|
|
Books > History > World history > From 1900 > General
From the Vanguard to the Margins is dedicated to the work of the
late British historian, Dr Mark Pittaway (1971-2010), a prominent
scholar of post-war and contemporary Central and Eastern Europe
(CEE). Breaking with orthodox readings on Eastern bloc regimes,
which remain wedded to the 'totalitarianism' paradigm of the Cold
War era, the essays in this volume shed light on the contradictory
historical and social trajectory of 'real socialism' in the region.
Mainstream historiography has presented Stalinist parties as
'omnipotent', effectively stripping workers and society in general
of its 'relative autonomy'. Building on an impressive amount of
archive material, Pittaway convincingly shows how dynamics of
class, gender, skill level, and rural versus urban location, shaped
politics in the period. The volume also offers novel insights on
historical and sociological roots of fascism in Hungary and the
politics of legitimacy in the Austro-Hungarian borderlands.
This unique sourcebook explores the Stab-in-the-Back myth that
developed in Germany in the wake of World War One, analyzing its
role in the end of the Weimar Republic and its impact on the Nazi
regime that followed. A critical development in modern German and
even European history that has received relatively little coverage
until now, the Stab-in-the-Back Myth was an attempt by the German
military, nationalists and anti-Semites to explain how the German
war effort collapsed in November 1918 along with the German Empire.
It purported that the German army did not lose the First World War
but were betrayed by the civilians on the home front and the
democratic politicians who had surrendered. The myth was one of the
foundation myths of National Socialism, at times influencing Nazi
behaviour in the 1930s and later their conduct in the Second World
War. The Stab-in-the-Back Myth and the Fall of the Weimar Republic
draws on German government records, foreign and domestic newspaper
accounts, diplomatic reports, diary entries and letters to provide
different national and political perspectives on the issue. The
sourcebook also includes chapter summaries, study questions, and
further reading lists, in addition to numerous visual sources and a
range of maps, charts, tables and graphs. This is a vital text for
all students looking at the history of the Weimar Republic, the
legacy of the First World War and Germany in the 20th century.
Packed with violence, political drama and social and cultural
upheaval, the years 1913-1923 saw the emergence in Ireland of the
Ulster Volunteer Force to resist Irish home rule and in response,
the Irish Volunteers, who would later evolve into the IRA. World
War One, the rise of Sinn Fein, intense Ulster unionism and
conflict with Britain culminated in the Irish war of Independence,
which ended with a compromise Treaty with Britain and then the
enmities and drama of the Irish Civil War. Drawing on an abundance
of newly released archival material, witness statements and
testimony from the ordinary Irish people who lived and fought
through extraordinary times, A Nation and not a Rabble explores
these revolutions. Diarmaid Ferriter highlights the gulf between
rhetoric and reality in politics and violence, the role of women,
the battle for material survival, the impact of key Irish unionist
and republican leaders, as well as conflicts over health, land,
religion, law and order, and welfare.
The authors in this anthology explore how we are to rethink
political and social narratives of the Spanish Civil War at the
turn of the twenty-first century. The questions addressed here are
based on a solid intellectual conviction of all the contributors to
resist facile arguments both on the Right and the Left, concerning
the historical and collective memory of the Spanish Civil War and
the dictatorship in the milieu of post-transition to democracy.
Central to a true democratic historical narrative is the commitment
to listening to the other experiences and the willingness to
rethink our present(s) in light of our past(s). The volume is
divided in six parts: I. Institutional Realms of Memory; II. Past
Imperfect: Gender Archetypes in Retrospect; III. The Many Languages
of Domesticity; IV. Realms of Oblivion: Hunger, Repression, and
Violence; V. Strangers to Ourselves: Autobiographical Testimonies;
and VI. The Orient Within: Myths of Hispano-Arabic Identity.
Contributors are Antonio Cazorla-Sanchez, Alex Bueno, Fernando
Martinez Lopez, Miguel Gomez Oliver, Mary Ann Dellinger, Geoffrey
Jensen, Paula A. de la Cruz-Fernandez, Maria del Mar Logrono
Narbona, M. Cinta Ramblado Minero, Deirdre Finnerty, Victoria L.
Enders, Pilar Dominguez Prats, Sofia Rodriguez Lopez, Oscar
Rodriguez Barreira, Nerea Aresti, and Miren Llona. Listed by Choice
magazine as one of the Outstanding Academic Titles of 2014
The Welfare Revolution of the early 20th century did not start with
Clement Attlee's Labour governments of 1945 to 1951 but had its
origins in the Liberal government of forty years earlier. The
British Welfare Revolution, 1906-14 offers a fresh perspective on
the social reforms introduced by these Liberal governments in the
years 1906 to 1914. Reforms conceived during this time created the
foundations of the Welfare State and transformed modern Britain;
they touched every major area of social policy, from school meals
to pensions, the minimum wage to the health service. Cooper uses an
innovative approach, the concept of the Counter-Elite, to explain
the emergence of the New Liberalism and examines the research that
was carried out to devise ways to meet each specific social problem
facing Britain in the early 20th century. For example, a group of
businessmen, including Booth and Rowntree, invented the poverty
survey to pinpoint those living below the poverty line and
encouraged a new generation of sociologists. This comprehensive
single volume survey presents a new critical angle on the origins
of the British welfare state and is an original analysis of the
reforms and the leading personalities of the Liberal governments
from the late Edwardian period to the advent of the First World
War.
In the wake of the First World War, in which France suffered severe
food shortages, colonial produce became an increasingly important
element of the French diet. The colonial lobby seized upon these
foodstuffs as powerful symbols of the importance of the colonial
project to the life of the French nation. But how was colonial food
really received by the French public? And what does this tell us
about the place of empire in French society? In Colonial Food in
Interwar Paris, Lauren Janes disputes the claim that empire was
central to French history and identity, arguing that the distrust
of colonial food reflected a wider disinterest in the empire. From
Indochinese rice to North African grains and tropical fruit to
curry powder, this book offers an intriguing and original challenge
to current orthodoxy about the centrality of empire to modern
France by examining the place of colonial foods in the nation's
capital.
In Jesus and John Wayne, a seventy-five-year history of American
evangelicalism, Kristin Kobes Du Mez demolishes the myth that white
evangelicals "held their noses" in voting for Donald Trump.
Revealing the role of popular culture in evangelicalism, Du Mez
shows how evangelicals have worked for decades to replace the Jesus
of the Gospels with an idol of rugged masculinity and Christian
nationalism in the mould of Ronald Reagan, Mel Gibson and above
all, John Wayne. As Du Mez observes, the beliefs at the heart of
white evangelicalism today preceded Trump and will outlast him.
Based on hitherto untapped source materials, this book charts the
history of Muslim missionary activity in London from 1912, when the
first Indian Muslim missionaries arrived in London, until 1944.
During this period a unique community was forged out of British
converts and native Muslims from various parts of the world, which
focused itself around a purpose built mosque in Woking and later
the first mosque to open in London in 1924. Arguing that an
understanding of Muslim mission in this period needs to place such
activity in the context of colonial encounter, Islam and Britain
provides a background narrative into why Muslim missionary activity
in London was part of a variety of strategies to engage with
European expansion and overzealous Christian missionary activity in
India. Ron Geaves draws on research undertaken in India and
Pakistan, where the Ahmadiya missionaries have kept extensive
archives of this period which until now have been unavailable to
scholars. Unique in providing an account of Islamic missionary work
in Britain from the Islamic perspective, Islam and Britain adds to
our knowledge and understanding of British Muslim history and makes
an important contribution to the literature concerned with Islamic
missiology.
For the students of Colerain High School and their friends, life
in Cincinnati in the 1950s was an adventure. Now, one of their own
shares a look into their lives.
This is a story exposing the life of your grandparents. Yes, the
lives of your grandmother, the silver-haired beauty that bakes your
favorite cakes and cookies, who can soothe any hurt, and who allows
you to do anything you wish, and your grandfather, the gentleman,
of seemingly never-ending wisdom, experience, and knowledge, who
can guide you to the correct decision, and will never say no. In a
time long ago, the genteel women and the kindly men of today led a
completely different, seemingly out-ofcharacter life. This is a
chronicle of their escapades.
So you wanted to know just how your grandparents lived their
lives during the indestructible, wonderful, fantastic, and
unmindful time of their teenage life, then this is the story for
you, a real story, a story your grandparents will never tell, yet a
story they will never forget.
The history of oil is a chapter in the story of Europe's
geopolitical decline in the twentieth century. During the era of
the two world wars, a lack of oil constrained Britain and Germany
from exerting their considerable economic and military power
independently. Both nations' efforts to restore the independence
they had enjoyed during the Age of Coal backfired by inducing
strategic over-extension, which served only to hasten their demise
as great powers. Having fought World War I with oil imported from
the United States, Britain was determined to avoid relying upon
another great power for its energy needs ever again. Even before
the Great War had ended, Whitehall implemented a strategy of
developing alternative sources of oil under British control.
Britain's key supplier would be the Middle East - already a region
of vital importance to the British Empire - whose oil potential was
still unproven. As it turned out, there was plenty of oil in the
Middle East, but Italian hostility after 1935 threatened transit
through the Mediterranean. A shortage of tankers ruled out
re-routing shipments around Africa, forcing Britain to import oil
from US-controlled sources in the Western Hemisphere and depleting
its foreign exchange reserves. Even as war loomed in 1939,
therefore, Britain's quest for independence from the United States
had failed. Germany was in an even worse position than Britain. It
could not import oil from overseas in wartime due to the threat of
blockade, while accumulating large stockpiles was impossible
because of the economic and financial costs. The Third Reich went
to war dependent on petroleum synthesized from coal, domestic crude
oil, and overland imports, primarily from Romania. German leaders
were confident, however, that they had enough oil to fight a series
of short campaigns that would deliver to them the mastery of
Europe. This plan derailed following the victory over France, when
Britain continued to fight. This left Germany responsible for
Europe's oil requirements while cut off from world markets. A
looming energy crisis in Axis Europe, the absence of strategic
alternatives, and ideological imperatives all compelled Germany in
June 1941 to invade the Soviet Union and fulfill the Third Reich's
ultimate ambition of becoming a world power - a decision that
ultimately sealed its fate.
The United States has a troubling history of violence regarding
race. This book explores the emotionally charged conditions and
factors that incited the eruption of race riots in America between
the Progressive Era and World War II. While racially motivated riot
violence certainly existed in the United States both before and
after the Progressive Era through World War II, a thorough account
of race riots during this particular time span has never been
published. All Hell Broke Loose fills a long-neglected gap in the
literature by addressing a dark and embarrassing time in our
country's history-one that warrants continued study in light of how
race relations continue to play an enormous role in the social
fabric of our nation. Author Ann V. Collins identifies and
evaluates the existing conditions and contributing factors that
sparked the race riots during the period spanning the Progressive
Era to World War II throughout America. Through the lens of
specific riots, Collins provides an overarching analysis of how
cultural factors and economic change intersected with political
influences to shape human actions-on both individual and group
levels. A comprehensive chronology of race riots between the
Progressive Era and World War II A bibliography of race riot
research materials An index highlighting important concepts,
people, and events
Securing the World Economy explains how efforts to support global
capitalism became a core objective of the League of Nations. Based
on new research drawn together from archives on three continents,
it explores how the world's first ever inter-governmental
organization sought to understand and shape the powerful forces
that influenced the global economy, and the prospects for peace. It
traces how the League was drawn into economics and finance by the
exigencies of the slump and hyperinflation after the First World
War, when it provided essential financial support to Austria,
Hungary, Greece, Bulgaria, and Estonia and, thereby, established
the founding principles of financial intervention, international
oversight, and the twentieth-century notion of international
'development'. But it is the impact of the Great Depression after
1929 that lies at the heart of this history. Patricia Clavin traces
how the League of Nations sought to combat economic nationalism and
promote economic and monetary co-operation in a variety of,
sometimes contradictory, ways. Many of the economists, bureaucrats,
and policy-advisors who worked for it played a seminal role in the
history of international relations and social science, and their
efforts did not end with the outbreak of the Second World War. In
1940 the League established an economic mission in the United
States, where it contributed to the creation of organizations for
the post-war world - the United Nations Organization, the IMF, the
World Bank, the UN Food and Agriculture Organization - as well as
to plans for European reconstruction and co-operation. It is a
history that resonates deeply with challenges that face the
Twenty-First Century world.
The concept of 'hybridity' is often still poorly theorized and
problematically applied by peace and development scholars and
researchers of resource governance. This book turns to a particular
ethnographic reading of Michel Foucault's Governmentality and
investigates its usefulness to study precisely those mechanisms,
processes and practices that hybridity once promised to clarify.
Claim-making to land and authority in a post-conflict environment
is the empirical grist supporting this exploration of
governmentality. Specifically in the periphery of Bukavu. This
focus is relevant as urban land is increasingly becoming scarce in
rapidly expanding cities of eastern Congo, primarily due to
internal rural-to-urban migration as a result of regional
insecurity. The governance of urban land is also important
analytically as land governance and state authority in Africa are
believed to be closely linked and co-evolve. An ethnographic
reading of governmentality enables researchers to study
hybridization without biasing analysis towards hierarchical
dualities. Additionally, a better understanding of hybridization in
the claim-making practices may contribute to improved government
intervention and development assistance in Bukavu and elsewhere.
Barbara Alpern Engel's Marriage, Household and Home in Modern
Russia is the first book to explore the intricacies of domestic
life in Russia across the modern period. Surveying the period from
1700 right up to the present day, the book explores the marital and
domestic arrangements of Russians at multiple levels of society and
the impact of broader historical developments, including war and
revolution, upon them. It also traces the evolution of marriage,
household and home as institutions over three centuries, whilst
also highlighting the inter-relationship between public policy and
private life, in what is a wholly original historical assessment of
domesticity in modern Russia. In the process, the author expertly
synthesizes the key works, arguments and discussions in the field,
mapping out the historiographical landscape of this compelling
aspect of Russian social history. Marriage, Household and Home in
Modern Russia is crucial reading for any student or scholar of
modern Russian history.
Broadcasting was born just as the British empire reached its
greatest territorial extent, and matured while that empire began to
unravel. Radio and television offered contemporaries the beguiling
prospect that new technologies of mass communication might
compensate for British imperial decline. In Broadcasting Empire,
Simon J. Potter shows how, from the 1920s, the BBC used
broadcasting to unite audiences at home with the British settler
diaspora in Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and South Africa. High
culture, royal ceremonial, sport, and even comedy were harnessed to
this end, particularly on the BBC Empire Service, the predecessor
of today's World Service. Belatedly, during the 1950s, the BBC also
began to consider the role of broadcasting in Africa and Asia, as a
means to encourage 'development' and to combat resistance to
continued colonial rule. However, during the 1960s, as
decolonization entered its final, accelerated phase, the BBC staged
its own imperial retreat.
This is the first full-length, scholarly study to examine both the
home and overseas aspects of the BBC's imperial mission. Drawing on
new archival evidence, it demonstrates how the BBC's domestic and
imperial roles, while seemingly distinct, in fact exerted a
powerful influence over one another. Broadcasting Empire makes an
important contribution to our understanding of the transnational
history of broadcasting, emphasising geopolitical rivalries and
tensions between British and American attempts to exert influence
on the world's radio and television systems.
The history of noncombatant immunity is well established. What is
less understood is how militaries have rationalized violating this
immunity. This book traces the development of how militaries have
rationalized the killing of the innocent from the thirteenth
century onward. In the process, this historiography shows how we
have arrived at the ascendant convention that assumes militaries
should not intentionally kill the innocent. Furthermore, it shows
how moral arguments about the permissibility of killing the
innocent are largely adaptations to material changes in how wars
are fought, whether through technological innovations or changes in
institutional structures.
|
|