Commissioned to mark the 75th anniversary of the start of work in the royal burial ground by the 5th Earl of Carnavon and Howard Carter, this book presents an up-to-date review of the developments in excavation, mapping and research in the Valley of the Kings.

The author uses the heb-sed, or Sed-festival, an ancient Egyptian religious festival that can be traced to the Archaic period, as the basis for a comparative study for providing insights into the controversial reign of Amenhotep IV - Akhenaten.

Unprecedented in its use of Egyptian official sources, this book sheds new light on the difficulties and challenges of a nascent relationship characterized by missed opportunities, mixed messages, and mutual frustrations. Alterman compellingly shows how the interests of the U.S. and Egypt diverged to undermine this early American attempt at economic assistance for Egyptian development. He shows how the attempt was stymied by bureaucratic obstacles both in Egypt and the U.S. and how it became entangled in the politics of the Cold War and the Arab-Israeli conflict. This important book reveals the complexities of linking economic aid with political objectives.

This scholarly work focuses on the establishment in 1809 of the celebrated Sokoto caliphate in what is now Nigeria. The Sokoto caliphate may well have been the last complete re-establishment of Islam in its entirety, comprising all of its many and varied dimensions.

This is the third collection produced by members of a six-year research project, funded by the NUFU (Norwegian Programme for Development, Research, and Education), whose concern was to find, preserve, and analyse 'orature' - spoken forms of all kinds, both their unique qualities and their equivalence in importance to 'literature'. A major focus was the ways in which forms of orature can be made relevant to the demands of rapidly developing nations faced with insistent problems (HIV/AIDS, administrative needs, shifts in social and familial structure, the changing roles of women). Both innovative and archival, the essays explore older legends and modern performances to outline their positive and dynamic contribution to a protean society. Some contributors address the ways in which traditional forms may be adapted: e.g., via new media to combat the HIV/AIDS pandemic and to educate children in social and individual responsibility. Traditional narratives and children's songs can function to counter cannibalism and child sacrifice. Less dark aspects of contemporary society also receive attention. Traditional patterns of leadership are adapted to today's conditions, especially by offering women models in the form of earlier figures and their actions. Two essays analyse the use of proverbs in the speeches of political candidates and discussing traditional music festivals as celebrations of traditional kingship and rule. Others examine the nature and operation of specific forms of orature - riddles and their subtle alteration according to performer and audience; concepts of heroism; stories of origin; and variants of 'Little Red Riding Hood'. These sensitive analyses are framed by pieces from members of the research project in Norway and Uganda.

In 1967, Nigeria was plunged into a brutal civil war with secessionist Biafra. The war, which lasted for 30 months and led to the death of over one million ethnic Igbo, has been described as the first genocide in post-colonial Africa. Although much has been written about the Nigeria Civil war, most of what has been written remains the perspectives of the major actors and generals who conducted the war. This book, through careful analysis of the experiences of those who witnessed the war on the Biafra side as well as other primary and archival sources, brings to life the Civil War-time trials and tribulations of ordinary Biafrans. Focusing primarily on the Biafran side of that civil war, the book reexamines the civil war from the perspective of non-military support of the war effort and the lingering human costs of that conflict. It also presents the Biafra experience in the context of issues of genocide, the role of humanitarian and international civil or advocacy groups; International Organizations and conflict resolution; and the impact of the Cold War and resources control (oil) in shaping the contours of the Nigeria-Biafra War. Based on personal experiences of the Biafra-Nigeria War, this book speaks to some elements in the causes of the war, the actual conduct of the war on both sides, and the underlying genocidal rather than political motivations for the war. As Michael J. C. Echeruo notes "Biafra should stand in the world's conscience as a monument to the possibility of successfully resisting 'final solutions.'"' This is an important book for collections in African studies, history, international studies, and political science.

"Will be welcomed by all interested in African history and anthropology. A valuable contribution and a rich mine of material."
"--Journal of African History"

In many parts of the African Muslim world, slavery still blights the landscape. What are the origins of this terrible institution? Why is it still practiced? How widespread is it and how does it differ from Western chattel slavery?

This book tells the story of how the enslavement of Africans by Berbers, Arabs, and other Africans became institutionalized and legitimized throughout Muslim Africa. A classic, pioneering study, first published in 1971 and extensively updated in this revised edition, Slavery in the History of Black Muslim Africa provides an expansive portrait of domestic slavery from the tenth to the nineteenth century in the context of the religious, social, and economic conditions of the African Islamic world.

Drawing on a host of accounts from contemporary observers such as Leo Africanus and Ibn Battuta, Fisher and Fisher describe the status and rights of slaves in Africa, and their various roles as currency, goods, eunuchs, soldiers, and statesmen, as well as the jarring historical interruption brought on by slave raiders and traders in West and North Africa.

In a disruptive media landscape characterized by the relentless death of legacy newspapers, Nigeria's Digital Diaspora shows that a country's transnational elite can shake its media ecosystem through distant online citizen journalism. 2021 CHOICE Outstanding Academic Title Winner. Over a decade ago, when Nigeria's migratory digital elite in the United States pioneered a new fangled form of online citizen journalism that disrupted the certainties of legacy journalism, the country's professional journalists assumed that this amateur insurgency would be transitory. Instead, it was transformative. Diasporic online citizen journalism is now not only an integral part of Nigeria's media ecosystem, it has also inspired successful homeland emulators and is challenging, even in some cases supplanting, traditional media in the nation's democratic discourse. Within the frenetic and deeply engaged social media scene, diasporic citizen journalism, homeland news, and social media activism are merging to create the most energetic moment in Nigeria's media history. Nigeria's Digital Diaspora chronicles the emergence and transformation of this diasporic citizen journalism from the margins to the mainstream of the country's journalistic landscape.

During the early years of World War II, Britain devoted immense resources to building military bases in Egypt and Palestine. The political stability of the two countries was of prime concern to avoid diverting troops away from fighting the external enemy to internal security tasks. The paradox of Britain's eventual victory was that it could not perpetuate its political authority. Demands for independence intensified in Egypt and among Palestinian Jewry, and led to postwar struggles.

This book provides a contemporary overview of Boko Haram's activities. Since Boko Haram emerged in 2002, media-driven narratives as well as social scientific methodologies have been increasingly applied to draw generalisable conclusions on what goals the groups have pursued, what strategies it has used for these purposes and the counter campaign strategies authorities have pursued. But from 2009 to 2018, Boko Haram has pursued high-intensity violence: assassinations, bombing, kidnappings, beheading or threats of violence, conscriptions and territorial occupation. This makes it imperative to deepen and broaden our understanding of the groups' activities toward a problem-solving and policy-relevant analysis. Previously published in Security Journal Volume 33, issue 3, September 2020

As the Cold War faded, Ambassador Hank Cohen, President George Bush's Assistant Secretary of State for Africa, engaged in aggressive diplomatic intervention in Africa's civil wars. In this revealing book Cohen tells how he and his Africa Bureau team operated in seven countries in crisis--Angola, Ethiopia, Liberia, Mozambique, Rwanda, Somalia and Sudan. He candidly characterizes key personalities and events and provides a treasure trove of lessons learned and basic principles for practitioners of conflict resolution within states.

Analyzes how negotiations between Dutch consuls and North African rulers over the liberation of Dutch sailors helped create a new diplomatic order in the western Mediterranean. This work offers a new perspective on the history of diplomacy in the western Mediterranean, examining how piracy and captivity at sea forced Protestant states from northwest Europe to develop complex relationships with Islamic North Africa. Tracing how Dutch diplomats and North African officials negotiated the liberation of Dutch sailors enslaved in the Maghrib, author Erica Heinsen-Roach argues that captivity and redemption helped shape (rather than undermine) a new diplomatic order in the western Mediterranean. Making use of extensive archival research, Consuls and Captives shows how encounters with North African society led the Protestant North to adjust to the norms and practices of the western Mediterranean. Dutch consuls became state representatives, tasked with claiming the unconditional release of captives from the Netherlands. But caught between these directives and the realities of Maghribi politics, the diplomats consented to pay ransom, participated in what they considered lavish gift-giving practices, and began to pay tribute -- all practices that were departures from the norms the Dutch States General upheld in "doing" diplomacy. In analyzing these adjustments, Heinsen-Roach brings into question earlier interpretations of diplomacy as a progressively evolving institution anchored in the western modern tradition. Consuls and Captives shows instead that early modern diplomacy in the western Mediterranean developed in uneven ways as a product of cultural encounters. With its compelling argument and wide-ranging evidence, this book will have a strong appeal to scholars of early modern diplomacy, slavery, and Mediterranean history, as well as to specialists on the Dutch Republic. Erica Heinsen-Roach is visiting assistant professor at the University of South Florida St. Petersburg.

Do Not Disturb is a dramatic recasting of the modern history of Africa’s Great Lakes region, an area blighted by the greatest genocide of the twentieth century. This bold retelling, vividly sourced by direct testimony from key participants, tears up the traditional script.

In the old version, an idealistic group of young rebels overthrows a genocidal regime in Kigali, ushering in an era of peace and stability that makes Rwanda the donor darling of the West, winning comparisons with Switzerland and Singapore. The new version examines afresh questions which dog the recent past: Why do so many ex-rebels scoff at official explanations of who fired the missile that killed the presidents of Rwanda and Burundi? Why didn’t the mass killings end when the rebels took control? Why did those same rebels, victory secured, turn so ruthlessly on one another?

Michela Wrong uses the story of Patrick Karegeya, once Rwanda’s head of external intelligence and a quicksilver operator of supple charm, to paint the portrait of a modern African dictatorship created in the chilling likeness of Paul Kagame, the president who sanctioned his former friend’s murder.

Stassen wy o.a. ’n volle hoofstuk aan die aangrypende verhaal van die Dorslandtrekkers en hulle lotgevalle. Tydens hierdie Angola-Boere se verblyf in Angola was daar van boerdery min sprake en probleme was velerlei: ’n problematiese verhouding met die Portugese owerheid, terwyl gebrekkige ekonomiese en opvoedkundige geleenthede, en gevolglike armoede, soms tot ontstellende verval gelei het.

In 1928 is ongeveer 2000 Angola-Boere na Suidwes-Afrika gerepatrieer. Die gemeenskap van 386–471 Afrikaners wat ná 1928 in Angola agtergebly het, is aan die vergetelheid en verwaarlosing oorgelaat en is later as ’n “lewende fossiel” en slagoffers van hulle eie behoudendheid bestempel. Sommige het wel nog ’n lewe uit gemengde boerdery, transportry en jag probeer maak, dekades nadat hierdie lewenswyse elders uitgesterf het. Vanaf 1958 tot 1963 is die meerderheid van die ongeveer 600 Afrikaners in Angola na Suidwes-Afrika en Suid-Afrika gerepatrieer, terwyl slegs enkeles in Angola agtergebly het. Hierdie groepie Afrikaners het hul Afrikanerskap daar onder moeilike omstandighede gehandhaaf.

Met die uitbreek van die burgeroorlog in 1975 in Angola het die laaste Afrikaners uit Angola gevlug en het die verbintenis van die Angola-Boere met Angola ná byna ’n eeu tot ’n einde gekom. Hulle interessante en kleurryke lewe word beskryf en die sogenaamde “trekgees” as ’n moontlike rede vir hulle swerftogte word onder die loep geneem.

During the late nineteenth century a number of organised treks left the Transvaal. The first of these left the ZAR in May 1874. Seven years later, in January 1881, after the amalgamation of the first three treks, they settled at Humpata on the Hufla highlands in the Portuguese colony of Angola. From 1892 to 1894 three further major treks followed. After the last major trek in 1907 the Portuguese government prohibited further treks. In 1928 about 2000 Angola Boers were repatriated to South-West Africa, while 380?470 remained in Angola. These treks were complex phenomena as a result of economic, religious and political factors. Initially, resistance to the irreligious and liberal government of T.F. Burgers were the most important reasons for the trek. New labour legislation, political uncertainty, internal dissent in the Transvaal and economic factors also contributed to the dissatisfaction. Lack of sufficient farming land, population pressure, poverty, misgivings about new taxes and the search for new hunting grounds probably played a minor role. Dread of modernisation and British imperialism, the introduction of intensive farming, gold fever, drought or natural disasters and the trekking spirit or trek fever probably played no role at all.

Boko Haram is the major threat to the Nigerian state, and has emerged as a destabilizing factor across sub-Saharan Africa. This is now a major focus of global policy-making, as between 2013 and 2014 insurgency-related deaths in Nigeria exceeded those in Iraq and Afghanistan. This book is the first to focus on the military nature of Boko Haram, the reasons for its success in those specific regions of the Chad basin it operates in and a detailed history of the Nigerian army's counter-insurgency - with whom, uniquely, the author has spent research time. The book identifies and analyses the battles and skirmishes on the front line, as well as unearthing a wider explanation for Boko Haram's military success and the causes of the instability in the region.