One Way Ticket (1983) examines the 'hidden armies' of migrant women workers who have since the 1950s fulfilled a demand for low-skilled, low paid and insecure work in both the formal and informal economies of Western Europe. It presents a new focus for the examination of labour migration and of the specific character of female employment. It looks at the relationship between motherhood, waged work and ethnicity; the position of a second generation of black women workers; and the oppression and exploitation of migrant women by their male counterparts through the creation of 'ethnic' economies.

The British Imperial Century provides a concise but comprehensive overview of the formation and administration of the empire from its origins in the early nineteenth century, to its climax at mid-century, to its denouement on the eve of the First World War. Considering the impact of British imperial rule and influence on subject peoples, Timothy H. Parsons explores the themes of cross-cultural social and environmental interaction from a world history perspective. He traces the transition from informal to formal empire, which broadened and intensified Britain's relations with Asia, Africa, and the western hemisphere. The establishment of extensive colonies and protectorates in Africa, the occupation of Egypt, the declaration of the Raj in India, and increased economic and political intervention in Latin America and in the Chinese and Ottoman empires brought ever-larger numbers of non-European peoples and cultures under either the influence or direct authority of the British Crown. By considering British imperialism through the lens of world history, Parsons moves beyond questions of Britain's motives in acquiring more territory to ask how it was able to acquire such an empire. As a global network of exchanges, the British Empire linked disparate regions in series of distinct but overlapping exchanges. This new "second" British Empire was also extremely fragile. Lacking the ability hold these possessions by force alone, empire builders needed to win the cooperation of at least a segment of the subject population. By co-opting and adapting the values and customs of their subjects imperial rulers strengthened their authority and legitimacy, but in doing so produced a hybrid culture that was largely British in style but not entirely British in substance. An ambitious and thoughtful contribution, The British Imperial Century will be invaluable for courses on world history and European history and as a supplement for courses on African, Asian, British, and Middle Eastern history.

This volume deals with the multiple impacts of the First World War on societies from South Europe, Latin America, Asia and Africa, usually largely overlooked by the historiography on the conflict. Due to the lesser intensity of their military involvement in the war (neutrals or latecomers), these countries or regions were considered "peripheral" as a topic of research. However, in the last two decades, the advances of global history recovered their importance as active wartime actors and that of their experiences. This book will reconstruct some experiences and representations of the war that these societies built during and after the conflict from the prism of mediators between the war fought in the battlefields and their homes, as well as the local appropriations and resignifications of their experiences and testimonies.

Out of Slavery, first published in 1985, is a series of articles commissioned on the 150 year anniversary of William Wilberforce's death and the Act of Parliament abolishing British slavery in 1833. With the background from which the history of slavery was viewed being radically changed, with decolonisation, the advancement of Human Rights, the economic and social consequences of what was done, and left undone, by the Abolitionists and Emancipators and of the situations which they faced. This book offers a broad reappraisal on slavery and freedom from slavery as they can now be seen, and of the contribution and personality of the Abolitionists, particularly of their leader and spokesman William Wilberforce.

A major new look at how Africa's geological history, climate, geography and biology resulted in the wonderful diversity of life found there. It is also the story of how it was the crucible for the evolution most extraordinary species on Earth - Homo sapiens.

Africa has properties that ensure that most of human evolution could have occurred nowhere else. A greater diversity of mammal, bird and many other forms of life has forced more and more species to squeeze into narrower and narrower niches. Human complexity has evolved directly in response to this, the most complex of continents.

On offer here is an intensely personal portrait of a continent bolstered by Jonathan Kingdon's own animal senses, the same excited set of senses he was born in Africa with. Senses that look, listen, scent and grasp at the mother-continent. Not just his personal motherland but the birthplace of all humanity.

Over the last twenty years of neoliberal reform, the power supply in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania's metropolis, has become less reliable even as its importance has increased. Though mobile phones, televisions, and refrigerators have flooded the city, the electricity required to run these devices is still supplied by the socialist-era energy company Tanesco, which is characterized by increased fees, aging infrastructure, and a sluggish bureaucracy. While some residents contemplate off-grid solutions, others repair, extend, or tap into the state network with the assistance of freelance electricians or moonlighting utility employees. In The City Electric Michael Degani explores how electricity and its piracy has become a key site for urban Tanzanians to enact, experience, and debate their social contract with the state. Moving from the politics of generation contracts down to the street-level experience of blackouts and disconnection patrols, he reveals the logics of infrastructural modification and their effects on everyday life. As politicians, residents, electricians, and utility inspectors all redistribute flows of payment and power, they reframe the energy grid both as a technical system and as an ongoing experiment in collective interdependence.

This book focuses on the late colonial history of Zambia and Malawi, which between 1953 and 1963 were part of the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland. Although there were many links in their history and between their populations, the two territories (British protectorates under Colonial Office control) contrasted greatly in power structures, in their economies, and in their development. Europeans living in Northern Rhodesia, with a power base in the mining economy, were able to establish a dominant position in the territory after the Second World War. By the 1950s it looked as though they would have, with Southern Rhodesian Europeans, a long hegemony, gaining independence from Britain as a new Dominion, which would mean control over both Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland through the Federation. Thus, white ethnicity and ideology are essential factors in this book relating to the struggle for power from just before the Second World War up to the 1960s. However, crises in 1959 and 1960 led to the collapse of the Federation. A second focus is on issues of social and economic development. For Africans in Nyasaland, and in rural parts of Northern Rhodesia, there was a relatively weak economy in this period, a pattern of limited cash crop production, while many people became caught up in labour migration, subordinate to powerful European-dominated economic forces within southern Africa. This meant that colonial policies aimed at rural development were fundamentally flawed. The book also looks at the actual nature of rural economic change (as opposed to colonial policies) and discusses alternative visions of the future which were put forward. The argument is put that historians have often concentrated on the activities of the main nationalist movements in Nyasaland and Northern Rhodesia, seeing them as bringing progress away from colonialism and towards independence. Here there is an attempt to draw out the complexities of life, and a variety of responses in the colonial situation, progress coming in a number of forms, but not always being achieved.

This book explores the life of Robert Lyall, surgeon, botanist, voyager, British Agent to the court of Madagascar. Born the year of the French Revolution, Lyall grew up in politically radical Paisley, Scotland, before studying medicine, in Edinburgh, Manchester, and subsequently St. Petersburg, Russia. His criticism of the Tsar and Russian aristocracy led to an abrupt departure for London where Lyall became the voice of liberalism and calls for political reform, before appointed British Resident Agent in Madagascar in 1827, representing the interests of the Tory establishment that he had hitherto so roundly castigated. However, Lyall discovered that the Malagasy crown had turned against the British alliance of 1820, his scientific pursuits alienated the local elite, and his efforts to re-establish British influence antagonized the queen, Ranavalona I, who accused Lyall of sorcery and forced him and his burgeoning family to leave for Mauritius where he died an untimely death, of malaria, in 1831.

This book comprises a significant contribution to our understanding of Graeco-Egyptian relations during the seventh and sixth centuries BC and also demonstrates that Polanyian economic theory can play an invaluable role in the ongoing debate about the concepts best employed to analyse the ancient Greek economy. Dr Moeller employs different approaches from archaeology, history, epigraphy, Egyptology, and comparative economic theory to create the first thorough account of the archaeology and archaic history of Naukratis.

Although it lasted only thirty years, German colonial rule dramatically transformed South West Africa. The colonial government not only committed the first genocide of the twentieth century against the Herero and Nama, but in their efforts to establish a "model colony" and "racial state," they brought about even more destructive and long-lasting consequences. In this now-classic study-available here for the first time in English-the author provides an indispensable account of Germany's colonial utopia in what is present-day Namibia, showing how the highly rationalized planning of Wilhelmine authorities ultimately failed even as it added to the profound immiseration of the African population.

Fully illustrated, this enthralling study explores how the Vandals in North Africa attempted to defend their kingdom against the resurgent Byzantine Empire during 533-36. In AD 533, the Byzantine Emperor Justinian I launched the first of his campaigns to reconquer the Western Roman Empire. This effort began in North Africa (modern Algeria and Tunisia), targeting the Vandal kingdom established there a century earlier, which also included Sardinia, Corsica and the Balearic Islands. Featuring full-colour artwork and mapping alongside carefully chosen archive illustrations, this book shows how the Byzantine general Belisarius established his formidable reputation in the lightning-fast campaign that ensued, exploring the origins, tactics and reputation of the two sides' forces as they fought for control of North Africa. The landing of Belisarius' forces took the Vandal king, Gelimer, completely by surprise; in September 533 the two sides met in battle near Carthage in an encounter known to posterity as Ad Decimum, with Gelimer ambitiously attempting to trap Belisarius' forces as they advanced. In December, the two sides fought again in a momentous clash at Tricamarum, where the fate of Gelimer's regime would be determined. A third battle ensued in 536, when the rebel Stotzas' Byzantine and Vandal troops confronted Belisarius' forces, the outcome sealing the Byzantine general's standing as the foremost soldier of his age. Featuring specially commissioned artwork and mapping alongside archive illustrations and photographs, this vivid account compares and assesses the two sides' fighting men as they vied for supremacy in North Africa.

Originally published in 1937 and written by de Kiewiet who in his lifetime was recognized as one of the premier historians of British imperial policy and African history, this book covers the years 1871-1885 in South Africa's history, discussing racial, social and economic issues. These cover the initiation and collapse of Lord Carnarvon's confederation policy, the annexation and the retrocession of the Transvaal, the Sekukuni, Zulu and Cape-Bastuto wars, the last of the nine Kaffir wars on the Eastern frontier of the Cape, the creation of the (then) Basutoland Protectorate and the development of the Kimberley diamond mines. Using original source material such as the Colonial Office Departmental minutes, he considers and explains the British policy.

Originally published in 1976, this book is a sociological and historical study of class and race relations in a crucial sector of South Africa - the gold mining industry, during and following the First World War. The author develops a Marxist structuralist explanation of the system of racial discrimination, and then goes in to examine the significant historical events of this formative period, notably those surrounding the strike and uprising of the white workers in 1922. The book explains a system of racial domination essentially in terms of the class positions and problems of the dominating groups, and examines historical developments concerning race in terms of class.

Originally published in 1968, this volume traces the history and growth of Apartheid in South Africa. The acts which enforced Apartheid - the Group Areas Act, Population and Registration Act are given in full. The book also includes documents which reflected reaction to these measures: Parliamentary debates, newspaper reports and policy statements by the leading political parties and religious denominations. The documents are headed by a full historical and analytical introduction.

Originally published in 1981, this book took a position which was unpopular within the academic establishment at the time of its publication. It argued that the extraordinary social and economic changes that came over South Africa in the 20th Century gave the country great stability. The authors believed that change would come from within the ruling white oligarchy rather than from Liberation Movements and that the greatest solvent of apartheid was to be found in the working of a free market economy. The book provided novel data for sociological, political and strategic reassessment of South Africa. The approach was unusual in that the book represented neither a conventional defence of apartheid nor one of the customary attacks on South Africa.

Originally published in 1949 but here reissuing the 5th edition of 1975 this is a vivid history of South Africa up to the mid 1970s. Tracing the development of Afrikaner nationalism and the conflict of black and white races in relation to economic, political and geographical factors, the author makes a clear and often critical analysis of the crisis in the first half of the 20th Century in the light of historical perspective.

Originally published in 1979, The Liberal Dilemma in South Africa discusses the dilemma of how to overthrow an oppressive social order maintained through violence in a non-violent manner. The contributors to this volume were all established social scientists and academics, with extensive experience of living and doing research in South Africa. They analyse various aspects of that dilemma and of the social order which creates it, particularly emphasizing the role of students, academics and other intellectuals in South African society.

Originally published in 1987, South Africa in Crisis documents the perceptions and policies of all the major interest groups in South Africa during the 1980s when the long-running struggle for ultimate political power in South Africa entered a new phase. It analyses their responses to the state of ferment and vicious circle of political and economic decline which ensued in the anti-apartheid struggle and examines the developing pressures both from within and outside the country. Of particular importance for the process was the relationship between internal reactions to the crisis and the diverse and unprecedented set of political, military and economic pressures which were interjected from abroad.

Originally published in 1967, South Africa's Rule of Violence is a record of aggression and violence against the black population of South Africa during the Apartheid era. The author, who was active in the political fight to end the apartheid system, collected many of these records from a 15-year period, and many are reproduced in the book. Mainly based on press reports, and illustrated with black and white press photos, the book brings to life the tragic cruelty of the Apartheid years and compares South African racism to that in Nazi Germany.

Over the past few decades South African historiography has begun to recover from its previous Eurocentric bias to reflect the realities of a multiracial society. Most of the various non-white groups which form part of the population of the country have begun to receive closer attention, but two have still been largely neglected - the Korana, who no longer exist as an identifiable group, and the related Griquas, who still form a largely recognisable people with a sense of their own identity. In an attempt to help recover something of the Griqua past, the author has compiled a collection of official and semi-official documents emanating from the Philippolis Captaincy, which has been published by the Van Riebeeck Society under the title Griqua Records - the Philippolis Captaincy, 1826–1861. In order to put to use the large amount related material he has collected which could not be used in this work, as well as the knowledge of the subject he has acquired in the course of his research, he has now written what may be described as an accompanying socio-cultural and historical survey of the Captaincy, consisting mainly of precis of and quotations from contemporary non-Griqua sources. The author here describes fully for the first time the rise, development and collapse of the Philippolis Captaincy, and gives a detailed account of its organisation and administration and the lives of its inhabitants.

This Friday, 16 December 2011, is the 50th anniversary of the launch of Umkhonto weSizwe. Umkhonto weSizwe, the Spear of the nation, popularly known as MK, was the armed wing of the African National Congress. On 16 December 1961 it launched its campaign of symbolic sabotage with the dramatic blowing up of electricity pylons and other strategic installations. For three decades it pursued a range of strategies in an attempt to weaken the apartheid state and bring the liberation movement to power. The 50th anniversary will see both a commemoration of those who died in the service of MK, and a critical reflection on the achievements of the armed struggle and its legacy for South Africa today. The book, Umkhonto weSizwe, offers a new and nuanced account of the ANC's armed wing. It presents in broad outline the various stages in MK's thirty-year history, considers the difficult strategic and moral problems the army faced, and argues that its operations are likely to be remembered as a just war conducted with considerable restraint. The story is illustrated with personal accounts from those who were active members of this armed group.

Apartheid and its resistance come to life in this memoir making it a vital historical document of its time and for our own. In 1969, while a student in South Africa, John Schlapobersky was arrested for opposing apartheid and tortured, detained and eventually deported. Interrogated through sleep deprivation, he later wrote secretly in solitary confinement about the struggle for survival. Those writings inform this exquisitely written book in which the author reflects on the singing of the condemned prisoners, the poetry, songs and texts that saw him through his ordeal, and its impact. This sense of hope through which he transformed his life guides his continuing work as a psychotherapist and his focus on the rehabilitation of others. "[T]hetale of an ordinary young man swept one day from his life into hell, testimony to the wickedness a political system let loose in its agents and, above all, an intimate account of how a man became a healer."-Jonny Steinberg, Oxford University From the introduction: I was supposed to be a man by the time I turned 21, by anyone's reckoning. By the apartheid regime's reckoning, I was also old enough to be tortured. Looking back, I can recognize the boy I was. The eldest of my grandchildren is now approaching this age, and I would never want to see her or the others - or indeed anyone else - having to face any such ordeal. At the time my home was in Johannesburg, only some thirty miles from Pretoria, where I was thrown into a world that few would believe existed, populated by creatures from the darkest places, creatures of the night, some in uniform. I was there for fifty-five days, and never went home again.

Antislavery Political Writings, first published in 2004, presents the best speeches and writings of the leading American antislavery thinkers, activists and politicians in the years between 1830 and 1860. These chapters demonstrate the range of theoretical and political choices open to antislavery advocates during the antebellum period.

In many respects, Zambia is an African success story. From a territory whose borders were drawn with minimal attention either to the ethnic geography of the day or to natural features that combined (and sometimes divided) dozens of distinct ethnic groups, rose a nation with a long record of peace that has enjoyed decades of constitutional rule, and even, in recent years, an increasingly competitive democracy. Perhaps most improbably, the country has forged a national identity. Unfortunately, peace, constitutionalism, democracy, and nationhood constantly face challenges, such as in the elections of 2006 when the ugly language of ethnic confrontation found renewed currency. Moreover, Zambia's economic record and prospects have been on the decline. After over four decades, per capita incomes are lower than they were at the dawn of independence, and 95 percent of its people live on less that $2 per day. Despite repeated efforts to diversify the economy, copper exports and foreign assistance are the main sources of the vast majority of Zambia's foreign exchange earnings. And most devastating at all, the AIDS pandemic has already lowered the average life expectancy below 40. For a country one might regard as "heading in the right direction," Zambia has a long way to go. The third edition of Historical Dictionary of Zambia, through its chronology, introductory essay, appendixes, map, bibliography, and hundreds of cross-referenced dictionary entries on important persons, places, events, and institutions and significant political, economic, social, and cultural aspects, provides an important reference on this African country.

This book maintains that South Africa, despite the official end of apartheid in 1994, remains steeped in the interstices of coloniality. The author looks at the Black Nationalist thought in South Africa and its genealogy. Colonial modernity and coloniality of power and their equally sinister accessories, war, murder, rape and genocide have had a lasting impact onto those unfortunate enough to receive such ghastly visitations. Tafira explores a range of topics including youth political movement, the social construction of blackness in Azania, and conceptualizations from the Black Liberation Movement.