This 2 in 1 set includes the internationally acclaimed bestseller "Why Women Mean Business" and the new follow-up book "How Women Mean Business. " Armed with both these books you will discover why business needs to change and how you can achieve a healthy and profitable balance.

- Understand the gender divide

- Balance your business for better bottom line results

- Find out how companies are implementing balance - and making it work

Praise for "Why Women Mean Business"

.".".gives example after example of the price that we all pay for a situation in which 'women may hold the keys but men still control the locks'."" The Times

""What's especially valuable is the authors' analysis of where companies go wrong in managing women...that's how it will help women in the workplace."" Harvard Business Review

""Lays out the importance of retaining women in senior leadership positions."" Harpers Bazaar

""Wittenberg-Cox and Maitland have opened new ground."" Management Today

Praise for "How Women Mean Business"

""A call to action for savvy executives."" Lois P Frankel, PhD, "bestselling author of" Nice Girls Don't Get the Corner Office.

""Understanding the" why "of gender balance is easy, the real challenge is implementing the" how "across a business. This book shows the reader" how "to do it, step by pragmatic step."" John J. Harris, Chairman and CEO, Nestle Waters

""This book is the best overview of the extraordinary business opportunity women represent."" Julie Gilbert, Founder and CEO, Wolf

"""How Women Mean Business "is a must-read for any manager."" Emilio Umeoka, President, Microsoft Asia Pacific

"""How Women Mean Business "sets out a compelling blueprint for better business practices in the 21st century."" Cherie Blair

""A must-read for any leader wanting to use gender differences as a strategic lever to develop their business."" Jean-Pascal Tricoire, President and CEO, Schneider Electric

Since its inception, Development Studies has tended to restrict its critical enquiries to nations in the 'Third World.' The field's important studies of labour markets, who circulates within them, and the controversies such issues generate, have hitherto been confined 'lesser developed' societies. In this important collection, drawing from key texts over the course Tom Brass's career, these concerns are deftly deployed to examine how these same phenomena affect metropolitan capitalist countries.

The new international economy is today the single most important factor shaping relations between employers, unions, and governments in the world's advanced industrial societies. While companies compete in global markets with firms around the world, workers remain fixed in each country and are influenced by local customs and institutions. mores. This book explores how globalization affects the contemporary workplace and how workplace policies can make nations more internationally competitive. Unlike other country-by-country treatments of the subject, this analysis compares and contrasts the experiences of different nations around important developments, such as the labor market consequences of regional trading pacts, the international diffusion of new forms of work organization, and the strategies that nations are pursuing to keep their work systems competitive. The contributors come from a variety of disciplines but all bear expertise in international industrial relations.

El Salvador's long civil war had its origins in the state repression against one of the most militant labor movements in Latin American history. Solidarity under Siege vividly documents the port workers and shrimp fishermen who struggled yet prospered under extremely adverse conditions during the 1970s only to suffer discord, deprivation and, eventually, the demise of their industry and unions over the following decades. Featuring material uncovered in previously inaccessible union and court archives and extensive interviews conducted with former plant workers and fishermen in Puerto el Triunfo and in Los Angeles, Jeffrey L. Gould presents the history of the labor movement before and during the country's civil war, its key activists, and its victims into sharp relief, shedding new and valuable light on the relationships between rank and file labor movements and the organized left in twentieth-century Latin and Central America.

White working-class conservatives have played a decisive role in American history, particularly in their opposition to social justice movements, radical critiques of capitalism, and government help for the poor and sick. While this pattern is largely seen as a post-1960s development, Poor Man's Fortune tells a different story, excavating the long history of white working-class conservatism in the century from the Civil War to World War II. With a close study of metal miners in the Tri-State district of Kansas, Missouri, and Oklahoma, Jarod Roll reveals why successive generations of white, native-born men willingly and repeatedly opposed labor unions and government-led health and safety reforms, even during the New Deal. With painstaking research, Roll shows how the miners' choices reflected a deep-seated, durable belief that hard-working American white men could prosper under capitalism, and exposes the grim costs of this view for these men and their communities, for organized labor, and for political movements seeking a more just and secure society. Roll's story shows how American inequalities are in part the result of a white working-class conservative tradition driven by grassroots assertions of racial, gendered, and national privilege.

The last twenty-five years of the twentieth century was a period of extraordinary change in organizations and the economies of the developed world. This continues today. Such has been the scale and momentum of events that, for some analysts, the only comparable periods are the early part of
the twentieth century in which the shift to mass production and large-scale organization was accomplished, or the industrial revolution itself a hundred years earlier.
Researchers in Europe and the USA in particular have been studying change in work and organizations, but there has been little attempt to systematize and draw together the results of their work. So far, the emphasis amongst writers on organizations considering the problem of contemporary change has
been on ways of conceptualizing events, rather than also considering evidence. But what has actually happened? How much of the flux of events is real change, and how much mere change in emphasis in which apparent change is overlaying organizational continuity? How far are changes in particular
events and sectors connected, and is an overall understanding of complex processes possible?
The Oxford Handbook of Work and Organization aims to bring together, present and discuss what is currently known about work and organizations and their connection to broader economic change in Europe and America. Issues of conceptualization are not neglected but, in contrast to other comparable
volumes, the emphasis is firmly on what is known what and has been observed by researchers. The volume contains a range of theoretically informed essays, written by leading authorities in their respective fields, giving comprehensive coverage ofchanges in work, occupations, and organizations. It
constitutes an invaluable overview of the accumulated understanding of research into work, occupations and organizations in recent decades. It shows that in almost every aspect of economic institutions, change has been considerable.
The subject area of work, occupations and organizations is considered in five major sections of the volume: I, Work, Technology, and the Division of Labour; II, Managerial Regimes and Employee Responses; III, Organizing and Organizations; IV, Occupations and Organizations and V. Organizations,
Institutions, and Boundaries. In this way the contemporary situation in work and organizations is considered extensively in its different dimensions and interconnections. The contributors have been selected for their expertise and include many leading authors in organizational analysis and
substantive research. The handbook is thus an authoritative statement, and offers a valuable account of organizations at this time.

Throughout the industrial world, the discipline of labour law has fallen into deep philosophical and policy crisis, at the same time as new theoretical approaches make it a field of considerable intellectual ferment. Modern labour law evolved in a symbiotic relationship with a postwar institutional and policy agenda, the social, economic, and political underpinnings of which have gradually eroded in the context of accelerating international economic integration and wage-competition, a decline in the capacity of the nation-state to steer economic progress, the ascendancy of fiscal austerity and monetarism over Keynesian/welfare state politics, the appearance of post-industrial production models, the proliferation of contingent employment relationships, the fragmentation of class-based identities and emergence of new social movements, and the significantly increased participation of women in paid work. These developments offer many appealing possibilities - the opportunity, for example, to contest the gender division of labour and re-think the boundaries between immigration and labour policy. But they also hold out quite threatening prospects - including increased unemployment and inequality and the decline of workers' organizations and social participation - in the context of proliferating constraints imposed by international financial pressures on enacting redistributive social and economic policies. New strategies must be developed to meet these challenges. These essays - which are the product of a transnational comparative dialogue among academics and practitioners in labour law and related legal fields, including social security, immigration, trade, and development - identify, analyse, and respond to some of the conceptual and policy challenges posed by globalization.

In this major reassessment of Russian labor history, Charters Wynn shows that in Imperial Russia's primary steel and mining region the same class that posed a powerful challenge to the tsarist government also undermined the revolutionary movement with its pogromist violence. From the last decades of the nineteenth century through Russia's First Revolution in 1905, the revolutionary parties succeeded in inciting the predominantly young, male "peasant-workers" of the Donbass-Dnepr Bend region to take part in general strikes, rallies, and armed confrontation with troops. However, the parties were never able to control the unrest their agitation helped unleash: Wynn provides evidence that the workers also committed devastating pogromist attacks on Jews, radical students, and artisans. Until now the prevailing image of the Russian working class has been largely based on the skilled and educated workers of St. Petersburg and Moscow. By focusing on the unskilled and semi-skilled laborers of the ethnically diverse Donbass-Dnepr Bend region, Wynn reveals the "low consciousness" that coexisted with radicalism within the Russian working class and traces its origins in the bleak and violent frontier culture of the pit villages and steel towns. Originally published in 1992. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

In order to describe how the elites in two political systems grappled with the potentially explosive influx of foreign labor, Gary Freeman analyzes and compares the ways in which the British and the French governments responded to immigration and racial conflict over a thirty-year period during the post-war era. In addition to comparing the policy records of the two countries, the author focuses on the process by which political and social phenomena become defined as public problems and how alternative responses to these problems are generated. His broader aim is to provide a standpoint from which to evaluate the more general problem-solving capability of the political systems under consideration. Professor Freeman finds that by 1975 both Britain and France had instituted tightly controlled, racially discriminatory, temporary contract-labor systems. Despite this basic similarity, however, he notes three distinctions between the two cases: while the French attempted to adapt immigration to their economic needs, the British failed to seize this opportunity; while the British moved toward an elaborate race relations structure, the French relied on criminal law and the economic self-interest of the worker to prevent outbreaks of racial violence; and the British were much more affected than the French by fears of immigration and racial conflict. Originally published in 1979. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

Wallace N. Atherton is concerned with a single but very important facet of the behavior of labor unions--the ways in which their bargaining objectives are determined. He begins by reviewing the existing literature and briefly sketches the conceptual structure of the union. The analysis starts with a theory whose form and substance are close to existing theories, and then is altered by adding unfamiliar elements. An eclectic "economic" model is built with two provisional assumptions: complete internal homogeneity of preferences about bargaining objectives, and perfect knowledge and foresight of everything relevant to the attainment of these objectives. The main innovation at this stage is the inclusion of anticipated strike length as a variable which affects union preferences of goals to be pursued. In Chapter IV the first provisional assumption is dropped and the model becomes "politico-economic." Allowance is made for diversity of goals within the union and for the leaderships' concern to stay in office. The theory is then restated in axiomatic terms, enabling the author to dispense with the second assumption, that of the union's perfect knowledge and foresight. The theory is now adapted to deal with a union faced with probabilities rather than certainties, and additional adaptations deal with the effect of internal threats to the leaders' control of the organization. Originally published in 1973. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

There have been numerous accounts exploring the relationship between institutions and firm practices. However, much of this literature tends to be located into distinct theoretical-traditional 'silos', such as national business systems, social systems of production, regulation theory, or varieties of capitalism, with limited dialogue between different approaches to enhance understanding of institutional effects. Again, evaluations of the relationship between institutions and employment relations have tended to be of the broad-brushstroke nature, often founded on macro-data, and with only limited attention being accorded to internal diversity and details of actual practice. The Handbook aims to fill this gap by bringing together an assembly of comprehensive and high quality chapters to enable understanding of changes in employment relations since the early 1970s. Theoretically-based chapters attempt to link varieties of capitalism, business systems, and different modes of regulation to the specific practice of employment relations, and offer a truly comparative treatment of the subject, providing frameworks and empirical evidence for understanding trends in employment relations in different parts of the world. Most notably, the Handbook seeks to incorporate at a theoretical level regulationist accounts and recent work that link bounded internal systemic diversity with change, and, at an applied level, a greater emphasis on recent applied evidence, specifically dealing with the employment contract, its implementation, and related questions of work organization. It will be useful to academics and students of industrial relations, political economy, and management.

Colonial Migrants at the Heart of Empire is the first in-depth look at the experiences of Puerto Rican migrant workers in continental U.S. agriculture in the twentieth century. The Farm Labor Program, established by the government of Puerto Rico in 1947, placed hundreds of thousands of migrant workers on U.S. farms and fostered the emergence of many stateside Puerto Rican communities. Ismael Garcia-Colon investigates the origins and development of this program and uncovers the unique challenges faced by its participants. A labor history and an ethnography, Colonial Migrants evokes the violence, fieldwork, food, lodging, surveillance, and coercion that these workers experienced on farms and conveys their hopes and struggles to overcome poverty. Island farmworkers encountered a unique form of prejudice and racism arising from their dual status as both U.S. citizens and as "foreign others," and their experiences were further shaped by evolving immigration policies. Despite these challenges, many Puerto Rican farmworkers ultimately chose to settle in rural U.S. communities, contributing to the production of food and the Latinization of the U.S. farm labor force.

In the 1960s historians on both sides of the Atlantic began to challenge the assumptions of their colleagues and push for an understanding of history "from below." In this collection, Staughton Lynd, himself one of the pioneers of this approach, laments the passing of fellow luminaries David Montgomery, E.P. Thompson, Alfred Young, and Howard Zinn, and makes the case that contemporary academics and activists alike should take more seriously the stories and perspectives of Native Americans, slaves, rank-and-file workers, and other still-too-frequently marginalized voices.

Staughton Lynd is an American conscientious objector, Quaker, peace activist and civil rights activist, tax resister, historian, professor, author, and lawyer.

En 1949, l'Allemagne remet en place un systeme de conventions collectives destine a determiner les salaires et les conditions de travail au plus pres des branches de l'activite economique. Dans ce systeme, les partenaires sociaux jouissent d'une reelle autonomie decisionnelle face a l'Etat. Or, en 1992, les critiques a l'encontre du systeme conventionnel commencent a s'amplifier. Au tournant des annees 2000, la revendication en faveur de l'introduction par l'Etat d'un salaire minimum intersectoriel emerge meme sur la scene publique. Comment en arrive-t-on a remettre en cause un systeme aussi emblematique du modele economique allemand ? Quelles transformations sont a l'oeuvre et quels en sont les acteurs ? Face a ces transformations, quelles positions et quelles strategies les partenaires sociaux adoptent-ils ? Pour repondre a ces questions, l'ouvrage analyse les publications de deux instituts de recherche, l'un proche du patronat, l'autre proche des syndicats, entre 1992 et 2008. Il permet ainsi d'acceder a une meilleure comprehension, nourrie d'approches divergentes mais parfois complementaires, d'un phenomene complexe.

This book brings together research in the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom, Ireland, Australia, and New Zealand to answer a series of key questions: * What opportunities do employees in Anglo-American workplaces have to voice their concerns and what do they seek? * To what extent, and in what contexts, do workers want greater union representation? * How do workers feel about employer-initiated channels of influence? What styles of engagement do they want with employers?* What institutional models are more successful in giving workers the voice they seek at workplaces? * What can unions, employers, and public policy makers learn from these studies of representation and influence? The research is based largely on surveys that were conducted as a follow-up to the influential Worker Representation and Participation Survey (WRPS) reported in What Workers Want, coauthored by Richard B. Freeman and Joel Rogers in 1999 and updated in 2006. Taken together, these studies authoritatively outline workers' attitudes toward, and opportunities for, representation and influence in the Anglo-American workplace. They also enhance industrial relations theory and suggest strategies for unions, employers, and public policy

Das Buch zeigt am Beispiel von BMW, wie durch die Einfuhrung von Telearbeit die Flexibilitat und Effizienz im Unternehmen gesteigert werden konnen. Dies gilt auch fur die Bereiche Entwicklung, Forschung oder selbst Produktion. Personalverantwortliche lernen, wie sie mit dieser Moglichkeit der Arbeitsgestaltung zur Zufriedenheit aller Beteiligten umgehen konnen. Die Autoren beschreiben die hemmenden und fordernden Akzeptanz- und Ausbreitungsfaktoren auf individueller, organisatorischer und teilweise auch gesellschaftlicher Ebene. Erfahrungsberichte geben Einblick in die Vor- und Nachteile von Telearbeit bei BMW und beschreiben die Wirtschaftlichkeitseffekte anhand des "Balanced-scorecard"-Gedankens."

Since the 1980s, the world's governments have decreased state welfare and thus increased the number of unprotected 'informal' or 'precarious' workers. As a result, more and more workers do not receive secure wages or benefits from either employers or the state. This book offers a fresh and provocative look into the alternative social movements informal workers in India are launching. It also offers a unique analysis of the conditions under which these movements succeed or fail. Drawing from 300 interviews with informal workers, government officials and union leaders, Rina Agarwala argues that Indian informal workers are using their power as voters to demand welfare benefits from the state, rather than demanding traditional work benefits from employers. In addition, they are organizing at the neighborhood level, rather than the shop floor, and appealing to 'citizenship', rather than labor rights.

Today, a large proportion of the world's states are under authoritarian governments. These countries limit participation rights, both in the political sphere and in the workplace. At the same time, they have to generate consent in the workplace in order to ensure social stability and prevent the escalation of conflicts. But how do companies generate consent given that employee voice and interest representation may be limited or entirely absent? Based on a review of research literature from sociology, organizational psychology, and behavioural economics, this book develops a theory of consent generation and distinguishes three groups of consent-producing mechanisms: socialization, incentive mechanisms, and participation and interest representation. It presents an empirical analysis of how these mechanisms work in Russian and Chinese automotive factories and shows how socio-cultural factors and labour regulation explain the differences between both countries regarding consent and control in the workplace. The book contributes to two research debates. First, it examines the generation of consent in the workplace-a core topic of the sociology of work and organization. Its particular focus is on consent generation in authoritarian societies. Secondly, the book contributes to the debate about the reasons for the completely different trajectories of post-communist Russia and China. The book provides an empirical analysis that explains the different work behaviours of employees in both countries and links the micro-level of the workplace and the macro-level of institutions and organizational cultures.

Through a detailed examination of the German coal industry, Martin Parnell illustrates the historical evolution of the practice of industrial self-government and argues that historical continuities lie at the root of a full understanding of German capitalism. His study, which takes us from the eighteenth century to the present day, examines how intensive cooperation between state, management, private sector, and unions has shaped the industry both in growth and decline. He argues that it is Germany's strong tradition of industrial self-government that is the key institution characterizing the organization and functioning of the German political economy, uniting the politics of the dominant state role and the economics of industrial production. Parnell uses and develops the ideas of German economic historians, especially Abelshauser, whose influential work on the nineteenth-century origins of capitalist organization have recently begun to have a wide impact in translation. His work is a valuable contribution to the debate about the origins, forms, and future of German neo-corporatism.

How are national and international labour laws responding to the challenge of globalization as it re-shapes the workplaces of the world? This collection of essays by leading legal scholars and lawyers from Europe and the Americas was first published in 2006. It addresses the implications of globalization for the legal regulation of the workplace. It examines the role of international labour standards and the contribution of the International Labour Organization, and assesses the success of the European experiment with continental employment standards. It explores the prospects for hemispheric co-operation on labour standards in the Americas, and deals with the impact of international labour standards on the rights of women and migrant workers. As the nature and organization of work around the world is being decisively transformed, new regional and international institutions are emerging that may provide the platform for new labour standards, and for protecting existing ones.

From forced trusteeships to hostile inter-union raids, American labour has been gripped by a devastating civil war that has resulted in 30 years of decline. With the economic crises putting more pressure on organised labour than ever and prompting a renewed interest in the subject, it is high time to turn back this trend. Long-time trade union leader and journalist Steve Early goes straight to the root of the problem, arguing that these destructive policies have grown out of the current strategy of labour management collaboration and calling for an entire rebuild.

Das Buch beschaftigt sich mit dem Zusammenhang zwischen der Verfugbarkeit von Glucksspielen und dem Ausmass pathologischen Glucksspiels in der Bevoelkerung. Die Thematik wird kontrovers diskutiert und betrifft insbesondere das Automatenspiel. Die Gesetzgebung sieht Massnahmen vor, die auf eine Verringerung der Gefahrdung abzielen. Der Autor stellt verschiedene moegliche Massnahmen vor und bewertet ihre Wirksamkeit.

Dieses Buch vermittelt in einfacher und verstandlicher Form die theoretischen und praktischen Grundlagen der qualitativen anorganischen Analyse und bietet daruber hinaus eine Fulle von Tipps und Tricks, die den Einstieg in die Praxis der analytischen Chemie erleichtern. Es richtet sich damit an alle Studenten und Auszubildenden, die im Laufe ihrer chemischen Ausbildung qualitative anorganische Analyse und die ihr zugrunde liegenden Zusammenhange erlernen und verstehen wollen. Dabei wurden die Inhalte bewusst so gewahlt, dass sich auch Nebenfach- und Lehramtsstudenten schnell und problemlos zurechtfinden. Das Buch zeichnet sich durch kompakte Darstellung der behandelten Sachverhalte, Beschrankung auf die gangigen Elemente, direkten Praxisbezug und ubersichtliche Gestaltung aus. Es dient als Laboranleitung, Seminarbegleitung und Prufungsvorbereitung. Die behandelten Nachweise, Reaktionen und Trennungen wurden alle in der Praxis erprobt."