic, and complete account of the nature, sources, and scope of human rights that can be used to interpret international documents and make informed decisions about how human rights practice must be continued in the years to come. The book is thus of interest for a wide audience, ranging from philosophers and political theorists to lawyers, human rights scholars, and activists.

Migration nowadays is a universal phenomenon often instigating extreme changes in the entire life cycle of the immigrants. Occasionally, immigration is liable to impose a certain degree of change also on the life of the absorbing society at large or of substantial sectors of it. Professor Ben-Sira, a world figure in medical sociology, advances the understanding of the factors that promote or impede readjustment of immigrants and of members of the absorbing society who may feel affected by that immigration. The author surveyed 500 new immigrants to Israel from the former Soviet Union, as well as 900 members of the absorbing society in order to understand the process of immigration and integration. This book not only contributes to the understanding of the factors explaining readjustment in the wake of immigration, but also provides insights with respect to the relationship between life-change and stress.

The founders of the American republic saw two motivations for individual civic participation: self-interest and civic duty. "Civic Participation in America" frames our understanding of civic and political participation the way the nation's founders did: as a human behavior powerfully influenced by institutions within society. The book examines the influence of the important macro-institutions of citizenship, political economy, and the public sphere and size of government, as well as key institutions of civic socialization such as the family, media, and education, on the motivation to participate. It argues that over time these institutions have encouraged more self-interested participation over civic duty-oriented participation.