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Books > Business & Economics > Industry & industrial studies > Industrial relations & safety > Industrial relations
Economic growth in Asia over the past half century has led to significant changes in societies, business organization and the nature of work. This has been accompanied by the rise in some countries of trade unions and also of employers' associations. This book explores the nature of employers' associations in the major countries of Asia. It considers how employers' associations have developed in recent decades, how changes in market structures and the profile of economies have affected employers' associations, how employers' associations deal with issues to do with pay and employment conditions, and how they interact with regulation and the state. The book shows how the differing political and institutional contexts of different countries, and different economic conditions, greatly affect the nature of employers' associations and also the wider context of labour markets and trade unions.
Recasting labor studies in a long-term and global framework, the book draws on a major new database on world labor unrest to show how local labor movements have been related to world-scale political, economic, and social processes since the late nineteenth century. Through an in-depth empirical analysis of select global industries, the book demonstrates how the main locations of labor unrest have shifted from country to country together with shifts in the geographical location of production. It shows how the main sites of labor unrest have shifted over time together with the rise or decline of new leading sectors of capitalist development and demonstrates that labor movements have been deeply embedded (as both cause and effect) in world political dynamics. Over the history of the modern labor movement, the book isolates what is truly novel about the contemporary global crisis of labor movements. Arguing against the view that this is a terminal crisis, the book concludes by exploring the likely forms that emergent labor movements will take in the twenty-first century.
Neither an autobiography nor a scholarly analysis, Labor's Struggles, 1945-1950: A Participant's View is a skilful blend of both genres. Informative and original in its insights and analyses, this book provides the reader with information available from no other source. These insights must be included in any subsequent efforts to interpret this period in labour history. Richter based this account largely on his own experience as legislative representative for the United Auto Workers - C.I.O. from 1943 to 1947, as well as on documents and conversations from that period, supplemented with historical research. This study of policy making in union headquarters and in Washington focuses on the 1945 splits within the C.I.O. as well as the sharp divisions between the 'social' C.I.O. and the 'opportunistic' A.F.L. In addition, it focuses on the Labour Management (Taft-Hartley) Act of 1947 which divided an already fragmented movement.
In reviewing major issues concerning the history of British trade unions in the last two-thirds of the twentieth century, this book discusses many controversial aspects of trade unions. It includes their economic impact (a cause of higher unemployment and lower productivity?) and their influence on government (unelected partners?). The book provides students with an accessible introduction to the recent history of British trade unionism.
The authoritative source of precise and easy to understand
definitions of words, terms, and phrases that are used in the
fields of Human Resource Management, Personnel, and Industrial
Relations, this new edition of the Dictionary of Human Resource
Management has been thoroughly revised and updated to reflect
changes in vocabulary and usage.
This is the first comprehensive study of the position of Soviet industrial workers during the Khrushchev period. Donald Filtzer examines the main features of Khrushchev's labor policy within the overall context of "de-Stalinization" and provides a detailed analysis of shop floor relations between workers and managers, the position of women workers and their specific role in the Soviet economy. In his conclusions, the author relates the labor problems of the Khrushchev years to those faced by Mikhail Gorbachev and perestroika, thus helping to explain the failure of Gorbachev's policies.
This book explores the process of popular mobilization in contemporary Mexico through the experience of the country's most important organization--the teachers' movement. It creates a distinctive perspective on Mexican politics and makes an original contribution to the study of popular, or "social" movements, providing a richly detailed account of its organization, leadership, strategic choices, and factional divisions. But it also links the trajectory of the movement to the shifting legal and institutional terrain that composes its political environment, so revealing how it is shaped by, and how it shapes the political system. Through its innovative methods, which produce an unusual and compelling blend of fact and theory, the book uncovers the motivations and mechanisms of popular mobilization, as well as explaining its interactions with national politics in Mexico and beyond.
A Warner Business Book™ Also Available as an eBook IT'S ABOUT FULFILLMENT. A revolution is sweeping America. On its front lines are people fed up with unfulfilling jobs, dysfunctional workplaces, and dead-end careers-men and women who are working for themselves. Meet today's new economic icon—the free agent. And meet your future. IT'S ABOUT FREEDOM. Free agents are the marketing consultant down the street, the home-based "mompreneur," the footloose technology contractor. Already 30 million strong, these 21st-century pioneers are creating lives with more meaning—and often more money. FREE AGENT NATION is your ticket to this exhilarating new world. IT'S ABOUT TIME. Discover: · The kind of free agent you can be—"soloist," "temp," or "microbusiness"—and how to launch your new career · How to get the perks you once received from your boss: health insurance, office space, training, workplace togetherness, even water cooler gossip · Why the free agent economy is increasingly a woman's world—and how women are flourishing in it · The transformation of retirement—how older workers are creating successful new businesses (and whole new lives) through the Internet. ALSO AVAILABLE FROM WARNER BOOKS DIGITAL ABORIGINAL "A road map to the treasures of our primal past, which are now signposts of our future. We serve ourselves well by heeding [the Tarlows]." BLUR "Fast, smart, and useful-a decoder ring that any business person can use to make sense of the world of work today." BUSINESS @ THE SPEED OF THOUGHT "Clear, richly detailed...a smart investment."
Due to economic crises, labor parties followed economic policies that hurt labor unions during the 1990s, such as trade liberalization and privatization. This book explains why labor unions resisted on some occasions and submitted on others and what the consequences of their actions were by studying three countries: Argentina, Mexico, and Venezuela. The comparison between the experiences of the three countries and five different sectors in each country shows the importance of politics in explaining labor reactions and their effects on economic policies.
View the Table of Contents. aI am not aware of a book that covers the same ground as this
one--let alone one that does so using such thorough research and
with such technical competence.a "Jacobs offers a history of the federal government's efforts to
curb labor racketeering. The heart of his text focuses on the
results achieved by employing Civil RICO suits to weed out
organized crime from unions long mired in corruption. The Justice
Department has mounted twenty such efforts since 1982, and Jacobs's
book is the first to provide a comprehensive assessment of this
controversial tactic. He tackles this ambitious project with a
combination of detailed research, clear writing, and judicious
consideration, all of which have been a hallmark of his previous
texts on corruption and organized crime. The result is a must read
book for anyone interested in the problem of union corruption and
what to do about it." "Jacobs, legal scholar and expert on the Mafia, sets out to show
how the Mob has distorted American labor history, explaining the
relationship between organized crime and organized labor, as well
as recent federal efforts to clean up unions" "James Jacobs, a New York University law professor and author of
Mobsters, Unions and Feds, says Mafiosi were hired by union
organizers in the early twentieth century to combat company toughs.
Now, he says, they specialize in 'selling the rights of
workers.'" "Jacobs further burnishes his reputation for advancing the study
of organized crime in America with his latest work of scholarship,
billed by the publisher as 'the only book to investigate how the
mob has distorted American labor history.' This worthy successor to
"Gotham Unbound" and "Busting the Mob" is an exhaustive, albeit
sometimes repetitive, survey of the grip La Cosa Nostra has exerted
on the country's most powerful unions. While many will be familiar
with the broad outlines of the corruption that riddled the
Teamsters, which is recounted by the author, his summary of some
lesser-known examples of pervasive labor corruption help illustrate
his thesis that the entire American union movement has suffered
from the intimidation and fear the mob used to gain and maintain
control of unions. Especially valuable is Jacobs's examination of
the relatively recent use of the RICO law to bring dirty unions
under the control of a federally appointed independent trustee, and
the book's posing of hard questions about the mixed success those
monitorships have had." "Jacobs has covered a wide range of legal issues, including such
hot-button topics as hate crime laws and gun control, but he always
returns to the world of mobsters and the men and women who
investigate, prosecute, and sentence them." "James Jacobs brilliantly documents and analyzes a remarkable
and untold chapter in the history of American law enforcement. This
groundbreaking book should be a starting point for officials around
the world who confront powerful organized crime groups." "A pathbreaking work. For 50 years, organized crime has been the
elephant inorganized labor's living room, unacknowledged and
unexplained. Jacobs has critically analyzed every facet of this
apparently intractable problem--from its roots to the federal
government's various efforts to challenge organized crime's
influence. From this point forward, no one can think critically
about this problem without relying on Jacobs' work." "Jacobs presents a near encyclopedic account of the Mafia's
infiltration, control and exploitation of four major national
unions and a number of large local unions. It is a sordid
frightening story of violence, corruption and oppression, the
betrayal of union members and extortion of employers, defiance of
the law and disregard for human decency. This disturbing story
should be required reading for all who seek strong and more
democratic unions, all who would protect the rights of workers, and
all who are concerned for the health of our political and social
processes." "A fabulous and fascinating book. Jacobs demonstrates the
continuing impact of organized crime on the American union
movement, and details the legal mechanisms developed in recent
years to combat mob influence. History has come home to haunt us,
and Jacobs makes the case for using law to fight against the mob
for union democracy." "Jacobs demonstrates that while it has been remarkably difficult
to defeat labor racketeering, much has been achieved. This will be
welcomenews to all who root for the revitalization of the labor
movement." Nowhere in the world has organized crime infiltrated the labor movement as effectively as in the United States. Yet the government, the AFL-CIO, and the civil liberties community all but ignored the situation for most of the twentieth century. Since 1975, however, the FBI, Department of Justice, and the federal judiciary have relentlessly battled against labor racketeering, even in some of the nation's most powerful unions. Mobsters, Unions, and Feds is the first book to document organized crime's exploitation of organized labor and the massive federal clean-up effort. A renown criminologist who for twenty years has been assessing the government's attack on the Mafia, James B. Jacobs explains how Cosa Nostra families first gained a foothold in the labor movement, then consolidated their power through patronage, fraud, and violence and finally used this power to become part of the political and economic power structure of 20th century urban America. Since FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover's death in 1972, federal law enforcement has aggressively investigated and prosecuted labor racketeers, as well as utilized the civil remedies provided for by the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organization (RICO) statute to impose long-term court-supervised remedial trusteeships on mobbed-up unions. There have been some impressive victories, including substantial progress toward liberating the four most racketeer-ridden national unions from the grip of organized crime, but victory cannot yet be claimed. The only book to investigate how the mob has exploited the American labor movement, Mobsters, Unions, and Feds is the most comprehensive study to date of how labor racketeering evolved and how the government has finally resolved to eradicate it.
From assembly line to call centre, this volume charts the immense
transformation of work and pay across the 20th century and provides
the first labour focused history of Britain. Written by leading
British historians and economists, each chapter stands as a
self-contained reading for those who need an overview of the topic,
as well as an introduction to and analysis of the controversies
among scholars for readers entering or refreshing deeper study.
From assembly line to call centre, this volume charts the immense
transformation of work and pay across the 20th century and provides
the first labor-focused history of Britain. Written by leading
British historians and economists, each chapter stands as a
self-contained reading for those who need an overview of the topic,
as well as an introduction to and analysis of the controversies
among scholars for readers entering or refreshing deeper study.
This work offers a detailed history of American actors' attempts to unionize in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Actors' unions of this period faced a staggering amount of struggles, including a heavy industry reliance on the blacklist, severe media attacks on individual actors, and the frequent formation of illegitimate company unions. This work focuses specifically on the two main unions of the time, the White Rats Actors' Union of America and the Actors' Equity Association. The author chronicles the formation of the unions along with their achievements in the following decades and outlines the roles of union leaders Harry Mountford and Francis Wilson.
In Managing Competitive Crisis Martyn Wright examines how competitive crisis affected the management of work relations in Britain between 1979 and 1991. Based on longitudinal research and interviews with fifty major companies and employers associations, Managing Competitive Crisis is a unique book of topical interest for students of organizational behavior, human resource management and industrial relations and for those seeking to understand the future direction of European political economy.
Australia once had extremely high levels of trade union participation yet since the 1970s the number of union members has been falling dramatically. This book gives the clearest picture yet of why people do or do not belong to unions and, in a sophisticated way, examines the reasons for union decline. Uniquely, it considers both macro and micro levels, looking at the structure of the economy and the labor market, the ideological dispositions people have toward unionism, the role of the state and the political and industrial strategies of unions.
Australia once had extremely high levels of trade union participation, yet since the 1970s the number of union members has been falling dramatically. This book gives the clearest picture yet of why people do or do not belong to unions and, in a sophisticated way, examines the reasons for union decline. Uniquely, it considers both the macro and micro levels, looking at the structure of the economy and the labour market, the relations between unions and employees, the ideological dispositions people have towards unionism, the role of the state and the political and industrial strategies of unions. The author highlights the importance of structural and strategic changes in determining the direction of union membership. This book makes a major contribution to our understanding of union decline, and its implications, and presents a range of strategies for reversing this downturn.
August Sartorius von Waltershausen (1852-1938) was an eminent German economist who visited the United States at the beginning of the 1880s and wrote a series of articles on the US labour movement, which were published in Germany. His training in the historical school of economics provided him with a different perspective from that of laissez-faire economists or socialists of his time. The articles are translated in this book, and presented with a biographical essay by Marcel van der Linden and Gregory Zieren, and with an essay on his contribution to the writing of American labor history by David Montgomery. This book provides rich insights into the character of American workers' organizations as they recovered from the depression of the 1870s, before the establishment of strong national institutions.
Writing a book is not possible without the generous input of many people. It is a pleasure to have the opportunity to thank at least some of these people. Prof. Dr. Jochen Michaelis, the supervisor of my dissertation, taught me how to do economic analysis and initiated my interest in labour market is sues. Discussions with him have always been enlightening and have greatly improved the analysis in this book. Moreover, he always encouraged me when I experienced a slump in my motivation. He never lost his calmness and good temper, not even in situations when my need for discussion must have been bothering him. Thanks for that Jochen. I'm indebted to Prof. Dr. Peter Weise for taking over the job as the sec ond referee of my thesis. He gave very valuable comments and sacrificed his christmas holiday to write the referee report as fast as possible. I also want to thank Prof. Stefan Voigt and Prof. Dr. Reinhold Kosfeld, the other two members of the dissertation committee, for the discussion during the defence of the thesis."
A groundbreaking labour study, this book offers a detailed portrait of the Citizens Alliance (CA), a union of Minneapolis business owners, which employed any means necessary to squelch the power of organised labour. The association blacklisted union workers, ran a spy network to ferret out union activity, and, when necessary, raised a private army to crush its opposition with brute force. The influence of the CA also reached across the state to battle socialists, labour unions, the Non-partisan League, and the Industrial Workers of the World. The book examines the philosophies and tactics of the Citizens Alliance from its inception in 1903 to the passage of the Labour Management Relations Act of 1947, legislation that effectively inhibited the power of unions. Based on over ten years of meticulous archival research, this book delves into such subjects as the founding of the William Hood Dunwoody Industrial Institute; the 1917 Streetcar Strike and the 1934 Teamsters' Strike; and the CA's collaboration with the Commission of Public Safety, Northwest Bancorporation, the courts, and the military. Both a business history and a labor history, "A Union Against Unions" offers a comprehensive picture of the CA's campaign against organised labour and a fascinating view of Minnesota history during the first half of the twentieth century.
In this book, Roy Church and Quentin Outram investigate the history of strike activity in the British coal mining industry, a byword for industrial militancy since the late nineteenth century. Strikes and Solidarity takes a multidisciplinary approach that blends quantitative and qualitative research methods to form a new explanation for the pattern of strike activity in the industry. It will be of interest to economic and social historians, sociologists and industrial relations specialists.
American labour history is typically interpreted by scholars as a history of defeat. Hidden by this conventional wisdom are a handful of militant unions that did not follow the putative Congress of Industrial Organizations trajectory. Based on three years of ethnographic research, this book examines a union that organised itself to systematically challenge management's rule on the shopfloor: San Francisco's longshore union. American unionism looks quite different than conventional wisdom suggests when everyday union practices are observed. American labour's trajectory, this book argues, is neither inevitable nor determined; militant, democratic forms of unionism are possible in the United States; and collective bargaining does not automatically eliminate contests for workplace control. The contract is a bargain that reflects and reproduces fundamental disagreement; it states how production and conflict will proceed.
This is a softcover reprint of the English translation of 1968 of N. Bourbaki's, Th orie des Ensembles (1970).
This book lifts the veneer of 'employability', to expose serious problems in the way that future workers are trying to manage their employability in the competition for tough-entry jobs in the knowledge economy; in how companies understand their human resource strategies and endeavor to recruit the managers and leaders of the future; and in the government failure to come to terms with the realities of the knowledge-based economy. The demand for high-skilled, high waged jobs, has been exaggerated. But it is something that governments want to believe because it distracts attention from thorny political issues around equality, opportunity, and redistribution. If it is assumed that there are plenty of good jobs for people with the appropriate credentials then the issue of who gets the best jobs loses its political sting. But if good jobs are in limited supply, how the competition for a livelihood is organized assumes paramount importance. This issue, is not lost on the middle classes, given that they depend on academic achievement to maintain, if not advance the occupational and social status of family members. The reality is that increasing congestion in the market for knowledge workers has led to growing middle class anxieties about how their off-spring are going to meet the rising threshold of employability that now has to be achieved to stand any realistic chance of finding interesting and rewarding employment. The result is a bare-knuckle struggle for access to elite schools, colleges, universities and jobs. This book examines whether employability policies are flawed because they ignore the realities of 'positional' conflict in the competition for a livelihood, especially as the rise of mass higher education has arguably done little to increase the employability of students for tough-entry jobs. It will be of interest to anyone looking to understand the way knowledge-based firms recruit and how this is influenced by government policy, be they Researchers, Academics and Students of Business and Management, Industrial Relations, Human Resource Management, Politics or Sociology; Human Resource Management or Recruitment Professionals; or job candidates.
In its broadest sense, this book is concerned with the attempt by workers in Britain during the period 1760-1871 to engage in collective action in circumstances of conflict with their employers during a time when the nation and many of its traditional economic structures and customary modes of working were undergoing rapid and unsettling change. More specifically, the book principally focuses on the attempt by those workers favouring a collective approach to struggle to overcome what they felt to be one of the main obstacles to collective action, the uncooperative worker. At times during these decades, the sanctions directed by collectively inclined workmen at those workers deemed to have engaged in acts contrary to the interests of the trade and customary codes of behaviour in the context of strikes and other instances of friction in the workplace were severe and uncompromising. Stern and unforgiving, too, was the struggle between the collectively inclined worker and the uncooperative worker in a more general sense, a contest that occasionally took a violent and bloody form. In exploring the fractious and hostile relationship between these two conflicting parties, this book draws on concepts and insights from a range of scholarly disciplines in an effort to shift the perception and study of this relationship beyond many of the conventional paradigms and explanatory frameworks associated with mainstream trade union studies. |
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