Modern capitalism and political freedom rest on concepts of conscience and morality, and abhor concentrations of unbridled power. In America, that economic and political system developed mechanisms designed to check and balance such power. Despite those mechanisms, corporate America developed too many imperial chief executives who abused their power by engaging in a fraudulent and self-serving pursuit of wealth and perquisites. This edition deals with how this happened, how the system responded, and actions that could minimize the danger of its recurrence. The text analyzes those who either support or keep quiet for miscreant chief executives, and how these participants became involved in corporate fraud. The investigation is completed by a look at the results of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002, the law enacted as the corrective response to corporate corruption, and the increasingly intense pressure to ease the expense and other burdens associated with its vigorous enforcement. Hopefully, the insights gained by the analysis will contribute to a revived confidence in the integrity of corporate accounts, and thereby sustain the vitality of America's capital markets, which are essential to our future economic well-being.

The principles of trade unionism are based on working people acting together in solidarity with each other, to improve wages, working conditions, and life for themselves and all others. In its most developed forms, this extends not only to the worker next to you, but to working people all around the world, wherever they might be. Some of the foremost proponents of these principles in the United States since the 1880s has been the American Federation of Labor (AFL), then later the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), and since their merger in 1955, the AFL-CIO. However, unknown to many labor leaders and most union members in the U.S., the foreign policy leaders of the AFL and then the AFL-CIO, have been carrying out an international foreign policy that has worked against workers in a number of "developing countries." This has been done on their own, and in collaboration with the U.S. Government and its agencies, such as the Central Intelligence Agency, U.S. Agency for International Development, the National Endowment for Democracy, and the U.S. State Department's Advisory Committee for Labor and Diplomacy. In the post-World War II period, this foreign policy program has led to the AFL-CIO's foreign policy leadership helping to overthrow democratically elected governments Guatemala (1954), Brazil (1964), Chile (1973); to support dictatorships in countries such as Guatemala, Brazil and Chile (after their respective military coups), as well as in countries such as Indonesia, the Philippines, and South Korea; and to support efforts by reactionary labor leaders to help overthrow their democratically-elected leaders as in Venezuela in 2002. It has also included providing AFL-CIO support for U.S. Government policies around the world, including support for apartheid in South Africa. This book argues that these activities done behind the backs and without the informed knowledge of American trade unionists acts to sabotage the very principles of trade unionism that these leaders proclaim to

EPDF and EPUB available Open Access under CC-BY-NC licence. Drawing from the EU-funded DomEQUAL research project across 9 countries in Europe, South America and Asia, this comparative study explores the conditions of domestic workers around the world and the campaigns they are conducting to improve their labour rights. The book showcases how domestic workers' movements put 'intersectionality in action' in representing the interest of various marginalized social groups from migrants and low-income groups to racialized and rural girls and women. Casting light on issues such as subjectification, and collective organizing on the part of a category of workers conventionally regarded as unorganizable, this ambitious volume will be invaluable for scholars, policy makers and activists alike.

With a surprisingly popular and victorious nationwide strike at the United Parcel Service in 1997, hopes have risen for a new labour movement in the U.S.A. But have unions broken sufficiently from the politics and practices of the past to reverse their long decline in membership? How is labour responding to a workforce increasingly made up of women and people of colour? What are the best tactics for organizing and mobilizing? What political alliances and international policies should labour pursue? This collection charts the possibilities for a more vibrant, inclusive and democratic labour movement. Participants include union leaders and rank-and-file activists, representing a variety of industrial, clerical and service employees; scholars, teachers and intellectuals; and both labour radicals and labour moderates.

When the Enron filed the biggest bankruptcy petition in the history of the United States, if not the world, the immediate response by most politicians and financiers was that this scandal was a "failure of regulatory institutions" that can be corrected and may possibly even be a purely North American problem. However, an in-depth exploration of what happened, as undertaken in this volume, reveals that the widespread corruptions at corporate level have their roots in the transformations of socio-political conditions in the wake of an extreme fetishization of the neo-liberal market model.

The end of the post-World War II 'long boom' in the mid-1970s proved the beginning of a process of political-economic change that has fundamentally transformed labour law, both in Australia and across the developed world more generally. This is a phenomenon with deep ramifications for social justice. The dissolution of productive industry, the fragmentation of employment categories, the rise of profound employment precarity and an increasingly hostile legal environment for trade unionism have been of immense significance for key social justice issues, including income inequality, the rise of a new working-underclass, and the marginalization of organised labour. By combining the concepts of the Parisian Regulation Approach with an explicitly Marxist jurisprudence, this study offers a theoretically rigorous yet empirically sensitive account of legal transition, with key case studies in the metal, food processing and retail sectors. Given the similar development logic of post-World War II capitalism in Western societies, this theory, although operationalised in the Australian context, can be used in the effort to explain labour law change more broadly.

With evidence drawn from Argentina, Chile, Mexico, Great Britain, and Hungary, "Re-forming the State" examines the processes leading to, and the political effects of, market reform experiments and focuses specifically on the patterns of collective action and coalition building that drive privatization. The author's argument calls into question established approaches in the discipline of economics and in the fields of comparative and international political economy.
The experience of privatization shows that the public and the private are neither contradictory nor mutually exclusive spheres, and that power relations between them are not necessarily zero-sum. To stress the point, the author borrows from the literature on state formation, which has extensively examined the historical processes of key private groups. The evidence presented shows why and how, by restructuring coalitional and institutional arenas, the state uses marketization to generate political order and to distribute political power. Thus, the author specifies the conditions under which political change is conceived in terms of and channeled through economic policy; in other words, how the state is "re-formed" through privatization. "Re-forming the State" thus highlights how privatization is simultaneously a movement from public to private, but also a movement from non-state to state, as the reduction of state assets leads to institutional changes that increase state capacities for defining and enforcing property rights, extracting revenue, and centralizing administrative and political resources.
Hector E. Schamis is Assistant Professor of Government, Cornell University.

In 2017, Workers United/SEIU called veteran organizer Phil Cohen out of retirement to investigate and expose a union-busting plot by Mohawk Industries at a North Carolina carpet mill. His hard-hitting account chronicles the resulting labor dispute that rocked a Fortune 500 company. The organizer had to prove management was behind an illegal decertification petition and forced workers to sign using strong-arm tactics. Though terrified of retaliation, witnesses gradually agreed to testify before federal agents. Mohawk retained a high-powered union-busting attorney who appealed directly to ultra-conservative heads of the National Labor Relations Board, while Right to Work Committee lawyers framed the issue as a test case to revoke laws protecting employee rights. The union's only hope rested on presenting evidence too formidable for political bias to surmount. This memoir, infused with dry wit and insights into human nature, blows the lid off the nation's union-busting epidemic, thrusting readers into the tumultuous environment of a union hall in crisis.

Advances in Industrial and Labor Relations is a refereed research volume published annually or biannually. Although the series is designed to focus on industrial relations issues, volumes also focus on diverse disciplines, such as economics, law, history, organizational behavior, psychology, and sociology.

In the context of the evolution of affirmative action at the national and state levels, this study offers an empirical account of the citizens' movement in California that successfully resulted in the passage of a constitutional amendment to abolish such preferences in public education, public employment, and public contracting. It describes how the concept of affirmative action was transmuted into quotas and set-asides even in those situations where there was no credible evidence of past discrimination. This process was aided by Presidential Executive Orders as well as by some Supreme Court decisions which, until the late 1980s, failed to provide clear parameters of compensatory versus preferential actions. The California movement arose to reassert the original vision of equality as contained in the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Raza, Anderson, and Custred, who have studied the historical development of the phenomenon and have witnessed its actual operation, lift the curtain of secrecy that surrounds such preferences.

This book challenges the notion that affirmative action is a benign and temporary measure that simply provides a helping hand to those who are disadvantaged. There is ample evidence of the institutionalization of preferences that generally provide advantages to those who could otherwise compete on their own merits. Such unfair competitive advantages, provided by government agencies and public educational institutions have neither moral nor political majority support; however, they continue to exist through pressure of political interest groups, liberal political ideology, and entrenched bureaucrats who administer the system. Quite contrary to some people's thinking, the system of preferences may no longer be considered either permanent or necessary.

High technology will destroy more jobs than it creates. This grim prediction was first published in the 1994 edition of The Jobless Future, an eerily accurate title that could have been written for today's dismal economic climate. Fully updated and with a new introduction by Stanley Aronowitz and William DiFazio, The Jobless Future warns that jobs as we know them-long-term, with benefits-are an endangered species.

"Education for Changing Unions" presents a rich, stimulating, and provocative storehouse of practical and structured activities, ideas, and debate about union education. Written in a clear and accessible style, the authors have created a book to inspire working people and teachers in many settings and locations. All the exercises and activities have been widely tested. Six thematic threads tie the book together: community, democracy, equity, class consciousness, organization building, and the greater good. Evaluation, strategic planning, and survival for the long haul round out the discussion. See also the popular companion book, "Educating for a Change," Martin et al. (BTL, 1991).

This book develops an understanding of workplace justice and labour rights in Vietnam from factory workers' voices and their resistance against abuse and exploitation. Through interviews with workers and a close analysis of their letters and petitions to the unions and state authorities, Nguyen illuminates how workers' resistance is enabled and stifled by the legal and political systems that are supposed to protect their rights and benefits. Their calls for justice reflect socialist ideology and widely held norms within society, as well as ideals and values embedded in labour law. The book demonstrates how state law brings about social change through shaping workers' expectations and increasing consciousness of rights and justice. This book will be of interest to scholars of law, politics and society, and scholars, students and practitioners interested in labour rights in developing countries.

The number of studies discussing the labour relationship under industrial capitalism is overwhelming, but the literature on labour and its concrete, day-today shop-floor practices is much less abundant. How and by whom workers were supervised is one of the neglected aspects in the history of labour relations. After an insightful introductory chapter discussing the different forms of supervision in the United States, Britain, France and Germany before the First World War, the case studies in this volume focus on foremen: vital, but largely unstudied figures in the history of factory life, labour relations and management. Illustrating the multiple faces of the foreman, the contributors examine the artisanal sector, textiles, mining, printing, engineering, heavy manufacturing and car industries in Western Europe and show that the foreman was a multifaceted character who possessed technical expertise in addition to educational and organizational qualities. This comprehensive volume is further enhanced by comparisons with practices of supervision in Russia, Japan, China and India.

This work examines the rise of postmodernism in management scholarship and argues that the prevalence of postmodernist thought reflects a lack of understanding by management researchers of the core principles upon which Western business endeavour is based. The author highlights postmodernism's methodological and conceptual failings, such as disbelief in material progress and economic advancement, and its denial of generalizable laws to direct management research. In its place, the author proposes a return to traditional modernist principles in management research, based on scientific evidence. This ground breaking, timely work will spark debate and challenge previously accepted claims of postmodernism, a nice retort to the anti-business/anti-capitalist literature now prevalent in academia.

This book provides a detailed study of the politics of the Progressive Alliance at the constituency level from its inception in 1903 to collapse during the First World War. It evaluates the character, development and difficulties of progressive co-operation and considers the long-term viability of an electoral alliance between the Liberal and Labour parties. Samantha Wolstencroft provides an exhaustive analysis of political change in two of Britain's major industrial centres, Manchester and Stoke-on-Trent, during a period that witnessed the decline of the Liberal Party and rise of Labour. She evaluates the difficulties faced by the early Labour Party in its attempt to attain a foothold within the political landscape, examines the impact of the experience of the First World War upon the political parties, and demonstrates the power of issues and the role of candidates in the transformation of electoral politics in Britain in the immediate aftermath of war.

More and more people are now involved in negotiations at all levels in workplaces around the world. Clear and accessible, this invaluable handbook provides sound guidelines for all individuals and group representatives engaged in negotiating with management or colleagues. Using case studies to illustrate each stage, Larry Cairns offers practical advice on every aspect of the negotiating process, from basic concepts through to closing and editing the deal, including; Planning and preparing for negotiations,resolving intra-group conflict, across-the-table negotiations, power and attitude in negotiations, negotiators and the law, implementing the deal.

Offers an analysis of Solidarity, from its ideological origins in the Polish new left, through the dramatic revolutionary months of 1980-81, and up-to the union's resurgence in 1988-89, when it sat down with the government to negotiate Poland's future.

Winner of the 2013 New York Book Show Award in Scholarly/Professional Cover Design Jewish Radicals explores the intertwined histories of Jews and the American Left through a rich variety of primary documents. Written in English and Yiddish, these documents reflect the entire spectrum of radical opinion, from anarchism to social democracy, Communism to socialist-Zionism. Rank-and-file activists, organizational leaders, intellectuals, and commentators, from within the Jewish community and beyond, all have their say. Their stories crisscross the Atlantic, spanning from the United States to Europe and British-ruled Palestine. The documents illuminate in fascinating detail the efforts of large numbers of Jews to refashion themselves as they confronted major problems of the twentieth century: poverty, anti-semitism, the meaning of American national identity, war, and totalitarianism. In this comprehensive sourcebook, the story of Jewish radicals over seven decades is told for the first time in their own words.

Volume 20 of Advances in Industrial and Labor Relations (AILR) contains seven papers that deal with important aspects of employment relationships in a variety of industries, countries and research contexts. The first three papers, each of which analyzes the effects of an exogenous variable (e.g., fiscal adversity, globalization, and new technology, respectively) on labor-management relations, have specific industry/sector settings, namely, pubic schools (primary education), civil aviation and nursing homes (health care), respectively. The first and third of these papers are set in the U.S., the second in Britain. The next four papers, each of which analyzes the effects of enacted or contemplated legislation on specific aspects of labor-management relations and workplace dispute resolution, are set in Canada, Australia, New Zealand and the U.S., respectively. The research designs featured in these papers include quasi-experimental, case studies, interviews, surveys and simultaneous equation modeling.

A persuasive account of the philosophy and power of nonviolence organizing, and a resource for building and sustaining effective social movements. Despite the rich history of nonviolent philosophy, many people today are unfamiliar with the basic principles and practices of nonviolence--even as these concepts have guided so many direct-action movements to overturn forms of racial apartheid, military and police violence, and dictatorships around the world. Revolutionary Nonviolence is a crucial resource on the long history of nonviolent philosophy through the teachings of Rev. James M. Lawson Jr., one of the great practitioners of revolution through deliberate and sustained nonviolence. His ongoing work demonstrates how we can overcome violence and oppression through organized direct action, presenting a powerful roadmap for a new generation of activists. Rev. Lawson's work as a theologian, pastor, and social-change activist has inspired hope and liberation for more than sixty years. To hear and see him speak is to experience the power of the prophetic tradition in the African American and social gospel. In Revolutionary Nonviolence, Michael K. Honey and Kent Wong reflect on Rev. Lawson's talks and dialogues, from his speeches at the Nashville sit-in movement in 1960 to his lectures in the current UCLA curriculum. This volume provides a comprehensive introduction to Rev. Lawson's teachings on how to center nonviolence in successfully organizing for change.

A critical ER text with an international perspective, designed to map to the CIPD module but just as valuable for non-CIPD students. Completely maps to the CIPD module, Managing Employment Relations Truly integrated international approach, not just through case studies and examples Critical approach, for those wanting to engage with critical debates Academic approach, drawing on the latest research Excellent links between theory and practice Full range of interactive learning features including case studies (at least half will be international), exercises and a glossary of key terms Broad coverage including key developments and current practices Structure split into conceptual debates and functional areas for easy navigation

This is the first fully annotated edition of Social Problems (1883) and The Condition of Labor (1891), two important works by one of America's most popular social economists. Social Problems grew out of a series of articles Henry George (1839-1897) published in Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper titled, "Problems of Our Times." In his passionate, journalistic style, George described in graphic detail the horrific conditions facing large sections of the American people and how, by returning to first principles, society could remedy these conditions for current and future generations. The Condition of Labor takes the form of an open letter to Pope Leo XIII in response to the pontiff's famous encyclical, Rerum Novarum. Echoing the religious themes dominant throughout all of his works, George argued that poverty is not part of God's natural order and therefore, could be eradicated through political action. Both Social Problems and The Condition of Labor demonstrate George's deep commitment to the reconciliation of ethics and economics in such a way that makes the world richer ethically and better off economically.

Over the last decade, author and activist Astra Taylor has helped shift the national conversation on topics including technology, inequality, indebtedness, and democracy. The essays collected here reveal the range and depth of her thinking, with Taylor tackling the rising popularity of socialism, the problem of automation, the politics of listening, the possibility of rights for the natural and non-human world, the future of the university, the temporal challenge of climate catastrophe, and more. Addressing some of the most pressing social problems of our day, Taylor invites us to imagine how things could be different while never losing sight of the strategic question of how change actually happens. Curious and searching, these historically informed and hopeful essays are as engaging as they are challenging and as urgent as they are timeless. Taylor 's unique philosophical style has a political edge that speaks directly to the growing conviction that a radical transformation of our economy and society is required.