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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Political structure & processes > Colonization & independence
The Sykes-Picot Agreement was one of the defining moments in the
history of the modern Middle East. Yet its co-creator, Sir Mark
Sykes, had far more involvement in British Middle East strategy
during World War I than the Agreement for which he is now most
remembered. Between 1915 and 1916, Sykes was Lord Kitchener's agent
at home and abroad, operating out of the War Office until the war
secretary's death at sea in 1916. Following that, from 1916 to 1919
he worked at the Imperial War Cabinet, the War Cabinet Secretariat
and, finally, as an advisor to the Foreign Office. The full extent
of Sykes's work and influence has previously not been told.
Moreover, the general impression given of him is at variance with
the facts. Sykes led the negotiations with the Zionist leadership
in the formulation of the Balfour Declaration, which he helped to
write, and promoted their cause to achieve what he sought for a
pro-British post-war Middle East peace settlement, although he was
not himself a Zionist. Likewise, despite claims he championed the
Arab cause, there is little proof of this other than general
rhetoric mainly for public consumption. On the contrary, there is
much evidence he routinely exhibited a complete lack of empathy
with the Arabs. In this book, Michael Berdine examines the life of
this impulsive and headstrong young British aristocrat who helped
formulate many of Britain's policies in the Middle East that are
responsible for much of the instability that has affected the
region ever since.
Reproducing Domination: On the Caribbean Postcolonial State
collects thirteen key essays on the Caribbean by Percy C. Hintzen,
the foremost political sociologist in Anglophone Caribbean studies.
For the past thirty years, Hintzen has been one of the most
articulate and discerning critics of the postcolonial state in
Caribbean scholarship, making seminal contributions to the study of
Caribbean politics, sociology, political economy, and diaspora
studies. His work on the postcolonial elites in the region, first
given full articulation in his book The Costs of Regime Survival:
Racial Mobilization, Elite Domination, and Control of the State in
Guyana and Trinidad, is unparalleled. Reproducing Domination
contains some of Hintzen's most important Caribbean essays over a
twenty-five-year period, from 1995 to the present. These works have
broadened and deepened his earlier work in The Costs of Regime
Survival to encompass the entire Anglophone Caribbean; interrogated
the formation and consolidation of the postcolonial Anglophone
Caribbean state; and theorized the role of race and ethnicity in
Anglophone Caribbean politics. Given the recent global resurgence
of interest in elite ownership patterns and their relationship to
power and governance, Hintzen's work assumes even more resonance
beyond the shores of the Caribbean. This groundbreaking volume
serves as an important guide for those concerned with tracing the
consolidation of power in the new elite that emerged following flag
independence in the 1960s.
Guyana, a former British colony, obtained independence in 1966,
following the collapse of a multi-racial nationalist movement and
instability fomented by the US and UK governments. Standard
political economy and historical analyses of post-independence
Guyana tend to focus on the period of authoritarian rule under the
People's National Congress party, and the introduction of an
IMF-supervised economic recovery programme. The analyses rarely go
beyond the return to formal electoral democracy in 1992. Unmasking
the State fills a critical gap in our understanding of the last
three decades of Guyanese political, economic, social and cultural
life under the People's Progressive Party in the context of
evolving regional and global geopolitical realities. It offers a
detailed and nuanced examination of the post-1992 period, within a
larger context where historical divisions, persistent attempts to
tinker with and reinterpret the defective 1980 constitution, and
systemic and institutional failures have produced waves of
authoritarianism and corruption. It includes a stimulating range
and diversity of perspectives from academics and activists,
multidisciplinary in their engagement of history, politics,
anthropology, economics, feminist, queer, Indigenous and
environmental studies.
This innovative study explores the interface between
nation-building and refugee rehabilitation in post-partition India.
Relying on archival records and oral histories, Uditi Sen analyses
official policy towards Hindu refugees from eastern Pakistan to
reveal a pan-Indian governmentality of rehabilitation. This
governmentality emerged in the Andaman Islands, where Bengali
refugees were recast as pioneering settlers. Not all refugees,
however, were willing or able to live up to this top-down vision of
productive citizenship. Their reminiscences reveal divergent
negotiations of rehabilitation 'from below'. Educated refugees from
dominant castes mobilised their social and cultural capital to
build urban 'squatters' colonies', while poor Dalit refugees had to
perform the role of agricultural pioneers to access aid. Policies
of rehabilitation marginalised single and widowed women by treating
them as 'permanent liabilities'. These rich case studies
dramatically expand our understanding of popular politics and
everyday citizenship in post-partition India.
The Mohammadan Anglo-Oriental College (MAO), that became the
Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) in 1920 drew the Muslim elite into
its orbit and was a key site of a distinctively Muslim nationalism.
Located in New Dehli, the historic centre of Muslim rule, it was
home to many leading intellectuals and reformers in the years
leading up to Indian independence. During partition it was a hub of
pro-Pakistan activism. The graduates who came of age during the
anti-colonial struggle in India settled throughout the subcontinent
after the Partition. They carried with them the particular
experiences, values and histories that had defined their lives as
Aligarh students in a self-consciously Muslim environment,
surrounded by a non-Muslim majority. This new archive of oral
history narratives from seventy former AMU students reveals
histories of partition as yet unheard. In contrast to existing
studies, these stories lead across the boundaries of India,
Pakistan and Bangladesh. Partition in AMU is not defined by
international borders and migrations but by alienation from the
safety of familiar places. The book reframes Partition to draw
attention to the ways individuals experienced ongoing changes
associated with "partitioning"-the process through which familiar
spaces and places became strange and sometimes threatening-and they
highlight specific, never-before-studied sites of disturbance
distant from the borders.
Key book on the debates surrounding the knowledge economy and
decolonialization of African Studies, that brings the subject up to
date for the 21st century. Decolonization of knowledge has become a
major issue in African Studies in recent years, brought to the fore
by social movements such as #RhodesMustFall and #BlackLivesMatter.
This timely book explores the politics and disputed character of
knowledge production in colonial and postcolonial Uganda, where
efforts to generate forms of knowledge and solidarity that
transcend colonial epistemologies draw on long histories of
resistance and refusal. Bringing together scholars from Africa,
Europe and North America, the contributors in this volume analyse
how knowledge has been created, mobilized, and contested across a
wide range of Ugandan contexts. In so doing, they reveal how
Ugandans have built, disputed, and reimagined institutions of
authority and knowledge production in ways that disrupt the
colonial frames that continue to shape scholarly analyses and state
structures. From the politics of language and gender in Bakiga
naming practices to ways of knowing among the Acholi, the hampering
of critical scholarship by militarism and authoritarianism, and
debates over the names of streets, lakes, mountains, and other
public spaces, this book shows how scholars and a wide range of
Ugandan activists are reimagining the politics of knowledge in
Ugandan public life.
This book interprets Puerto Rico's first and most significant
attempt to end its colonial dependence on Spain. Looking at the
imperial policies and conditions within Puerto Rico that led to the
1868 rebellion known as El Grito de Lares, the author compares the
colonization of Puerto Rico with that of Spanish America and
explores why the island's independence movement began decades after
Spain's other colonies of the region had revolted. Through the
extensive use of previously unresearched archival materials of the
rebel movement, she corrects many errors found in earlier accounts
of the revolt, and offers new interpretations of the movement's
impact on Spanish-Puerto Rican relations.
The field of environmental history emerged just decades ago but has
established itself as one of the most innovative and important new
approaches to history, one that bridges the human and natural
world, the humanities and the sciences. With the current trend
towards internationalizing history, environmental history is
perhaps the quintessential approach to studying subjects outside
the nation-state model, with pollution, global warming, and other
issues affecting the earth not stopping at national borders. With
25 essays, this Handbook is global in scope and innovative in
organization, looking at the field thematically through such
categories as climate, disease, oceans, the body, energy,
consumerism, and international relations.
Citizenship and Democratization in Southeast Asia redirects the
largely western-oriented study of citizenship to postcolonial
states. Providing various fascinating first-hand accounts of how
citizens interpret and realize the recognition of their property,
identity, security and welfare in the context of a weak rule of law
and clientelistic politics, this study highlights the importance of
studying citizenship for understanding democratization processes in
Southeast Asia. With case studies from Thailand, Indonesia, the
Philippines and Cambodia, this book provides a unique bottom-up
perspective on the character of public life in Southeast Asia.
Contributors are: Mary Austin, Laurens Bakker, Ward Berenschot,
Sheri Lynn Gibbings, Takeshi Ito, David Kloos, Merlyna Lim, Astrid
Noren-Nilsson, Oona Pardedes, Emma Porio, Apichat Satitniramai,
Wolfram Schaffer and Henk Schulte Nordholt.
Key book in Whiteness Studies that engages with the different ways
in which the last white minority in Africa to give way to majority
rule has adjusted to the arrival of democracy and the different
modes of transition from "settlers" to "citizens". How have whites
adjusted to, contributed to and detracted from democracy in South
Africa since 1994? Engaging with the literature on 'whiteness' and
the current trope that the democratic settlement has failed, this
book provides a study of how whites in the last bastion of 'white
minority rule' in Africa have adapted to the sweeping political
changes they have encountered. It examines the historical context
of white supremacy and minority rule, in the past, and the white
withdrawal from elsewhere on the African continent. Drawing on
focus groups held across the country, Southall explores the
difficult issue of 'memory', how whites seek to grapple with the
history of apartheid, and how this shapes their reactions to
political equality. He argues that whites cannot be regarded as a
homogeneous political grouping concluding that while the
overwhelming majority of white South Africans feared the coming of
democracy during the years of late apartheid, they recognised its
inevitability. Many of their fears were, in effect, to be
recognised by the Constitution, which embedded individual rights,
including those to property and private schooling, alongside the
important principle of proportionality of political representation.
While a small minority of whites chose to emigrate, the large
majority had little choice but to adjust to the democratic
settlement which, on the whole, they have done - and in different
ways. It was only a small right wing which sought to actively
resist; others have sought to withdraw from democracy into social
enclaves; but others have embraced democracy actively, either
enthusiastically welcoming its freedoms or engaging with its
realities in defence of 'minority rights'. Whites may have been
reluctant to accept democracy, but democrats - of a sort - they
have become, and notwithstanding a significant racialisation of
politics in post-apartheid South Africa, they remain an important
segment of the "rainbow", although dangers lurk in the future
unless present inequalities of both race and class are challenged
head on. African Sun Media: South Africa
A Companion to Border Studies introduces an exciting and expanding
field of interdisciplinary research, through the writing of an
international array of scholars, from diverse perspectives that
include anthropology, development studies, geography, history,
political science and sociology. * Explores how nations and
cultural identities are being transformed by their dynamic,
shifting borders where mobility is sometimes facilitated, other
times impeded or prevented * Offers an array of international views
which together form an authoritative guide for students,
instructors and researchers * Reflects recent significant growth in
the importance of understanding the distinctive characteristics of
borders and frontiers, including cross-border cooperation, security
and controls, migration and population displacements, hybridity,
and transnationalism
That Indonesia's ongoing occupation of West Papua continues to be
largely ignored by world governments is one of the great moral and
political failures of our time. West Papuans have struggled for
more than fifty years to find a way through the long night of
Indonesian colonization. However, united in their pursuit of
merdeka (freedom) in its many forms, what holds West Papuans
together is greater than what divides them. Today, the Morning Star
glimmers on the horizon, the supreme symbol of merdeka and a
cherished sign of hope for the imminent arrival of peace and
justice to West Papua. Morning Star Rising: The Politics of
Decolonization in West Papua is an ethnographically framed account
of the long, bitter fight for freedom that challenges the dominant
international narrative that West Papuans' quest for political
independence is fractured and futile. Camellia Webb-Gannon's
extensive interviews with the decolonization movement's original
architects and its more recent champions shed light on complex
diasporic and intergenerational politics as well as social and
cultural resurgence. In foregrounding West Papuans' perspectives,
the author shows that it is the body politic's unflagging
determination and hope, rather than military might or influential
allies, that form the movement's most unifying and powerful force
for independence. This book examines the many intertwining strands
of decolonization in Melanesia. Differences in cultural performance
and political diversity throughout the region are generating new,
fruitful trajectories. Simultaneously, Black and Indigenous
solidarity and a shared Melanesian identity have forged a
transnational grassroots power-base from which the movement is
gaining momentum. Relevant beyond its West Papua focus, this book
is essential reading for those interested in Pacific studies,
Native and Indigenous studies, development studies, activism, and
decolonization.
In-depth account of the Marikana massacre, based on the voices of
the miners and their families themselves, from the build up to the
strike to attempts to hold the state to account and its lasting
significance. In August 2012 the South African police - at the
encouragement of mining capital, and with the support of the
political state - intervened to end a week-long strike at the
Lonmin platinum mine in Marikana, in South Africa's NorthWest
Province. On the afternoon of Thursday, 16 August, the police shot
and killed 34 men. Hundreds more were injured, some shot as they
fled. None posed a threat to any police officer. Recognised by many
as an event of international significance in stories of global
politics and labour relations, the perspectives of the miners has
however been almost missing from published accounts. This book, for
the first time, brings into focus the mens' lives - and deaths -
telling the stories of those who embarked on the strike, those who
were killed, and of the family members who have survived to fight
for the memories of their loved ones. It places the strike in the
context of South Africa's long history of racial and economic
exclusion, explaining how the miners came to be in Marikana, how
their lives were ordinarily lived, and the substance of their
complaints. It shows how the strike developed from an initial
gathering into a mass movement of more than 3,000 workers. It
discusses the violence of the strike and explores the political
context of the state's response, and the eagerness of the police to
collaborate in suppressing the strike. Recounting the events of the
massacre in unprecedented detail, the book sets out how each miner
died and everything we know about the police operation. Finally,
Brown traces the aftermath: the attempts of the families of the
deceased to identify and bury their dead, and then the state's
attempts to spin a narrative that placed all blame on the miners;
the subsequent Commission of Inquiry - and its failure to resolve
any real issues; and the solidarity politics that have emerged
since. Southern Africa (South Africa, Namibia, Lesotho, Swaziland
and Botswana): Jacana.
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