The classic text on resolving workplace conflicts, fully revised and updated

Resolving Conflicts at Work is a guide for preventing and resolving conflicts, miscommunications, and misunderstandings at work, including dozens of techniques for revealing how the inevitable disputes and divisions in the workplace are actually opportunities for greater creativity, productivity, enhanced morale, and personal growth. In the third edition of this text, all chapters are completely infused with additional content, updated examples, and new case studies. Like its predecessors, it identifies core strategies for preventing and resolving both intermittent and chronic conflicts in the workplace.?In addition, the bookIncludes a new foreword by Warren Bennis, which represents his most recent thinking about judgment calls and candid communications in the workplacePresents new chapters on leadership and transformational conflict coaching, and organizational systems designFeatures downloadable teaching materials available for faculty using the book

This definitive and comprehensive work provides a handy guide for managers, employees, union representatives, human resource experts, and consultants seeking to maintain stable and productive workplaces.

Seit das "Ende des Kommunismus" auf 1990 festgeschrieben und der "Unrechtsstaat DDR" der Justiz ubergeben wurde, inszenieren neue Institutionen, Stiftungen und Behoerden auf Bundesebene den oekonomischen, kulturellen und moralischen Erfolg des Rechtsstaates. Dabei wird die Mehrheit der Neuburger mit Schockereignissen des krassen sozialen Wandels und der gesellschaftlichen Stigmatisierung konfrontiert. Konzepte wie "Transformation", "Modernisierung" und "Demokratisierung" treten als Euphemismen auf, die uber eine neoliberale Annexion der "Neulander" hinwegtauschen. Das Investmentprojekt "Aufschwung Ost" ist ein Laborfall der Globalisierung. UEber eine Aufarbeitung der DDR im Totalitarismus- und Diktaturenvergleich hinaus ist eine politische Soziologie der Landnahme, des Gesellschaftsumbaus und des strukturellen Kolonialismus in Ostdeutschland langst uberfallig. Das Forschungsprogramm "Entkoppelte Gesellschaft. Liberalisierung und Widerstand in Ostdeutschland seit 1989/90. Ein soziologisches Laboratorium" will im dreissigsten Jahr der "Einheit" diesem Thema mit einer mehrbandigen Publikation Rechnung tragen. Der Band "Umbau" analysiert das Einrucken der Gesetzeskraft des Kernstaates in das Beitrittsgebiet und belegt die Vollstreckung und Verwerfung der ostdeutschen Gesellschaft. Entgegen herrschender Meinung wurde die Ermachtigung fur die UEbernahme der DDR durch die BRD nicht von der DDR-Bevoelkerung erteilt. Der vorliegende Band leitet die Zusammenhange einer bis heute wirkenden Kulturkatastrophe her, deren Aufarbeitung erst am Anfang steht.

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En Marcha! is the only intensive course in Spanish for beginners. Systematic and comprehensive, it takes the student from beginner to solid intermediate level in one year. Carefully graded exercises and expert grammatical explanations are combined with lively activities and an attractive presentation to develop rapidly the four skills of listening, speaking, reading and writing. The material is organised in 8 units. Each unit has a theme around which the language content is developed and provides a variety of activities to practise what is being learnt, with clear instructions guiding the student and regular summaries of key points. The units also provide sections for self-study, which consolidate material learnt in class, as well as a full key to the exercises. The books contains a set of worksheets related to 15 role-plays, which allow students to deal in an effective manner with everyday situations such as buying food, clothes, going to a restaurant and seeing a doctor.

This work examines the rise of postmodernism in management scholarship and argues that the prevalence of postmodernist thought reflects a lack of understanding by management researchers of the core principles upon which Western business endeavour is based. The author highlights postmodernism's methodological and conceptual failings, such as disbelief in material progress and economic advancement, and its denial of generalizable laws to direct management research. In its place, the author proposes a return to traditional modernist principles in management research, based on scientific evidence. This ground breaking, timely work will spark debate and challenge previously accepted claims of postmodernism, a nice retort to the anti-business/anti-capitalist literature now prevalent in academia.

This book provides a detailed study of the politics of the Progressive Alliance at the constituency level from its inception in 1903 to collapse during the First World War. It evaluates the character, development and difficulties of progressive co-operation and considers the long-term viability of an electoral alliance between the Liberal and Labour parties. Samantha Wolstencroft provides an exhaustive analysis of political change in two of Britain's major industrial centres, Manchester and Stoke-on-Trent, during a period that witnessed the decline of the Liberal Party and rise of Labour. She evaluates the difficulties faced by the early Labour Party in its attempt to attain a foothold within the political landscape, examines the impact of the experience of the First World War upon the political parties, and demonstrates the power of issues and the role of candidates in the transformation of electoral politics in Britain in the immediate aftermath of war.

Economists generally assume that wage differentials among similar workers will only endure when competition in the capital and/or labour market is restricted. However, using a classical Marxist analysis of real capitalist competition, Botwinick shows that substantial patterns of wage disparity can persist despite high levels of competition. Going against mainstream proponents of labour-management cooperation, the author calls for militant union organization that can once again take wages and working conditions out of capitalist competition.

Progressive theorists and activists insist that contemporary capitalism is deeply flawed from a normative point of view. However, most accept the liberal egalitarian thesis that the serious shortcomings of market societies could be overcome with proper political regulation. Building on Marx's legacy, Tony Smith argues that advocates of this thesis lack an adequate concept of capital and the state, and fail to comprehend new developments in world history ensuring that the 'destructive' aspects of capitalism increasingly outweigh whatever 'creative' elements it might continue to possess.

This book explores the tenuous existence of seafarers, divided between their time on the ocean and their residence in sailortown economies geared to exploit them. Particular attention is given both to the contribution of seafarers as a global workforce into the nineteenth century, and to their help in creating vibrant multicultural enclaves in port cities worldwide. In addition, research explores the scandalized opinions of outside observers, challenging ideas about public behavior and relationships. Sailortown myths persisted far into the twentieth century, to the detriment of older waterfront districts and their residents, and readers will find this book is invaluable in casting new light on forgotten communities, whose lives bridged urban, maritime and global histories.

This book provides a survey of the academic research and knowledge on the economics and management of professional hockey. While professional football, baseball, and basketball have been the focus of sports economists for decades, professional hockey has been left out of most economic analyses of the sports industry. This book fills that gap by presenting a selection of research focusing specifically on hockey, such as labor relations and player behavior in the NHL, salary determination and player careers, ticket demand and ticket pricing, and emerging topics such as diversity and discrimination. Expanding the available literature dramatically, this book will be an important tool for researchers as well as sports managers, and students at the advanced undergraduate and graduate level.

This book analyzes the consequences that would arise if Germany's means-tested unemployment benefits were replaced with an unconditional basic income. The basic income scheme introduced is based on a negative income tax and calibrated to be both financially feasible and compatible with current constitutional legislation. Using data from the German Socio-Economic Panel (GSOEP) the author examines the impact of the reform on the household labor supply as well as on both poverty and inequality measures. It is shown that by applying reasonable values for both the basic income and the implied marginal tax rate imposed on earned incomes, efficiency gains can be reconciled with generally accepted value statements. Furthermore, as the proposal includes a universal basic income for families, child poverty could be reduced considerably. The estimates are based on the discrete choice approach to labor supply.

In this important book, leading scholar Alex Dupuy provides a critical reinterpretation of the Haitian Revolution and its aftermath. Dupuy evaluates the French colonial context of Saint-Domingue and then Haiti, the achievements and limitations of the revolution, and the divisions in the Haitian ruling class that blocked meaningful economic and political development. He reconsiders the link between slavery and modern capitalism; refutes the argument that Hegel derived his master-slave dialectic from the Haitian Revolution; analyzes the consequences of new class and color divisions after independence; and convincingly explains why Haiti chose to pay an indemnity to France in return for its recognition of Haiti's independence. In his sophisticated analysis of race, class, and slavery, he provides a robust theoretical framework for conceptualizing and understanding these major themes.

From grassroots to global activism, the untold story of the world's first domestic workers' movement. Domestic workers exist on the margins of the world labor market. Maids, nannies, housekeepers, au pairs, and other care workers are most often 'off the books,' working for long hours and low pay. They are not afforded legal protections or benefits such as union membership, health care, vacation days, and retirement plans. Many women who perform these jobs are migrants, and are oftentimes dependent upon their employers for room and board as well as their immigration status, creating an extremely vulnerable category of workers in the growing informal global economy. Drawing on over a decade's worth of research, plus interviews with a number of key movement leaders and domestic workers, Jennifer N. Fish presents the compelling stories of the pioneering women who, while struggling to fight for rights in their own countries, mobilized transnationally to enact change. The book takes us to Geneva, where domestic workers organized, negotiated, and successfully received the first-ever granting of international standards for care work protections by the United Nations' International Labour Organization. This landmark victory not only legitimizes the importance of these household laborers' demands for respect and recognition, but also signals the need to consider human rights as a central component of workers' rights. Domestic Workers of the World Unite! chronicles how a group with so few resources could organize and act within the world's most powerful international structures and give voice to the wider global plight of migrants, women, and informal workers. For anyone with a stake in international human and workers' rights, this is a critical and inspiring model of civil society organizing.

Welche Rolle das Strafrecht bei der Aufarbeitung schwerer Menschenrechtsverletzungen spielen sollte, ist trotz des Bedeutungszuwachses des Voelkerstrafrechts im Rahmen der Internationalen Strafgerichtsbarkeit eine hoch aktuelle und unter dem Schlagwort "Transitional Justice" kontrovers diskutierte Frage. Diese Studie behandelt die Thematik anhand der kolumbianischen Sondergerichtsbarkeit "Gerechtigkeit und Frieden", in deren Rahmen die Taten der Paramilitars strafrechtlich aufgearbeitet werden und die auch im Hinblick auf den Friedensprozess mit der FARC-Guerilla eine wichtige Rolle spielt. Aufgrund der Komplexitat des Falls geht dieses Buch jedoch uber eine reine strafrechtliche Analyse hinaus und nimmt zudem diejenigen Strukturen, Prozesse und Dynamiken in den Blick, die zu dem Phanomen Paramilitarismus gefuhrt haben.

Die 15. Entwicklungspolitischen Hochschulwochen, die Sudwind Salzburg in Kooperation mit der Universitat Salzburg durchfuhrte, nahmen das "Europaische Jahr fur Entwicklung" (2015) zum Anlass, die Herausforderung "Entwicklung" aufzugreifen und einer interdisziplinaren Analyse zu unterziehen. Mitarbeiterinnen und Mitarbeiter entwicklungspolitischer Organisationen und Initiativen, der Universitat Salzburg sowie weiterer wissenschaftlicher Einrichtungen, die bei den Entwicklungspolitischen Hochschulwochen mitwirkten, setzen sich in ihren Beitragen mit verschiedenen Fragestellungen (Klimawandel, Migration, Globalisierung, Freihandelsabkommen, Krisen und Konflikte) auseinander. Die Beitrage dieses Bandes wollen zu einer kritischen Bewusstseinsbildung beitragen und Wege aufzeigen, die angesichts drangender globaler Probleme "Zukunft entwickeln".

Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) are regarded by many as vital role players in improving the lives of the poor and bringing about social justice. This book includes contributions from NGO workers, academics and social movement activists in order to provide varying perspectives on what possible role NGOs can rightly play in popular struggles. Consequently, the book does not have a single message about what role NGOs ought to play in struggles for social justice, but rather invites careful reflection and critical discussion on their role both in South Africa and further afield.

There have been numerous accounts exploring the relationship between institutions and firm practices. However, much of this literature tends to be located into distinct theoretical-traditional 'silos', such as national business systems, social systems of production, regulation theory, or varieties of capitalism, with limited dialogue between different approaches to enhance understanding of institutional effects. Again, evaluations of the relationship between institutions and employment relations have tended to be of the broad-brushstroke nature, often founded on macro-data, and with only limited attention being accorded to internal diversity and details of actual practice. The Handbook aims to fill this gap by bringing together an assembly of comprehensive and high quality chapters to enable understanding of changes in employment relations since the early 1970s. Theoretically-based chapters attempt to link varieties of capitalism, business systems, and different modes of regulation to the specific practice of employment relations, and offer a truly comparative treatment of the subject, providing frameworks and empirical evidence for understanding trends in employment relations in different parts of the world. Most notably, the Handbook seeks to incorporate at a theoretical level regulationist accounts and recent work that link bounded internal systemic diversity with change, and, at an applied level, a greater emphasis on recent applied evidence, specifically dealing with the employment contract, its implementation, and related questions of work organization. It will be useful to academics and students of industrial relations, political economy, and management.

The legislative attack on public sector unionism that gave rise to the uproar in Wisconsin and other union strongholds in 2011 was not just a reaction to the contemporary economic difficulties faced by the government. Rather, it was the result of a longstanding political and ideological hostility to the very idea of trade unionism put forward by a conservative movement whose roots go as far back as the Haymarket Riot of 1886. The controversy in Madison and other state capitals reveals that labor's status and power has always been at the core of American conservatism, today as well as a century ago. The Right and Labor in America explores the multifaceted history and range of conservative hostility toward unionism, opening the door to a fascinating set of individuals, movements, and institutions that help explain why, in much of the popular imagination, union leaders are always "bosses" and trade union organizers are nothing short of "thugs." The contributors to this volume explore conservative thought about unions, in particular the ideological impulses, rhetorical strategies, and political efforts that conservatives have deployed to challenge unions as a force in U.S. economic and political life over the century. Among the many contemporary books on American parties, personalities, and elections that try to explain why political disputes are so divisive, this collection of original and innovative essays is essential reading.

From the Reagan years to the present, the labor movement has faced a profoundly hostile climate. As America's largest labor federation, the AFL-CIO was forced to reckon with severe political and economic headwinds. Yet the AFL-CIO survived, consistently fighting for programs that benefited millions of Americans, including social security, unemployment insurance, the minimum wage, and universal health care. With a membership of more than 13 million, it was also able to launch the largest labor march in American history--1981's Solidarity Day--and to play an important role in politics. In a history that spans from 1979 to the present, Timothy J. Minchin tells a sweeping, national story of how the AFL-CIO sustained itself and remained a significant voice in spite of its powerful enemies and internal constraints. Full of details, characters, and never-before-told stories drawn from unexamined, restricted, and untapped archives, as well as interviews with crucial figures involved with the organization, this book tells the definitive history of the modern AFL-CIO.

Dieses Buch kommt dem Konservativen auf die Spur. Mit Darstellungen aus Politik und Forschung wird zunachst das widerspruchliche Konservatismusverstandnis aufgezeigt. Wahrend der Konservatismus nicht selten als ruckwartsgewandt oder gar reaktionar bewertet wird, sehen seine Vertreter sich selbst als notwendiges Korrektiv am Progressiven und Liberalen. Der irische Politiker und Stammvater des Konservatismus, Edmund Burke, offenbart sich als der ideale Bezugspunkt fur eine Untersuchung dieser umstrittenen Thematik. Seine Werke uberraschen mit der Aktualitat seiner Aussagen. Der Autor ruckt die politische Kultur und den gesellschaftlichen Diskurs in ein neues Licht. Es wird deutlich, wo die Schwachpunkte heutiger Politikdiskurse liegen - nicht nur in Deutschland.

Employment and production in the Appalachian coal industry have plummeted over recent decades. But the lethal black lung disease, once thought to be near-eliminated, affects miners at rates never before recorded. Digging Our Own Graves sets this epidemic in the context of the brutal assault, begun in the 1980s and continued since, on the United Mine Workers of America and the collective power of rank-and-file coal miners in the heart of the Appalachian coalfields. This destruction of militancy and working class power reveals the unacknowledged social and political roots of a health crisis that is still barely acknowledged by the state and coal industry. Barbara Ellen Smith 's essential study, now with an updated introduction and conclusion, charts the struggles of miners and their families from the birth of the Black Lung Movement in 1968 to the present-day importance of demands for environmental justice through proposals like the Green New Deal. Through extensive interviews with participants and her own experiences as an activist, the author provides a vivid portrait of communities struggling for survival against the corporate extraction of labor, mineral wealth, and the very breath of those it sends to dig their own graves.

En 1949, l'Allemagne remet en place un systeme de conventions collectives destine a determiner les salaires et les conditions de travail au plus pres des branches de l'activite economique. Dans ce systeme, les partenaires sociaux jouissent d'une reelle autonomie decisionnelle face a l'Etat. Or, en 1992, les critiques a l'encontre du systeme conventionnel commencent a s'amplifier. Au tournant des annees 2000, la revendication en faveur de l'introduction par l'Etat d'un salaire minimum intersectoriel emerge meme sur la scene publique. Comment en arrive-t-on a remettre en cause un systeme aussi emblematique du modele economique allemand ? Quelles transformations sont a l'oeuvre et quels en sont les acteurs ? Face a ces transformations, quelles positions et quelles strategies les partenaires sociaux adoptent-ils ? Pour repondre a ces questions, l'ouvrage analyse les publications de deux instituts de recherche, l'un proche du patronat, l'autre proche des syndicats, entre 1992 et 2008. Il permet ainsi d'acceder a une meilleure comprehension, nourrie d'approches divergentes mais parfois complementaires, d'un phenomene complexe.