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Books > Business & Economics > Industry & industrial studies > Industrial relations & safety > Industrial relations > General
The Declining Importance of Race and Gender in the Labor Market provides historical background on employment discrimination and wage discrepancies in the United States and on government efforts to address employment discrimination. It examines the two federal institutions tasked with enforcing Title VII and the 1964 Civil Rights Act: the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) and the Office of Federal Contract Compliance Programs (OFCCP). It also provides a quantitative analysis of racial and gender wage gaps and seeks to determine what role, if any, the EEOC and the OFCCP had in narrowing these gaps over time and analyzes the data to determine the extent of employment discrimination today.
The incidence of industrial conflict and the nature of workplace industrial relations have occupied a central place in public and academic commentary on British society. Debate about the role of the trade unions in the state, the degree of authority that the unions can and should exercise over their members, the desirability of a legal framework for collective agreements, the nature of rank and file militancy and the means and techniques of re-establishing employers' authority over the work in the face of an expanded workers' frontier of control all lie at the heart of the social crisis that marked British society from the end of the 1960s.
Why has the Egyptian state, which is more repressive and authoritarian than its Mexican counterpart, been unable to overcome the opposition of a labor movement that is smaller, less organized, and more repressed than the Mexican labor movement? Through agitation or the threat of agitation, Egyptian workers have been able to hinder the reform process, while the Mexican labor movement, which is larger and better organized, was unable to resist privatization. The Egyptian state's low capacity and isolation is best understood by looking at the founding moment - or incorporation period - of each regime. The critical distinction between Mexican and Egyptian incorporation is that in Egypt, the labor movement was depoliticized and attached to the state bureaucracy, while in Mexico, workers were electorally mobilized into a political party. This difference would prove crucial during the reform process because social control in Mexico, exercised through the PRI, was more effective in coopting opponents and mobilizing urban constituencies for privatization than the control mechanisms of the Egyptian state bureaucracy.
The exceptional experiences of South Korea and Taiwan in combining
high growth and liberal democracy in a relatively short and similar
timetable have brought scholarly attention to their economic and
political transformations. This new work looks specifically at the
operation of workers and unions in the decades since
labor-repressive authoritarian rule ended, bringing Taiwan, in
particular, into the literature on comparative labor politics.
Trade Unions and Workplace Training examines the changing role of trade unions in the provision of vocational education, workplace training and skill development. It reflects upon: the role that unions have played in the reform of vocational education and training systems; the nature of union involvement in consultative mechanisms at a national and industry level; the nature of union involvement in skill formation at the workplace; and the development of mechanisms for the articulation of employee voice in the design, delivery and assessment of vocational training. The book provides a collection of studies of Canada, Australia, United States, United Kingdom, France, Germany and Norway by leading researchers in the field. Distinctive, accessible and original, all the chapters are written in a style that illustrates the relevance of academic debates and research data to practice and the book includes a number of the chapters written by trade union practitioners.
"Employee-organization relationship" is an overarching term that describes the relationship between the employee and the organization. It encompasses psychological contracts, perceived organizational support, and the employment relationship. Remarkable progress has been made in the last 30 years in the study of EOR. This volume, by a stellar list of international contributors, offers perspectives on EOR that will be of interest to scholars, practitioners and graduate students in IO psychology, business and human resource management.
Intelligent and Honest Radicals explores the Chicago labor movement's relationship to Illinois legal and political system especially as seen through the eyes of the Chicago Federation of Labor (CFL). Newton-Matza focuses on the significant era between the great strike in 1919 and Franklin D. Roosevelt's inauguration and the beginning of the New Deal in 1933. He brings to light a number of victories and achievements for the labor movement in this period that are often overlooked. Newton-Matza shows the Chicago labor movement as a progressive agency intent on changing the workers' world through words and peaceful actions, drawing upon their personal experiences and ideology.
Law and practice in the field of industrial action and trade union recognition has undergone extensive changes in recent years. The third edition of The Law of Industrial Action and Trade Union Recognition provides a new, up-to-date, and thorough analysis of this technical area of law. This edition offers comprehensive coverage of all aspects of bringing and defending recognition claims and industrial action injunctions to ensure that nothing is missed when planning a case. It includes full coverage of trade union recognition, employment protection rights, deductions from pay, and the impact of the Human Rights Act 1998 on strikes and picketing. New chapters on Leverage Campaigns and Ancillary Protest cover the new forms of industrial action that have appeared in recent years. The book contains step-by-step guidance and forms and precedents to assist practitioners when negotiating and drafting documents. It covers all recent case law including cases from the European Court of Human Rights and decisions from the Central Arbitration Committee. Written by a team of expert barristers, it provides an essential source of reference to all involved in this area.
This book explores the precarious margins of contemporary labor
markets. Over the last few decades, there has been much discussion
of a shift from full-time permanent jobs to higher levels of
part-time and temporary employment and self-employment. Despite
such attention, regulatory approaches have not adapted accordingly.
Instead, in the absence of genuine alternatives, old regulatory
models are applied to new labour market realities, leaving the most
precarious forms of employment intact. The book places this
disjuncture in historical context and focuses on its implications
for workers most likely to be at the margins, particularly women
and migrants, using illustrations from Australia, the United
States, and Canada, as well as member states of the European Union.
During the Industrial Revolution, class was defined largely through the structuring of market relations. Integrating aspects of economic and social history as well as industrial sociology, this book examines the sources of the perception of the market on the part of both capital and labor and the elaboration of their alternative market ideologies. Of particular import is the argument that working class culture expressed a fundamental acceptance of the utility of the market, a point that is supported by a detailed analysis of the labor process, workplace bargaining and early nineteenth century trade unionism. Nonetheless, the working class's definition of "proper" market relations differed substantially from that of capitalists.
Recasting labor studies in a long-term and global framework, the book draws on a major new database on world labor unrest to show how local labor movements have been related to world-scale political, economic, and social processes since the late nineteenth century. Through an in-depth empirical analysis of select global industries, the book demonstrates how the main locations of labor unrest have shifted from country to country together with shifts in the geographical location of production. It shows how the main sites of labor unrest have shifted over time together with the rise or decline of new leading sectors of capitalist development and demonstrates that labor movements have been deeply embedded (as both cause and effect) in world political dynamics. Over the history of the modern labor movement, the book isolates what is truly novel about the contemporary global crisis of labor movements. Arguing against the view that this is a terminal crisis, the book concludes by exploring the likely forms that emergent labor movements will take in the twenty-first century.
The authoritative source of precise and easy to understand
definitions of words, terms, and phrases that are used in the
fields of Human Resource Management, Personnel, and Industrial
Relations, this new edition of the Dictionary of Human Resource
Management has been thoroughly revised and updated to reflect
changes in vocabulary and usage.
This is the first comprehensive study of the position of Soviet industrial workers during the Khrushchev period. Donald Filtzer examines the main features of Khrushchev's labor policy within the overall context of "de-Stalinization" and provides a detailed analysis of shop floor relations between workers and managers, the position of women workers and their specific role in the Soviet economy. In his conclusions, the author relates the labor problems of the Khrushchev years to those faced by Mikhail Gorbachev and perestroika, thus helping to explain the failure of Gorbachev's policies.
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Due to economic crises, labor parties followed economic policies that hurt labor unions during the 1990s, such as trade liberalization and privatization. This book explains why labor unions resisted on some occasions and submitted on others and what the consequences of their actions were by studying three countries: Argentina, Mexico, and Venezuela. The comparison between the experiences of the three countries and five different sectors in each country shows the importance of politics in explaining labor reactions and their effects on economic policies.
From assembly line to call centre, this volume charts the immense
transformation of work and pay across the 20th century and provides
the first labour focused history of Britain. Written by leading
British historians and economists, each chapter stands as a
self-contained reading for those who need an overview of the topic,
as well as an introduction to and analysis of the controversies
among scholars for readers entering or refreshing deeper study.
From assembly line to call centre, this volume charts the immense
transformation of work and pay across the 20th century and provides
the first labor-focused history of Britain. Written by leading
British historians and economists, each chapter stands as a
self-contained reading for those who need an overview of the topic,
as well as an introduction to and analysis of the controversies
among scholars for readers entering or refreshing deeper study.
In Managing Competitive Crisis Martyn Wright examines how competitive crisis affected the management of work relations in Britain between 1979 and 1991. Based on longitudinal research and interviews with fifty major companies and employers associations, Managing Competitive Crisis is a unique book of topical interest for students of organizational behavior, human resource management and industrial relations and for those seeking to understand the future direction of European political economy.
This is a softcover reprint of the English translation of 1968 of N. Bourbaki's, Th orie des Ensembles (1970).
This book lifts the veneer of 'employability', to expose serious problems in the way that future workers are trying to manage their employability in the competition for tough-entry jobs in the knowledge economy; in how companies understand their human resource strategies and endeavor to recruit the managers and leaders of the future; and in the government failure to come to terms with the realities of the knowledge-based economy. The demand for high-skilled, high waged jobs, has been exaggerated. But it is something that governments want to believe because it distracts attention from thorny political issues around equality, opportunity, and redistribution. If it is assumed that there are plenty of good jobs for people with the appropriate credentials then the issue of who gets the best jobs loses its political sting. But if good jobs are in limited supply, how the competition for a livelihood is organized assumes paramount importance. This issue, is not lost on the middle classes, given that they depend on academic achievement to maintain, if not advance the occupational and social status of family members. The reality is that increasing congestion in the market for knowledge workers has led to growing middle class anxieties about how their off-spring are going to meet the rising threshold of employability that now has to be achieved to stand any realistic chance of finding interesting and rewarding employment. The result is a bare-knuckle struggle for access to elite schools, colleges, universities and jobs. This book examines whether employability policies are flawed because they ignore the realities of 'positional' conflict in the competition for a livelihood, especially as the rise of mass higher education has arguably done little to increase the employability of students for tough-entry jobs. It will be of interest to anyone looking to understand the way knowledge-based firms recruit and how this is influenced by government policy, be they Researchers, Academics and Students of Business and Management, Industrial Relations, Human Resource Management, Politics or Sociology; Human Resource Management or Recruitment Professionals; or job candidates.
In its broadest sense, this book is concerned with the attempt by workers in Britain during the period 1760-1871 to engage in collective action in circumstances of conflict with their employers during a time when the nation and many of its traditional economic structures and customary modes of working were undergoing rapid and unsettling change. More specifically, the book principally focuses on the attempt by those workers favouring a collective approach to struggle to overcome what they felt to be one of the main obstacles to collective action, the uncooperative worker. At times during these decades, the sanctions directed by collectively inclined workmen at those workers deemed to have engaged in acts contrary to the interests of the trade and customary codes of behaviour in the context of strikes and other instances of friction in the workplace were severe and uncompromising. Stern and unforgiving, too, was the struggle between the collectively inclined worker and the uncooperative worker in a more general sense, a contest that occasionally took a violent and bloody form. In exploring the fractious and hostile relationship between these two conflicting parties, this book draws on concepts and insights from a range of scholarly disciplines in an effort to shift the perception and study of this relationship beyond many of the conventional paradigms and explanatory frameworks associated with mainstream trade union studies.
This is a detailed study of the position of Soviet industrial workers during the Khrushchev period. Dr Donald Filtzer examines the main features of labour policy, shop floor relations between workers and managers, the position of women workers and their specific role in the Soviet economy. Filtzer argues that the main concern of Khrushchev's labour policy was to remotivate an industrial population left demoralized by the Stalinist terror. This de-Stalinization had to be carried out without undermining the essential power and property relations on which the Stalinist system had been built. The author convincingly demonstrates how labour policy was thus limited to superficial gestures of liberalization and tinkering with incentive schemes. Rather than achieving any lasting effects, the Khrushchev period saw the consolidation of a long-term tendency towards economic stagnation. In his conclusions, Filtzer shows how the labour problems under Khrushchev were the same as those which confronted Mikhail Gorbachev and perestroika, thus helping to explain the failures of Gorbachev's policies.
Management is a powerful mode of thought and code of conduct in the modern world, closely associated with the American way and a natural extension of economic progress. This is a book about the history of management and the origin of managerial rationality in the United States.
This text considers why there are such great international differences in the way employment relations are organized within the firm. Taking account of the growing evidence that international diversity is not being wiped out by "globalization", it sets out from the theory of the firm first developed by Coase and Simon and explains why firms and workers should use the employment relationship as the basis for their economic co-operation. The originality of the employment relationship lies in its flexibility. It gives managers the authority to organize work, but it also establishes limits on employees' obligations. The author argues that these limits are provided by four basic types of employment rule. Which one predominates in a given environment is the source of international diversity in employment relations. Drawing upon evidence from the US, Japan, France, Germany and Britain, the theory is extended to show why such diversity extends deep into key areas of human resource management, such as performance management, incentive pay and skill development. It also explains why the open-ended employment relationship continues to dominate work despite the growth of market-mediated work r |
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