This book examines the links between Britain's withdrawal from its east of Suez role and the establishment of South-East Asian regional security arrangements. The link between these two events is not direct, but a relationship existed, which is important to a wider understanding of the development of regional security arrangements.

Part of a series that offers mainly linguistic and anthropological research and teaching/learning material on a region of great cultural and strategic interest and importance in the post-Soviet era.

The Ojibwe of Anishinaabe are a native American people who were taught by 19th-century missionaries to sing evangelical hymns translated into the native language both as a means of worship and as a

tool for eradicating the "indianness" of the native people. Rather than Americanizing the people, however, these songs have become emblematic of Anishinaabe identity. In this book, Michael McNally

uses the Ojiwbe's hymn-singing as a lens to examine how this native American people has creatively drawn on the resources of ritual to negotiate identity and survival within the structures of

colonialism. Drawing on both archival research and fieldwork, he traces the historical development of ritualized singing and how this distinctive practice has come into play at various moments in

Ojiwbe history. This important study re-examines the contested nature of "tradition," arguing that despite its origins hymn-singing has now become "traditional" through the agency of today's elders,

who have asserted their role as cultural critics on the reservation through their singing.

Drawing on the writings of diverse authors, including Jean Baker Miller, Bell Hooks, Mary Daly, Frantz Fanon, Paulo Freire and Ignacio Martin-Baro, as well as on women's experiences, this book aims to develop a 'liberation psychology'; which would aid in transforming the damaging psychological patterns associated with oppression and taking action to bring about social change. The book makes systematic links between social conditions and psychological patterns, and identifies processes such as building strengths, cultivating creativity, and developing solidarity.

In 1962, almost one million people were evacuated from Algeria. France called these citizens Repatriates to hide their French Algerian origins and to integrate them into society. This book is about Repatriation and how it became central to France's postcolonial understanding of decolonization, the Algerian past, and French identity.

As G. Spivak's Death of a Discipline documented the transformation of world literature, the new Postcolonialism and Religions series ushers in the rebirth of postcolonial studies Decolonizing the Body of Christ: Theology and Theory After Empire?, the first in the series, offers a preview of the editors' priority for multireligious, indigenous, and transnational scholarly voices. The goal is to expand the postcolonial debate by inclusion of contextual voices and disciplines once excluded by canonical leaders of postcolonial studies. Religion and postcolonial theory once each other's arch enemy and cause of suspicion now become critical companions in shared analysis of major postcolonial themes.

This book explores the impact of the Napoleonic wars on Danish-Norwegian society and accounts for war experiences and the transformation of identities among the popular classes and educated elites alike. The united kingdoms of Denmark-Norway may appear to have been Napoleon's most loyal ally, but, as this study shows, this was only because they had nowhere else to go. Finding itself at war with Britain after the British attack on Copenhagen in 1807 and twice at war with Sweden, the Danish-Norwegian government clung to Napoleon in defense of the territorial integrity of the multi-national Danish state. Conversely, this only served to compromise its unity as war, blockade, economic disruption and famine bred resentment in Denmark proper, Norway and the predominantly German duchies of Schleswig and Holstein.

Compelling memoir of Flora Veit-Wild and her relationship with the Zimbabwean novelist, poet, playwright, and essayist Dambudzo Marechera, one of Africa's most innovative and subversive writers and a significant voice in contemporary world literature. How shall I tell our story? I hear your voice ringing in mine. I struggle to disentangle a dense tapestry of memories. One thread will be caught up in another. Early images will embrace later ones. My gaze will often be filtered through your eyes, your poems. In the end I will not always be able to tell the original from the reflection. Just as you wrote, Time's fingers on the piano / play emotion into motion / the dancers in the looking glass never recognise us as their originals. This book is a memoir with a 'double heartbeat'. At its centre is the author's relationship with the late Zimbabwean writer, Dambudzo Marechera, whose award-winning book The House of Hunger marked him as a powerful, disruptive, perhaps prophetic voice in African literature. Flora Veit-Wild is internationally recognised for her significant contribution to preserving Marechera's legacy. What is less known about Marechera and Veit-Wild is that they had an intense, personal and sexual relationship. This memoir explores this: the couple's first encounter in 1983, amidst the euphoria of the newly independent Zimbabwe; the tumultuous months when the homeless writer moved in with his lover and her family; the bouts of creativity once he had his own flat followed by feelings of abandonment; the increasing despair about a love affair that could not stand up against reality; and the illness of the writer and his death of HIV related pneumonia in August 1987. What follows are the struggles Flora went through once Dambudzo had died. On the one hand she became the custodian of his life and work, on the other she had to live with her own HIV infection and the ensuing threats to her health. Jacana: Southern Africa

The Netherlands is home to one million citizens with roots in the former colonies - Indonesia, Suriname and the Antilles. Entitlement to Dutch citizenship, pre-migration acculturation in the Dutch language and culture as well as a strong rhetorical argument ("We are here because you were there!") were important assets of the first generation, facilitating its integration into the Dutch society. The current Dutch population counts two million non-Western migrants, and the past decade witnessed heated debates about multiculturalism, the most important ones centered on acknowledgement and inclusion of colonialism and its legacies in the national memorial culture. Postcolonial Netherlands, which elicited much praise but also controversy following the publication of its Dutch edition, is the first scholarly monograph to address these themes in an internationally comparative framework.

Should Wales leave the UK? It's a conversation that has - unfairly - been all but disregarded by many, including some of the Welsh themselves, with all the focus on their Celtic cousins in Scotland. But independence movements are gaining momentum across Europe, and Wales will be a key voice in these debates. Support for Welsh autonomy is at an all-time high, with the latest polls suggesting as many as one in three are in favour. This is not just unprecedented; it is all but revolutionary. Scotland's 2014 referendum taught us that once the independence genie is out of the bottle, it does not go back in. Meanwhile, the Brexit campaign demonstrated that these arguments come with inflated claims, misinformation and scaremongering that can easily poison a complex debate. In Independent Nation, Will Hayward brings nuance back to the arena for this crucial national conversation. Brimming with interviews from experts and painting a detailed, colourful picture of the realities of life in Wales - from extreme poverty and disconnected infrastructure to expensive urban regeneration and cafes of Gavin and Stacey fame - this is an open-eyed look at the truths and falsehoods around the country's future. Impartial, informed and thoroughly entertaining, Independent Nation raises the standard of debate around an issue that will affect us all.

During the Zimbabwean struggle for independence, the settler regime imprisoned numerous activists and others it suspected of being aligned with the guerrillas. This book is the first to look closely at the histories and lived experiences of these political detainees and prisoners, showing how they challenged and negotiated their incarceration.

What can textiles, teapots, quince jam-and a moose carcass that Thomas Jefferson had shipped to France-reveal about the formation of early US national identity? In this wide-ranging and original study, Kariann Yokota combines a rigorous examination of material objects with insights from postcolonial theory to propose a bold new interpretation of American history. Although independence from Britain entailed certain freedoms, it also fueled, among the Founding Fathers and other post-colonial creole elites, anxieties about cultural inferiority and race. Caught between their desire to emulate "civilizedEurope and an awareness that they lived at the periphery of the civilized world, they went to great lengths to convince themselves and others of their refinement. And yet they had to rely on Britain and China to supply their patriotic tableware, European cartographers who had never set foot in the Americas for their maps, and industrial spies to help establish American manufactures. In the eyes of contemporary diarists, travelers, scientists, and collectors, both American and European, the post-revolutionary elite exhibited a certain backwardness and gullibility: why else would they purchase out-of-fashion silk or pay for shipments of broken housewares? But what really distinguished the new nation, according to these observers, were its unlimited natural resources, the widespread presence of slavery, and non-white societies alternately viewed as "savageand "noble. Yokota examines a wealth of evidence from the fields of geography, decorative arts, intellectual history and technology to suggest that the process of Unbecoming British was not an easy one. Far from having its footing or its future secure, the new nation struggled to define itself economically, politically and culturally in the years between the first and the second American revolution, the War of 1812. Out of this confusion of hope and exploitation, insecurity and vision, emerged a uniquely American national identity.

More than a century before Rosa Parks refused to give up her seat on a Montgomery bus, Shadrach Howard, David Ruggles, Frederick Douglass, and others had rejected demands that they relinquish their seats on various New England railroads. They were protesting segregation on Jim Crow cars, a term that originated in New England in 1839. Theirs was part of a larger movement for equal rights in antebellum New England. Using sit-ins, boycotts, petition drives, and other initiatives, African-American New Englanders and their white allies attempted to desegregate schools, transportation, neighborhoods, churches, and cultural venues. Above all they sought to be respected and treated as equals in a reputedly democratic society. Jim Crow North is the tale of that struggle and the racism that prompted it. Despite widespread racism, black New Englanders were remarkably successful. By the advent of the Civil War African American men could vote and hold office in every New England state but Connecticut. Schools, except in the largest cities of Connecticut and Rhode Island, were integrated. Railroads, stagecoaches, hotels, and cultural venues (with occasional aberrations) were free from discrimination. People of African descent and of European descent could marry one another and live peaceably, even in Maine and Rhode Island where such marriages were legally prohibited. There was an emerging, if still small, black middle class who benefitted most. But there were limits to progress. A majority of African-Americans in New England were mired in poverty preventing full equality both then and now.

This pioneering study argues that the bitter civil war that thrust Zimbabwe into international headlines from 1966 to 1979 had its roots in the reports issued by the colonial commissions of inquiry into education. As the author explains in his introduction, these commissions and the reports they issued, which reinforced separate educational systems for African and white students, reached far beyond educational policy in their effects. Basing his work on original documents and materials which have not appeared in print before--most of which were only recently declassified by the government of Zimbabwe--the author shows the profound influence these reports had on government policy, on government control of opportunity in general, and on the relationships between and among institutions within the country.

Following an introductory overview, Mungazi turns to a discussion of the specific issues which the commissions were appointed to investigate. Separate chapters are then devoted to the circumstances surrounding the naming of commissions, their findings and recommendations, and the implications of implementing their recommendations on the character of colonial society itself. This chronological treatment enables the author to focus particularly on how the recommendations of the commissions constituted a sequence of developments that led inevitably to conflict. The final chapter draws some conclusions regarding the social environment that produced a major national conflict and discusses what might be learned from the tragic events that took place in Zimbabwe from 1966 to 1979.

What if my own multilingualism is simply that of one who is fluent in way too many colonial languages? If we are going to do this, if we are going to decolonise multilingualism, let's do it as an attempt at a way of doing it. If we are going to do this, let's cite with an eye to decolonising. If we are going to do this then let's improvise and devise. This is how we might learn the arts of decolonising. If we are going to do this then we need different companions. If we are going to do this we will need artists and poetic activists. If we are going to do this, let's do it in a way which is as local as it is global; which affirms the granulations of the way peoples name their worlds. Finally, if we are going to do this, let's do it multilingually.

Settler-native conflicts in Northern Ireland, Israel/Palestine, and South Africa serve as excellent comparative cases as three areas linked to Britain where insurgencies occurred during roughly the same period. Important factors considered are settler parties, settler mythology, the role of native fighters, settler terror, the role of liberal parties, and the conduct of the war by security forces. Settlers and natives in each area share similar attitudes, liberal parties operate in similar fashions, and there are common explanations for the formation of splinter liberation groups. However, according to Mitchell, the key difference between the cases lies in the behavior of British security forces in comparison to South African and Israeli forces. Mitchell's chapter on liberal parties includes an independent account of the Progressive Federal Party of South Africa, the official parliamentary opposition from 1977 to 1987, along with the first major published account of the Alliance Party in Northern Ireland. His study of splinter group formation contains the first major account since 1964 of the Pan-Africanist Party of Azania, including its insurgency campaign in the 1980s and 1990s. Mitchell also contrasts behavior among the Inkatha Party and Labour Party in South Africa with the Social Democrat and Labour Party in Northern Ireland.

When early explorers and settlers arrived in New Zealand, they found the islands already populated by the Polynesian Maori people. This account details the interaction between the Maori leaders and the British Crown from first contact to New Zealand's eventual autonomy. As settlers outnumbered Maori, the struggle for land resulted in war and confiscations, and Maori loss of land and traditional lifestyle was accompanied by widespread ill health. It would be well into the twentieth century before the Crown would have to address promises made to the Maori in the 1840 Treaty of Waitangi, and the resulting efforts of the Waitangi Tribunal would forever change Maori relations with the Pakeha (New Zealanders of European descent). During recent decades, both groups have come to understand the complexity of the situation in New Zealand. The Pakeha have learned Maori sentiments regarding forests, flora, and language; and the Maori have come to realize that today's Pakeha should not be penalized by attempts at redress. The Maori have gradually acquired a larger role in dealing with their own affairs and addressing social inequalities, and recent electoral changes have resulted in a stronger Maori voice in Parliament. While serious tension remains and some Pakeha argue for "one law for all," steps have been taken toward more harmonious relations.

The shift to the modern world in East Asia was accomplished in part via the experience of colonial rule in the late nineteenth century. Following imperial crisis in the 1930s and 1940s, independent nation states formed from which the political structure of East Asia is based today.

This pioneering biography breaks new ground about Colonial America and about James Glen, correcting major misconceptions. Glen was appointed royal governor of Colonial South Carolina in 1738 and came to the colony in 1743 to serve until 1756, the longest tenure of any governor during its Colonial period. Two major themes are stressed: first, Glen had to protect the royal prerogative and follow the dictates of his commission in the face of persistent challenge from the assembly; and second, his role in Indian affairs was critical and dominated much of his time and energy, because Glen had a keen interest in and an aptitude for Indian negotiations.

The violent colonization of Africa by European nations toward the end of the 19th century--a colonization justified by theories about the African Mind promulgated in the Age of Reason--had a profound impact upon the mind of Black Africa. After World War II, the mind of Black Africa rebelled; this rebellion led to a struggle for the self. After Africans achieved political independence, the new African leaders betrayed their own people. Africans now have the responsibility of restoring and reaffirming their true inheritance--the mind of Black Africa.

In the wake of the Indian Mutiny, the 1860s and 1870s marked an important period of change and imperial consolidation for the British. Here the author examines the imperial policies of Robert Cecil, the third marquis of Salisbury, who served as secretary of state for India for two administrations during this key era, which marked a significant turning point for relations with the local princes. Clearly defining the office of secretary of state, Salisbury was responsible for policies designed to ensure the smooth running of an empire whose administration was made more difficult by the British Parliament, which possessed the right to oversee Indian affairs. Hoping to prevent a frontier war, Salisbury stressed the importance of promoting progressive change in such a way as to avoid arousing Indian opposition. This conservative approach to Indian government was able to countenance radical ideas, but it did give rise to the hostility of Western-educated Indians who sought more say in the governing of India. At this time, their opposition lacked weight, but Salisbury warned of future dangers should the British fail to promote the welfare of the Indian peasant and to solve India's financial difficulties. Salisbury would carry with him ideas developed at this time to his future posts as foreign secretary and prime minister. Brumpton's study complements existing research into imperial ideology and the official mind of India under the British.

The first study to bring together such a breadth of data, this book compares responses to colonization in the Iron-Age Mediterranean. From North Syria to Sicily and North Africa, Tamar Hodos explores the responses to these colonies in areas where Greeks and Phoenicians were in competition with one another via the same local communities. Highlighting the diversity of interest displayed by local populations in these foreign cultural offering, Hodos charts their selective adaptation, modification and reinterpretation of Greek and Phoenician goods and ideas as their own cultures evolve. For students of archaeology and history, this will provide an essential resource for their degree course studies.

Post-colonial South Asia and Africa invite comparison: along with their political boundaries, they inherited from colonial regimes administrative languages, a cluster of sovereign state institutions and modern economic nuclei. When they became independent, South Asian and African states were - for all their diversity - thrust into a common position in the international system, and embarked on a common history as 'emergent', 'non-aligned', 'developing nations'. This is the first book to offer a single-volume comparative history of postcolonial South Asia and sub-Saharan Africa in the first generation since independence. South Asia and Africa After Independence draws together the political and economic history of these two regions, assessing the colonial impact, establishing breaks and continuities, and highlighting their diversity and interplay. Waites sets out a framework for analysing the first generation of post-colonial history, offering an interpretation of 'post-colonialism' as a historical phenomenon, and provocatively challenging us to re-think this term in relation to South Asian and African history. This book is an important reference for the study of global, world, African and South Asian history.

Stoddard uses the Anglophone Caribbean and Ireland to examine the complex inflections of women and race as articulated in-between the colonial discursive and material formations of the eighteenth century and those of the (post)colonial twentieth century, as structured by the defined spaces of the colonizers' estates.