Since the onset of the Great Recession, Germany s economy has been praised for its superior performance, which has been reminiscent of the economic miracle of the 1950s and 1960s. Such acclaim is surprising because Germany s economic institutions were widely dismissed as faulty just a decade ago. In Holding the Shop Together, Stephen J. Silvia examines the oscillations of the German economy across the entire postwar period through one of its most important components: the industrial relations system.

As Silvia shows in this wide-ranging and deeply informed account, the industrial relations system is strongest where the German economy is strongest and is responsible for many of the distinctive features of postwar German capitalism. It extends into the boardrooms, workplaces and government to a degree that is unimaginable in most other countries. Trends in German industrial relations, moreover, influence developments in the broader German economy and, frequently, industrial relations practice abroad. All these aspects make the German industrial relations regime an ideal focal point for developing a deeper understanding of the German economy as a whole.

Silvia begins by presenting the framework of the German industrial relations system labor laws and the role of the state and then analyzes its principal actors: trade unions and employers associations. He finds the framework sound but the actors in crisis because of membership losses. Silvia analyzes the reasons behind the losses and the innovative strategies German labor and management have developed in their efforts to reverse them. He concludes with a comprehensive picture and then considers the future of German industrial relations."

Veterans' employment outcomes in the civilian labor market are an issue of ongoing congressional interest. This report offers introductory data on veterans' performance in the civilian labor market as well as a discussion of veteran-targeted federal programs that provide employment-related benefits and services. According to federal data, the unemployment rate for veterans who served after September 2001 is higher than the unemployment rate for nonveterans. Conversely, the unemployment rate for veterans from prior service periods (a much larger population than post-9/11 veterans) is lower than the nonveteran unemployment rate. The varied demographic factors of each of these populations likely contribute to these variations, though their degree of influence is unclear. There are a number of federal programs to assist veterans in developing job skills and securing civilian employment. Broadly speaking, these programs can be divided into (1) general veterans' programs, (2) programs that target veterans with service-connected disabilities, and (3) competitive grant programs that offer supplemental services but may be limited in scope. General veterans' programs begin with transition programs that are provided to exiting members of the Armed Forces. These transition programs cover a variety of topics including information on identifying occupations that align with military skills and specializations, conducting job searches, applying for employment, and navigating veterans' benefits. One of the most common veterans' benefits is educational funding through the GI Bill. The GI Bill programs typically provide funding for education or training programs as well as housing allowance while the veteran is enrolled. Veterans who are no longer eligible for the GI Bill may receive training benefits through the newly created Veterans Retraining Assistance Program (VRAP). Veterans who are seeking employment without obtaining additional training may receive job search assistance and other services from Local Veterans Employment Representatives (LVER). Veterans who wish to pursue employment in the federal government are assisted by several policies that give them preference in the competitive hiring process or, in some cases, allow them to forego the competitive process and be appointed directly. Veterans with service-connected disabilities who have obstacles to employment may be assisted by the Vocational Rehabilitation and Employment (VR&E) program. This program provides assistance in identifying an occupation that is consistent with the veterans' skills and interests and providing the services (including educational services) necessary to achieve that outcome. Disabled veterans can also receive assistance from the Disabled Veterans Outreach Program (DVOP), which provides assistance in local labor markets. In addition to these nationwide programs, the federal government also funds competitive grant programs for state, local, and private entities to provide employment-oriented services to veterans. These include the Veterans Workforce Investment Program (VWIP), which may provide training or employment services and Veterans Upward Bound (VUB), which prepares educationally disadvantaged veterans for post secondary coursework.

Since 1980 Richard Steier has had a unique vantage point to observe the gains, losses, and struggles of municipal labor unions in New York City. He has covered those unions and city government as a reporter and labor columnist for the "New York Post" and, since 1998, as editor and featured columnist of the "Chief-Leader," a century-old independent newspaper that covers city and state government in greater detail than today s mainstream news organizations. Drawing from his column with the "Chief-Leader," Razzle Dazzle, "Enough Blame to Go Around" describes in vivid terms how the changed economy has drastically altered the city s labor landscape, and why it has been difficult for municipal unions to adapt. There can be no doubt, he writes, that public employee unions have contributed to the problems that confront them today, including corruption and failed leadership. But at the same time and for all their flaws, he believes unions represent the best chance for ordinary people to receive fair economic treatment."

"Give us justice or we fight " was the 1919 clarion call of the Union's founding leaders which echoed down the years. Whether it was outrageous denial of recognition, or low pay with negotiations conducted in secrecy, or voluntary 'duties' taken for granted, or controversial hikes in pension contributions (1956 and 1972 are being repeated today) or being expected to teach disruptive pupils in impossible circumstances, the NASUWT believed in the unique feature distinguishing a genuine trade union from other types of organisation - the willingness of employees to challenge by direct action gross injustice perpetrated by employers and government. However, the NASUWT preferred compromise and consensus. National incomes policies and social contracts were supported, subject to fairness and even application to all. Third party intervention in salary negotiations proved more productive than the 'jungle of free collective bargaining'. The History of the NASUWT ends on an optimistic and positive note welcoming the Social Partnership with the Labour Government in the early 2000s. The wanton destruction of that productive relationship between government and all but one of the school teacher unions after the general election of 2010 by the Coalition Parties is in the words of the author "reckless and deplorable."

When the first gusher blew in at Spindletop, near Beaumont, Texas, in 1901, petroleum began to supplant cotton and cattle as the economic engine of the state and region. Very soon, much of the workforce migrated from the cotton field to the oilfield, following the lure of the wealth being created by black gold. The early decades of the twentieth century witnessed the development of an oilfield culture, as these workers defined and solidified their position within the region's social fabric. Over time, the work force grew more professionalized, and technological change attracted a different type of labourer. Bobby D. Weaver grew up and worked in the oil patch. Now, drawing on oral histories supplemented and confirmed by other research, he tells the colourful stories of the workers who actually brought oil wealth to Texas. Drillers, shooters, toolies, pipeliners, teamsters, roustabouts, tank builders, roughnecks . . . each of them played a role in the frenzied, hard-driving lifestyle of the boomtowns that sprouted overnight in association with each major oil discovery. Weaver tracks the differences between company workers and contract workers. He details the work itself and the ethos that surrounds it. He highlights the similarities and differences from one field to another and traces changing aspects of the work over time. Above all, Oilfield Trash captures the unique voices of the labouring people who worked long, hard hours, often risking life and limb to keep the drilling rigs "turning to the right".

Capitalism and Confrontation offers current, original analyses of the crisis in its financial, ecological, and political dimensions and the ways people are fighting back.The contributors, from a variety of scholarly, political, and activist perspectives, challenge the dominant narratives of the crisis and its history. As financiers and politicians today insist on greater austerity, the case studies collected in this anthology provide a glimpse of the confrontation and resistance that is indeed occurring throughout the globe.

LabourStart has 15 years of experience running online campaigns in partnership with trade unions around the world. This book serves as an introduction to LabourStart's campaigning work, and brings together some of our success stories. We have worked with our brothers and sisters around the world to help get union reps reinstated, get activists out of prison, give support to striking and locked-out workers, and mobilise international support to fight against the union-busting designs of governments and multinationals. These experiences provide invaluable lessons for any trade unionists who want to use online tools to strengthen their struggles in the workplace.

After years of being ignored by the media and public, labor finds itself squarely in the spotlight - under attack from all angles and fighting back fiercely. No longer can anyone claim that labor's falling membership has made it a mere relic, for its adversaries would not expend so much energy to destroy a movement grown truly irrelevant. But what is this war on labor all about? Can unions survive, and how? And what are the stakes for the middle class and for our country? With the benefit of 25 years of award-winning reporting, Philip M. Dine takes us on a riveting journey - replete with colorful characters and penetrating analysis - that answers these questions. It places today's news in context while making a powerful argument that a reinvigorated labor movement and a strong middle class are inextricably linked. "Phil Dine offers an insightful, riveting, reader-friendly examination of organized labor..." - Alexis Herman, 23rd U. S. Secretary of Labor "...a thoughtful work that gives readers hope that America's working class can regain the strength and respect they rightfully deserve." - American Prospect "...a must read...keen observations and thoughtful conclusions...so well written and entertaining, it beckons anyone who works for a living to bring it to the beach. " - Linda Foley, Past President, The Newspaper Guild "If you'd like to understand where the jobs have gone, and why, and what can be done to stop the bleeding -- it's worth reading Philip M. Dine's analysis of what's happened to unions in the last three decades..." - Sacramento News & Review "One of the best books in years about the union movement, its strengths, its weaknesses and its pivotal importance for America's middle class...(Dine) tells fascinating stories few knew." - AFL-CIO "Phil Dine offers a compelling and provocative look at labor's role in the political, social and economic marketplace." - The Honorable Tom Ridge "Phil Dine gives an intriguing new perspective on labor's declining numbers and the ill effects for our country if we let this trend continue." - Donna Brazile, Commentator, CNN and ABC News "...State of the Unions shatters conventional wisdom..." - St. Louis Post-Dispatch "State of the Unions does a masterful job of...showing how labor can revitalize itself so it is in a position to tackle the problems." -Congressman Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.) "State of the Unions should be of great interest to labor leaders, scholars and students, as well as citizens concerned about the future of our democracy." - Richard Hurd, Professor of Labor Studies, Cornell University "When I read Phil Dine's account of the largest strike by black workers in Mississippi's history, I was swept back to the summer of 1990 standing in a cotton field in Indianola, Mississippi...Phil Dine tells their story as no one else can." - G. Neel Lattimore, former Press Secretary to First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton

How do today's political parties relate to other organisations? Do they prefer rather distant relationships with a wide range of interest groups - or have they virtually detached themselves from civil society altogether? Scholars seem to agree that traditionally close relationships - such as those between social democratic parties and trade unions - have grown weaker since the 1960s. But to date only limited systematic research has been conducted. While parties and interest groups attract a great deal of attention from political scientists, the links between them have been largely overlooked. This book is an attempt to bridge the gap, starting from the party side of the relationship. It throws new light on the topic by presenting a theory-driven, comprehensive study of Norway's seven major political parties and their relationships with interest groups at the beginning of the new millennium. Based on original and extensive data, including party documents, in-depth interviews with key players and a survey of national party elites, Elin Haugsgjerd Allern paints a nuanced picture of the nature and significance of these relationships and the factors that shape them. A major conclusion is that Norway's parties tend to maintain rather distant but wide-ranging relationships with interest groups today. However, some parties still have fairly strong links with their traditional associates and a narrower network of links with other groups. Hence, Allern also shows that significant differences exist between parties that are apparently exposed to the same social, political and institutional environment.

A Black Revolutionary's Life in Labor: Black Workers Power in Detroit by Michael Hamlin with Michele Gibbs is a must read personal narrative of a book for labor activists, students and educators, community organizers and lovers of black history. In this candid narrative Hamlin exposes the horrors of growing up black in America from a Mississippi sharecropper's plantation to Korean War soldier, and ultimately truck driver for the Detroit News and his increasing rage at the system. Hamlin, a key organizer of DRUM and a leader of The League of Revolutionary Black Workers, describes his role in the 1960's and early 1970's when black assembly line workers shut down Chrysler Detroit's Dodge Main and Eldon Road auto plants to protest racial discrimination, safety violations and poor working conditions. The actions spawned a national revolutionary union movement built on black workers power.

In documented conversation with Michele Gibbs, political activist, artist and poet, Hamlin offers an inside look at the development of the League and its internal struggles, analyzes historic gains made and lessons learned as they apply to the continuing fight for racial equality by the working class. The book includes a Readers Study Guide, appendices of documents, poetry, artwork and photos pertinent to the period.

In a critical survey from the earliest times to the nineteenth century, this book argues for the reinstatement of trade unionism. Trade unionism is shown to be both intrinsically important and to provide a window onto the broader historical landscape; the evolution of trade union principles and practices is traced from the seventeenth century to mid-Victorian times. Underpinning this survey is an explanation of labour organisation that reaches back to the fourteenth century. Throughout, the emphasis is on trade union mentality and ideology, rather than on institutional history. There is a critical focus on the politics of gender, on the demarcation of skill and on the role of the state in labour issues. New insight is provided on the long-debated question of trade unions' contribution to social and political unrest from the era of the French Revolution through to Chartism.

This scarce antiquarian book is a selection from Kessinger Publishing's Legacy Reprint Series. Due to its age, it may contain imperfections such as marks, notations, marginalia and flawed pages. Because we believe this work is culturally important, we have made it available as part of our commitment to protecting, preserving, and promoting the world's literature. Kessinger Publishing is the place to find hundreds of thousands of rare and hard-to-find books with something of interest for everyone!

The United States is in transit from an industrial to a postindustrial society, from a modern to postmodern culture, and from a national to a global economy. In this book Richard Harvey Brown asks how we can distinguish the uniquely American elements of these changes from more global influences. His answer focuses on the ways in which economic imperatives give shape to the shifting experience of being American. Drawing on a wide knowledge of American history and literature, the latest social science, and contemporary social issues, Brown investigates continuity and change in American race relations, politics, religion, conception of selfhood, families, and the arts. He paints a vivid picture of contemporary America, showing how postmodernism is perceived and felt by individuals and focusing attention on the strengths and limitations of American democracy.

This scarce antiquarian book is a selection from Kessinger PublishingAcentsa -a centss Legacy Reprint Series. Due to its age, it may contain imperfections such as marks, notations, marginalia and flawed pages. Because we believe this work is culturally important, we have made it available as part of our commitment to protecting, preserving, and promoting the world's literature. Kessinger Publishing is the place to find hundreds of thousands of rare and hard-to-find books with something of interest for e

From 1894 to 1934, a span of forty years that saw its parent company go from coal mining to oil drilling, the Texas Pacific Mercantile and Manufacturing Company operated and managed the various commercial and service enterprises essential to the life and history of Thurber, Texas. Thurber was a company town, wholly owned by the Texas and Pacific Coal Company, and the inhabitants viewed the "company store" with suspicion before and after unionisation in 1903, believing it monopolistic and exploitative. But to call the mercantile a monopoly, or a mere contrivance to exploit labourers, paints an incomplete portrait of the company store as it existed in Thurber and elsewhere. With a keen eye for spotting telling detail, Gene Rhea Tucker examines a wealth of company ledgers, interviews, and newspaper accounts, presenting a case study not only of the microcosm of Thurber and TPM&M but of relations between labour and management in industrialising Texas, and a larger story of the complex role of the company store and company town in America.

The importance of property rights in providing the incentive to invest, work hard, and innovate has been recognized for centuries. Yet, many women in Africa do not have the same property rights or formal legal capacity enjoyed by men. Empowering Women: Legal Rights and Economic Opportunities in Africa documents the extent to which the legal capacity and property rights vary for women and men, and analyzes the impact this has on women's economic opportunities. The book introduces the "Women's Legal Economic Empowerment Database - Africa (Women LEED Africa)." This database covers all 47 countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, providing indicators and links to constitutions, ratified international conventions, and domestic statutes where there are gender gaps in legal capacity and property rights. It shows how and where, despite universal constitutional recognition of non-discrimination, many countries have exceptions in areas of marriage, ownership, and control over property and inheritance. With less secure property rights, women in these countries do not have the same ability - or incentive - to accumulate and control assets and thus to access finance or to grow their businesses. After laying out the various gender gaps in legal capacity and property rights, the book addresses the additional challenges stemming from legal systems with a multiplicity of sources of law. Overlapping legal systems themselves add uncertainty to defining women's economic rights. The authors use case law to trace out the implications for women's rights and to provide examples of effective reforms. The book recognizes that beyond de jure differences, women may face greater practical constraints in having their rights protected. This book spells out specific steps that can be taken to address gender gaps both in formal property rights and in practical constraints in accessing justice.

This is the first book to provide a clear overview and innovative analysis of the multiple ways the European Union affects industrial relations. It frames the EU as the provider of both a new institutional framework and policy context for industrial relations. It first examines the European level institutional framework for industrial relations, namely the European social dialogue at cross-sectoral, sectoral and company level, as well as interactions between these and transnational developments. It then focuses on the EU's role as a driver for institutional change in industrial relations at the national level, and subsequently analyses how the EU's policy framework, such as the common market freedoms, economic governance and Agenda 2020, influences industrial relations. The book will be of great interest particularly to all those involved in industrial relations and EU studies and more generally to anyone interested in the EU's debated and contested role in socio-economic governance in the face of an economic crisis that puts into question existing national and transnational governance structures.

The federally recognized Round Valley Indian Tribes are a small, confederated people whose members today come from twelve indigenous California tribes. In 1849, during the California gold rush, people from several of these tribes were relocated to a reservation farm in northern Mendocino County. Fusing Native American history and labor history, William Bauer Jr. chronicles the evolution of work, community, and tribal identity among the Round Valley Indians in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries that enabled their survival and resistance to assimilation. Drawing on oral history interviews, Bauer brings Round Valley Indian voices to the forefront in a narrative that traces their adaptations to shifting social and economic realities, first within unfree labor systems, including outright slavery and debt peonage, and later as wage laborers within the agricultural workforce. Despite the allotment of the reservation, federal land policies, and the Great Depression, Round Valley Indians innovatively used work and economic change to their advantage in order to survive and persist in the twentieth century. We Were All Like Migrant Workers Here relates their history for the first time.

This is an EXACT reproduction of a book published before 1923. This IS NOT an OCR'd book with strange characters, introduced typographical errors, and jumbled words. This book may have occasional imperfections such as missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. that were either part of the original artifact, or were introduced by the scanning process. We believe this work is culturally important, and despite the imperfections, have elected to bring it back into print as part of our continuing commitment to the preservation of printed works worldwide. We appreciate your understanding of the imperfections in the preservation process, and hope you enjoy this valuable book.

Due to the very old age and scarcity of this book, many of the pages may be hard to read due to the blurring of the original text.

Due to the very old age and scarcity of this book, many of the pages may be hard to read due to the blurring of the original text.

This scarce antiquarian book is a selection from Kessinger Publishing's Legacy Reprint Series. Due to its age, it may contain imperfections such as marks, notations, marginalia and flawed pages. Because we believe this work is culturally important, we have made it available as part of our commitment to protecting, preserving, and promoting the world's literature. Kessinger Publishing is the place to find hundreds of thousands of rare and hard-to-find books with something of interest for everyone!

This scarce antiquarian book is a selection from Kessinger Publishing's Legacy Reprint Series. Due to its age, it may contain imperfections such as marks, notations, marginalia and flawed pages. Because we believe this work is culturally important, we have made it available as part of our commitment to protecting, preserving, and promoting the world's literature. Kessinger Publishing is the place to find hundreds of thousands of rare and hard-to-find books with something of interest for everyone