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Books > Social sciences > Warfare & defence > Defence strategy, planning & research
In the beginning just a handful of men were raised to be Adolf Hitler's personal bodyguard, the SS - meaning protection squad - this small group eventually became a multi-headed beast with many responsibilities. It ran internal security with ruthless efficiency; it implemented the horrific Nazi racial policy and ran the concentration camps; it was an important, and in the end solely reliable, part of the Reich's intelligence services; and perhaps most strikingly, it developed its own combat units. Numbering over 900,000 soldiers by the end of 1944, the Waffen-SS (Armed SS) campaigned in Poland, western Europe, the Balkans and the Soviet Union, fighting to the end in the ruins of Berlin. SS: Hitler's Instrument of Terror is a balanced, authoritative account of Hitler's private army, the very cornerstone of the Third Reich's internal security forces. Every aspect of the SS is examined in full: its units and their battles, the foreign legions, the various non-military departments, and the key figures who led formations in the field and oversaw internal affairs within Nazi Germany, men such as Heinrich Himmler,`Sepp' Dietrich, Theodor Eicke and Kurt Meyer. In addition, the questions of atrocities committed against prisoners and civilians, and the SS's role in the concentration camp system, are addressed in full. SS: Hitler's Instrument of Terror is illustrated with 270 colour and black and white photographs, many from private collections and not seen before, and including 25 colour artworks. For any student of modern military history and elite fighting formations, this comprehensive work is bound to fascinate. The book is the definitive account of Nazi Germany's most notorious organization, and its important role in the Third Reich.
You know about MI5. You know about MI6.
In the second half of 1991, the Soviet Union collapsed. It was an
event of major historic and global dimensions, yet this strategic
transformation of international relations took the entire world
totally by suprise - despite the fact that the West saw in the
Communist power an ideological foe and a major military
threat.
Discover the stories of the brave men and women who worked, trained and fought across the UK, from Bletchley Park in southern England all the way to Arisaig in northern Scotland, in an unbelievable effort to defeat the Nazis and win the Second World War . From the outset of the war, most of Britain felt like a mystery even to those who lived there. All road and railway signs were removed up and down the country to thwart potential enemy spies. An invisible web of cunning spread across the United Kingdom; secret laboratories were hidden in marshes, underground bases were built to conceal key strategic plans and grand country houses became secret and silent locations for eccentric boffins to do their confidential cryptography work. In Secret Britain, Sinclair McKay maps out the UK through the hidden bases and battlegrounds of WWII. These locations are full of history and intrigue, but if you don't know where to look, you might just miss them. Journeying through secret wildernesses, suburbs, underground tunnels and manor houses, Sinclair gives a glimpse into the stories of the incredible people behind the war effort, and shows how you might be able to visit these mysterious and evocative locations yourself. With his trademark warmth and compassion, Sinclair unearths the truths of the war that have remained under layers of secrecy since the war was won in 1945.
This volume investigates the connection between intelligence history, domestic policy, military history and foreign relations in a time of increasing bureaucratization of the modern state. The issues of globalization of foreign relations and the development of modern, electronic means of communication are also discussed.
Naval warfare in a typical narrow sea such as the Baltic Sea or the Arabian Gulf includes peculiarities not found in war on the open ocean. Because of the proximity of the landmass, the employment of naval forces and aircraft is far more complex than in war on the open ocean. The outcome of war in a typical narrow sea depends - to a larger degree than on the open ocean - on the course of events on land and in the air. The threat of land-based aircraft, submarines, coastal anti-ship missiles and mines makes the operations of blue-water navies such as the US Navy both more complicated and riskier than on the open ocean.
This volume records the transition from planning against any post-war resurgence of German and Japanese militarism to preparations against a possible threat from the Soviet Union. It charts Foreign Office resistance to consideration of even the possibility of Soviet hostility after the war. Changing Direction is likely to remain the standard work of reference on this period, both for scholars and for the wider public.
This fourteenth volume of India's National Security Annual Review intensively analyses India's national security with respect to the changing internal and external dynamics. In the global environment, the situation is characterised by rising tensions between United States and Russia, intensified rivalry between United States (US) and China, and increasing cooperation between China and Russia. For India which seeks peaceful growth to emerge as a major power, this poses severe diplomatic challenges. This volume discusses the complexity of these challenges and the deftness with which India gets the best out of its strategic partnerships with the US and Russia while warding off the transgressions of a mighty adversary like China. It also studies the impact of internal convulsions and external intrusions on India's security from South Asian nations such as Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Nepal and Sri Lanka. Examining the field of internal security, the essays carry rare insights into the causes of expansion of Naxalite violence in tribal areas and the dynamics of conflict resolution in the Northeast, as well as India's deep concern as a growing power with its economic slowdown in the recent past, and energy and cyber security. Bringing together contributions from eminent scholars and diplomats, the volume will be indispensable for policymakers, government think tanks, defence and strategic studies experts, as well as students and researchers of international relations, foreign policy and political science.
Decisions about defence and security are becoming increasingly open to public influence. This book therefore aims to give both the voter and the decision maker a new vision of how to manage crises and avert hostilities with non-traditional means.
This title was first published in 2001. This compelling study draws insightful conclusions about US foreign policy towards Europe at a critical juncture in the post-Cold War period. An absorbing and illuminating account, this material will be useful to non-specialists and student readers of US foreign policy, European integration, and international relations alike.
Bitzinger examines the phenomenon of attempted self-reliance in arms production within Asia, and assesses the extent of success in balancing this independence with the growing requirements of next-generation weapons systems. He analyzes China, India, Japan, South Korea, and Southeast Asia. The overarching question in the book is whether self-reliance is a strategically viable solution for development and manufacturing of arms. Given the ever-changing dynamics and increasing demand for sophisticated next-generation weaponry, will these countries be able to individually sustain their domestic defense industries and constantly update their technologies? This is the first book to analyze arms production from a regional perspective.
From 14-17 April 1940, a meeting was held in the Kremlin to examine and analyze the performance of the Red Army in the recent Soviet-Finnish War. T he participants were all the army commanders who had taken part in the campaign, and some members of the Politburo, notably Stalin, Molotov and Voroshilov. This book is an English translation of the verbatim record held in the Russian State Socio-Political History Archives in Moscow. Marshals Kliment Voroshilov and Grigory Kulik co-chaired the sessions, but it was Stalin who guided the proceedings. Forty-six regimental, divisional, corps, army and front commanders, and senior Red Army officials delivered their reports and engaged in debate. Stalin gave a long speech at the closing of the last session in which he expounded his views on all aspects of military policy.
The issue of security in the Gulf has an importance which goes far beyond the regional location of the area. It is enough to note that instability in the area may result in the interruption of oil supplies to the rest of the world. This book, first published in 1981, considers some of the challenges facing the region following recent developments such as the fall of the Shah and the proclamation of the Islamic Republic in Iran, the Soviet presence in Afghanistan, the formation of an American task force to intervene in the area, the failure of the Camp David agreement and the Iran-Iraq war.
Intelligence was a central element of the Cold War and the need for
it was expected to diminish after the USSR's collapse, yet in
recent years it has been in greater demand than ever. The
atrocities of 11 September and the subsequent "war on terrorism"
now call for an even more intensive effort. Important questions
arise on how intelligence fits into the world of increased threats,
globalization and expanded international action. This volume
contains the recent work on this subject by Michael Herman, British
intelligence professional for 35 years and Oxford University
academic. It compares intelligence with other government
information services, and discusses the British intelligence system
and the case for its reform. It also addresses the ethical issues
raised by intelligence's methods and results: "do they on balance
make for a better world or a worse one?." Other chapters explore a
wide range of intelligence topics past and present, including the
transatlantic relationship, the alliance strategies of Norway and
New Zealand, Mrs Thatcher's "de-unionization" of British Sigint,
and personal memories of the British Cabinet Office in the
1970s.
This volume identifies and evaluates the relationship between outer-space geography and geographic position (astrogeography), and the evolution of current and future military space strategy. In doing so, it explores five primary propositions. First, many classical geopolitical theories of military development are fully compatible with the realm of outer space. Second, how geographical position relates to new technology. Such evolution has developed through sea, rail and air power. Space power is the logical and apparent heir. Third, the special terrain of solar space dictates specific tactics and strategies for efficient exploitation of space resources. Fourth, the concept of space as a power base in classical, geopolitical thought will easily conform to the use of outer space as an ultimate national power base. Finally, a thorough understanding of the astromechanical and physical demarcations of outer space can prove useful to planners, and will prove critical to military strategists in the future. An optimum deployment of space assets will be essential on the current terrestrial and future-based battlefield.
From the 1930's to the 1950's a significant number of left-wing men
and women in the United States, Britain, Europe, Australia and
Canada were recruited to the Soviet intellgence services.
Armed revolution and civil war gave birth to the Soviet Union, world War II propelled it to global pre-eminence, and the Cold War contributed to the Soviet Union's demise. Given Marxism-Leninism's idological preoccupation with war and threats of war, it is understandable that the spectre of war should play a vital role in the life and fate of the Soviet state. This study of Soviet military strategy is based upon the twin pillars of Soviet political-military actions and Soviet writings on the subject of military strategy. Thanks to the policy of glasnost, it incorporates Soviet materials hitherto unavailable in the West. It aims to be not simply a retrospective account of what was, but to form part of the context for what will be in the future.
The 9/11 attacks revealed that the transnational terrorist threat facing the US and its partners was far more dangerous than most had previously discerned. It was now clear that al-Qaeda intended to, and could threaten the West's - particularly the US' - political and military leverage, with the aim of shifting the balance of power from the West to Islam after a violent global confrontation. In that sense, the new terrorist threat is strategic, and it has led to a worldwide mobilisation comparable to that required by a world war. This Paper argues that prevailing in the 'war' on terror, much like victory in the Cold War, entails containment, deterrence, outperformance and engagement. Military power is secondary to intelligence, law enforcement, enlightened social policy and diplomacy. Diplomatic engagement with the larger Muslim world is paramount as a means of denying al-Qaeda not merely recruits but the 'clash of civilisations' it seeks. The US-led intervention in Iraq, though intended to introduce democratic reform in the wider Middle East, has so far antagonised Islam and strengthened Islamist terrorism. This suggests that coercive or aggressively ideological diplomacy is unlikely to win over an Islamic population biased by anti-Western propaganda. Successful Western diplomacy will have to be discreet, nuanced and incremental.
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