In contrast to most migration studies that focus on specific "foreigner" groups in Germany, this study simultaneously compares and contrasts the legal, political, social, and economic opportunity structures facing diverse categories of the ethnic minorities who have settled in the country since the 1950s. It reveals the contradictory, and usually self-defeating, nature of German policies intended to keep "migrants" out-allegedly in order to preserve a German Leitkultur (with which very few of its own citizens still identify). The main barriers to effective integration-and socio-economic revitalization in general-sooner lie in the country's obsolete labor market regulations and bureaucratic procedures. Drawing on local case studies, personal interviews, and national surveys, the author describes "the human faces" behind official citizenship and integration practices in Germany, and in doing so demonstrates that average citizens are much more multi-cultural than they realize. Joyce Marie Mushaben is a Professor of Comparative Politics and Gender Studies at the University of Missouri-St. Louis. An itinerant scholar since the 1970s, she has studied political mobilization, national identity, gender dynamics and generational change at unversities in Hamburg, Berlin, Stuttgart, Frankfurt, and Erfurt, thanks to generous support from the DAAD, the Fulbright Commission, the Ford Foundation, the German Marshall Fund and the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation, inter alia.

Based on case studies of 11 societies in the worlda (TM)s most dynamic region, this book signals a new direction of study at the intersection of citizenship education and the curriculum. Following their successful volume, Citizenship Education in Asia and the Pacific: Concepts and Issues (published as No. 14 in this series), the editors, widely regarded as leaders in the field in the Asia-Pacific region, have gone beyond broad citizenship education frameworks to examine the realities, tensions and pressures that influence the formation of the citizenship curriculum. Chapter authors from different societies have addressed two fundamental questions: (1) how is citizenship education featured in the current curriculum reform agenda in terms of both policy contexts and values; and (2) to what extent do the reforms in citizenship education reflect current debates within the society? From comparative analysis of these 11 case studies the editors have found a complex picture of curriculum reform that indicates deep tensions between global and local agendas. On one hand, there is substantial evidence of an increasingly common policy rhetoric in the debates about citizenship education. On the other, it is evident that this discourse does not necessarily extend to citizenship curriculum, which in most places continues to be constructed according to distinctive social, political and cultural contexts. Whether the focus is on Islamic values in Pakistan, an emerging discourse about Chinese a democracya (TM), a nostalgic conservatism in Australia, or a continuing nation-building project in Malaysia a " the cases show that distinctive social values and ideologies construct national citizenship curricula in Asian contexts even in this increasingly globalized era.

This impressive collection of case studies of a diverse group of societies informs and enriches understanding of the complex relationship between citizenship education and the curriculum both regionally and globally.

Open government initiatives have become a defining goal for public administrators around the world. However, progress is still necessary outside of the executive and legislative sectors. Achieving Open Justice through Citizen Participation and Transparency is a pivotal reference source for the latest scholarly research on the implementation of open government within the judiciary field, emphasizing the effectiveness and accountability achieved through these actions. Highlighting the application of open government concepts in a global context, this book is ideally designed for public officials, researchers, professionals, and practitioners interested in the improvement of governance and democracy.

Mark Newman outlines the range of white responses to the Civil Rights Movement and analyses both northern and southern opinion. He examines the role of the federal government, the church and organized labor, as well as the impact of the Cold War. The book discusses local, regional, and national civil rights campaigns; the utility of nonviolent direct action; and the resurgence of Black Nationalism. And it explains the development, achievements and disintegration of the national civil rights coalition, the role of Martin Luther King Jr. and the contribution of many otherwise ordinary men and women to the movement.

The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People receives particular attention, with contrasts drawn between the national office and state conferences and local branches. In detailing and assessing the African-American struggle between the 1930s and 1980s, Newman widens the movement's traditional chronology, offering readers a broad-ranging history.

This two-part book examines the roots of warfare and the development of the peace movement in America from the Colonial period through the Vietnam War. From the Colonial period on, war has inevitably divided U.S. society into pro-war and antiwar factions, and few subjects have proven so polarizing or long-lasting as a nexus of public discourse. In the contest over war and peace, uninformed beliefs have been conflated with uncontested truths by both sides, fueling a lack of bipartisanship in foreign policy that has been prevalent since the nation's earliest days. A History of War Resistance in America delineates clearly the tradition of war opposition in the United States. It examines the military, preparations for war, and war's justifiable prosecution, as well as pacifism, legitimate resistance to war, and the appropriate and free exercise of civil liberties. This thought-provoking volume offers an analysis of the reasons for conflict among peoples, the prosecution of war among nations, and the development of war resistance movements. It also explores the role of the media in forming public opinion and that of the courts in protecting—or limiting—civil liberties.

This collection of essays and reflections starts from an analysis of the purposes of foreign language teaching and argues that this should include educational objectives which are ultimately similar to those of education for citizenship. It does so by a journey through reflections on what is possible and desirable in the classroom and how language teaching has a specific role in education systems which have long had, and often still have, the purpose of encouraging young people to identify with the nation-state. Foreign language education can break through this framework to introduce a critical internationalism. In a 'globalised' and 'internationalised' world, the importance of identification with people beyond the national borders is crucial. Combined with education for citizenship, foreign language education can offer an education for 'intercultural citizenship'.

Today, all industrialized states are multinational. However, as Political Sociologist Feliks Gross points out, there remains considerable debate and experimentation on how to organize a multiethnic, democratic, and humane state. Gross examines various types of multiethnic states as well as their early origins and prospects for success. In the past, minorities were usually formed as a consequence of conquest or migration; minorities tended to have an inferior status, subordinated to the ruling, dominant ethnic class.

While Athens provides an early example of a state formed by alliance and association, the Romans advanced this concept when they extended to subjected peoples the status by means of citizenship. After the fall of Rome, citizenship continued in Italian and other continental cities. In England, subjectship associated with individual freedom had native roots. The American and French Revolutions revived and created the modern definition of citizenship. Along with Rome, however, only the United States provides an example of a successful multiethnic state of continental dimensions.

This collection explores the aftermath of the Representation of the People Act (1918), which gave some (but not all) British women the vote. Leading experts explore the paths taken by former-suffragists as well as their anti-suffragist adversaries, the practices of suffrage commemoration, and the changing priorities and formations of British feminism in this crucial era. In considering how generational conflict informed the contested legacy of suffragism, these essays examine the impact of universal suffrage on the main political parties. Were the hopes and ambitions invested in women's and universal enfranchisement realized or dashed? How did those concerned evaluate the outcome as the years wore on? And why did the attainment of full adult male suffrage in 1918 became overshadowed by the seemingly more momentous achievement of women's suffrage?

This volume brings together reflections on citizenship, political violence, race, ethnicity and gender, by some of the most critical voices of our times. Detailed and wide-ranging individual reflections, take the writings of prominent Ugandan political theorist Mahmood Mamdani as a touchstone for thinking about the world from Africa. Contributors apply this theory to argue that we cannot make sense of the political contentions of difference, identity and citizenship today without understanding the legacies of colonial rule on our world. Chapters examine the persistence of the past, and how we must reckon with its tragedies, its injustices, and its utopias in order to chart a new politics; the politics of possible futures that are more inclusive and more egalitarian, and that can think of difference in more equitable ways. In a time when the call to decolonize knowledge, and politics rings loud and clear, this is both a timely and a crucial intervention.

Since the adoption of the 1947 Constitution of Japan, the document has become a contested symbol of contrasting visions of Japan. Japanese Constitutional Revisionism and Civic Activism is a volume which examines the history of Japan's constitutional debates, key legal decisions and interpretations, the history and variety of activism, and activists' ties to party politics and to fellow activists overseas.

Care-giving has become a high-profile issue in policy and practice, yet much of the literature conceives it as burdensome or even oppressive. Drawing extensively on real-life examples of care-giving relationships, Caring and Social Justice reveals an uplifting alternative approach to caring that highlights its contribution to social cohesion and social justice. It offers a clear overview of the literature including debates about an 'ethic of care' and offers a thought-provoking survey ideal for undergraduate and postgraduate study.

These private writings by a prominent white southern lawyer offer insight into his state's embrace of massive white resistance following the 1954 "Brown v. Board of Education" ruling. David J. Mays of Richmond, Virginia, was a highly regarded attorney, a Pulitzer Prize-winning biographer, and a member of his city's political and social elite. He was also a diarist for most of his adult life. This volume comprises diary excerpts from the years 1954 to 1959. For much of this time Mays was counsel to the commission, chaired by state senator Garland Gray, that was charged with formulating Virginia's response to federal mandates concerning the integration of public schools. Later, Mays was involved in litigation triggered by that response.

Mays chronicled the state's bitter and divisive shift away from the Gray Commission's proposal that school integration questions be settled at the local level. Instead, Virginia's arch-segregationists, led by U.S. senator Harry F. Byrd, championed a monolithic defiance of integration at the highest state and federal levels. Many leading Virginians of the time appear in Mays's diary, along with details of their roles in the battle against desegregation as it was fought in the media, courts, polls, and government back rooms.

Mays's own racial attitudes were hardly progressive; yet his temperament and legal training put a relatively moderate public face on them. As James R. Sweeney notes, Mays's differences with extremists were about means more than ends--about "not the morality of Jim Crow but the best tactics for defending it."

What happens when two deeply held American values, freedom of expression and freedom from discrimination, clash? In any well-established democratic society, people have the right to free speech as well as the right to equal treatment and protection under the law. But when one person's speech harms another person on the basis of race, ethnicity, religion, gender, or sexual orientation, it may qualify as hate speech and be subject to restriction. Cortese argues that restricting hate speech does not violate the guiding principle behind the First Amendment, but he is not eager to see more lawsuits. Effective restriction, he asserts, should not focus on litigation, but on speech codes and moral education. Is there a limit to freedom of expression in a democracy, and if so, where should the line be drawn? In attempting to answer that question, Cortese makes a solid case for paying attention to context and common sense. Some hate speech is more reprehensible than others; not all discriminatory statements are equally serious. There is a discernible difference between an offensive remark and an incitement to commit murder. There is also a fundamental distinction between intentional and unintentional discrimination. In this book, Cortese rethinks some of the issues that have been silenced in ways harmful to many--especially those that have been brutalized, oppressed, manipulated, dominated, segregated, and disadvantaged. We should recognize the grave injuries inflicted by hate speech and the potential tensions between legal solutions to those injuries and the First Amendment. We must push for moral education, educational speech codes, and when necessary, a formal, legal-structural response tohate speech in order to reinforce our commitment to tolerance as a value.

The founders of the American republic saw two motivations for individual civic participation: self-interest and civic duty. "Civic Participation in America" frames our understanding of civic and political participation the way the nation's founders did: as a human behavior powerfully influenced by institutions within society. The book examines the influence of the important macro-institutions of citizenship, political economy, and the public sphere and size of government, as well as key institutions of civic socialization such as the family, media, and education, on the motivation to participate. It argues that over time these institutions have encouraged more self-interested participation over civic duty-oriented participation.

From small-town life to the national stage, from the boardroom to Capitol Hill, athletic contests help define what we mean in America by "success." And by keeping women from "playing with the boys" on the grounds that they are inherently inferior to men, society relegates them to second-class status in American life.
In this forcefully argued book, Eileen McDonagh and Laura Pappano show in vivid detail how women have been unfairly excluded from participating in sports on an equal footing with men. Using dozens of powerful examples from the world of contemporary American athletics--girls and women trying to break through in football, ice hockey, wrestling, and baseball to name just a few--the authors show that sex differences are not sufficient to warrant women's coercive exclusion from competing with men; that some sex-group differences actually confer a sports advantage to women; and that "special rules" for women in sports do not simply reflect the "differences" between the sexes, but actively create and reinforce a view that women as a group are inherently inferior to men--even when women clearly are not. For instance, women's bodies give them a physiological advantage in endurance sports like the ultra-marathon and distance swimming. So, why do so many Olympic events--from swimming to skiing to running to bike racing--have shorter races for women than men? Likewise, why are women's tennis matches limited to three sets while men's are best-of-fives? This book shows how sex-segregated sports policies, instead of reflecting sex-group differences, in fact construct them.
An original and provocative argument to level the athletic playing field, Playing with the Boys issues aclarion call for sex-sensible policies in sports as a crucial step toward achieving social, economic, and political equality for men and women in our society.

Although formally equal, relations between citizens are actually characterised by many and varied forms of inequality. Do contemporary theories of equality provide an adequate response to the inequalities that afflict contemporary societies? And what is the connection between theories of equality and the contemporary politics of citizenship? Accessible and comprehensive, Rethinking equality provides a clear, critical and very up-to-date account of the most important contemporary egalitarian theories. Unusually, it also relates these theories to contemporary political practice, assessing them in relation to the impact of neoliberalism on contemporary welfare states, and the shift from 'social' to 'active' forms of citizenship. As well as representing a significant intervention within academic debates on equality and citizenship, this book represents essential reading for students of contemporary political theory. This book is relevant to United Nations Sustainable Development Goal 10, Reduced inequalities -- .

A concise, authoritative guide to civil liberties issues in American society, from freedom of speech and religious liberty to due process, equal protection, and privacy. Is racial profiling permissible for a good cause? Why shouldn't schools display the Ten Commandments on their walls? Should the terminally ill in Oregon be allowed to end their lives without federal interference? Is hate speech protected under the law? America's civil liberties have a storied past and uncertain future. Written for a general audience, this work clearly defines civil liberties and explains their legal basis in the Bill of Rights, state constitutions, legal statutes, and administrative regulations. full range of civil liberties issues: the First Amendment, due process, equal protection, and privacy. In addition to extensive material on past controversies, such as the Scopes trial and the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II, the book discusses important contemporary issues, such as censorship on the internet and drug testing. The coverage also examines conflicting civil liberties issues such as hate speech, which pits one person's freedom of expression against another's right to equal protection. The book contains extensive bibliographic references to books and articles and a long list of web site links to organizations active on all sides of today's civil liberties controversies.

Throughout history, as well as in contemporary times, religion has had a significant impact on society and culture. Many times religious undertones are incorporated into political agendas or social movements in an effort to spur action from and engage the masses Comparative Perspectives on Civil Religion, Nationalism, and Political Influence investigates how belief systems, political behavior, and public action impact the general populace. Featuring theoretical concepts and empirical research across pertinent topic areas, this book is a pivotal reference source for students, scholars, and public figures interested in social behavior, religious studies, and politics.

The Origin of Liberalism. Influenced by the Utilitarian philosopher Jeremy Bentham, Mill adopted a modified laissez-faire position, believing in the efficiency of free enterprise, but aware of the frequent failure of the market to maximize utility. Later refining this stance, he argued that the promotion of happiness is a moral duty (though he made a clear distinction between desirable and undesirable forms of pleasure). These ideas had a decisive influence on Mill's classic 1859 essay, perhaps the most celebrated defense of individual freedom and self-protection based on utilitarian values rather than natural right to appear in English. JOHN STUART MILL 1806-1873] was an English philosopher whose works made significant contributions to individualistic liberal political thought. He worked for the East India Company and was a Member of Parliament for one term. Mill's influence continues today in this and his other widely-read texts Utilitarianism (1863), The Subjection of Women (1869) and his Autobiography (1873).

Women and men migrate across international boundaries at roughly the same rate. Yet most scholarship assumes that international migration results primarily from the labor migration of male workers. When international female migration is acknowledged, the focus is almost exclusively on women in the low-wage labor sector of the global economy.

Gender and Immigration challenges this outlook by examining the diverse and complex ways in which women in a variety of occupational and social categories experience international relocation.

Written by experts and policymakers in the field, the timely essays collected here explore whether international migration provides women with opportunities for liberation from the subordinate gender roles of their countries of origin. Or, do migrant women face both traditional and new forms of subordination and discrimination in their host societies?

Exploring the experiences of a broad range of women, from "unskilled" workers on the U.S.-Mexican border and Filipino mail-order brides to Indian-American motel owners, Asian businesswomen, and Russian immigrants to Israel, Gender and Immigration offers a much-needed corrective to the long-standing invisibility of women in international migration research.

Freedom of expression in the age of the internet--communication without borders--is a frequent subject of debate both on a political and legal level. However, the theoretical underpinnings have generally been confined to legal and philosophical analysis. These existing theories are not entirely satisfying because they cannot explain freedom of speech beyond the individual. This book presents arguments that freedom of expression in the twenty-first century can be approached as a social phenomenon through the application of sociological theory. Existing approaches are either confined to political communication or focus on individual wellbeing. In this book, sociological arguments for freedom of expression are derived from both Emile Durkheim's classical social theory and the contemporary theories of Jurgen Habermas. Application of these theories demonstrates that freedom of speech is essential from a societal point of view. This book is the first attempt to bring sociological theory into the free speech debate. Almost always viewed as an individual right, this study, using classical sociological theory, argues that freedom of expression is essential as a group right and that without an expansive freedom of expression, modern society simply cannot efficiently operate. Viewed through the lens of sociological theory, freedom of expression is seen to be not only desirable as an individual privilege but also essential as a societal right. To validate the use of classical sociological theory, the author demonstrates that empirical evidence concerning the demise of criminal libel is predicted by Durkheim's theory and that recent archeological evidence supports the continuing vitality of classical sociology. To bring sociological theory into the twenty-first century, the contributions of contemporary German sociologist Jurgen Habermas are also employed. This modern theory also validates the classical theory. Once viewed through the lens of social theory, freedom of expression as justified by traditional legal and philosophical is explored and then the two approaches are compared. While sociology and philosophy are not at odds, they are not perfectly congruent because one focuses on societal needs while the other is based on the individual. When combined, a more comprehensive perspective can be constructed and, perhaps, a more accurate need for freedom of expression is established. This is an important and ground-breaking book for political, media, and legal studies.

Although studies have been made of individual aspects of the problem, this volume is the first to provide a comprehensive overview of both the theoretical issues and the scope and variety of present-day migratory movements in Europe, together with their historical antecedents. In his introduction, Hans Buechler reviews significant previous research and outlines the theoretical framework of the present volume. The primary focus of the chapters that follow is the experience of migrants and of household members who remain at home, analyzed within the total context of migration in both host and sender countries. The effects of migration on family economy and kin relationships are examined in detail. Among the issues explored are economic decision-making processes in migrant households, the implications of migration for family landholding, ties between migrants and family left behind, and kin, friendship, and neighborhood networks. Other topics considered are the working and social environment experienced by migrants; labor policies and restrictions relating to employment, work permits, and workers' families; and the problems connected with returning home. The final section, a bibliographic essay by Judith-Maria Buechler, helps to put the various individual contributions in a wider perspective.

"Re-energizing Citizenship" examines the dual character of civil society. The malaise in civil society is seen as a key to understanding anti-social behaviour, the weaknesses of regeneration schemes and the divisions and antagonisms of our societies. Yet the resources and skills hidden away in civil society, if they could be unlocked, are seen as the key to effective intervention. The book provides a critical examination of attempts to re-energize citizenship in a range of contexts and offers insights into what works.