At a minimum our goal is to develop a better understanding of Japanese labor market practices and work organization and in so doing develop a more enlightened vision of American practices. We will greatly enhance our ability to achieve both these goals by arriving at a better understanding of the comparative experience of the two nations over time. We can no longer afford the delusion that what exists in the United States reflects the characteristics of industrial society in its most advanced form. Yet to follow current fashion in simply denying that the United States is the very model of a modern society, while advocating that we imitate the Japanese, is to take a course filled with its own pitfalls. Perhaps it is time we accepted the fact that the social scientist's intense commitment to generalization cannot be allowed to obscure the fundamental observation that nations develop along their own paths, based on their own political, cultural, economic and social histories. As nations industrialize there is undoubtedly convergence in important institutional spheres, such as the expansion of education, the adoption of common technologies and determinants of labor mobility. Certainly nations can learn from one another, and indeed some nations impose their will on other nations. Yet there are also unique solutions to common problems. -From the Introduction This title is part of UC Press's Voices Revived program, which commemorates University of California Press's mission to seek out and cultivate the brightest minds and give them voice, reach, and impact. Drawing on a backlist dating to 1893, Voices Revived makes high-quality, peer-reviewed scholarship accessible once again using print-on-demand technology. This title was originally published in 1979.

Taking as its starting point the authors' earlier work on Labour Legislation and Public Policy, this book provides a detailed account and critical analysis of British labour legislation and labour market regulation since the early 1990s. Referring back to the earlier history, and filling in the gaps in the early and mid-1990s, the work concentrates mainly on the legislation and policy measures in the employment sphere of the New Labour governments which have been in power since 1997, placing those developments in the context of the relevant aspects of European Community law. The work argues for an understanding of this body of legislation and regulatory activity as being directed towards the realisation of a flexible labour market, and shows how this objective has been pursued in three intersecting areas, those of regulating personal or individual employment relations, regulating collective representation, and promoting work. It explores the methods of regulation which have been used, developing a taxonomy of regulation and a notion of 'light regulation' to characterise some recent legislative interventions. It considers how far the administration of Prime Minister Tony Blair has fulfilled its promises or claims of 'fairness at work', 'welfare to work' and 'success at work'. It is intended to be of interest to those concerned with the study of British and European labour or employment law, employee relations or human resource management, labour market economics, and contemporary politics.

In this important book, leading scholar Alex Dupuy provides a critical reinterpretation of the Haitian Revolution and its aftermath. Dupuy evaluates the French colonial context of Saint-Domingue and then Haiti, the achievements and limitations of the revolution, and the divisions in the Haitian ruling class that blocked meaningful economic and political development. He reconsiders the link between slavery and modern capitalism; refutes the argument that Hegel derived his master-slave dialectic from the Haitian Revolution; analyzes the consequences of new class and color divisions after independence; and convincingly explains why Haiti chose to pay an indemnity to France in return for its recognition of Haiti's independence. In his sophisticated analysis of race, class, and slavery, he provides a robust theoretical framework for conceptualizing and understanding these major themes.

A history of the United States' systematic expulsion of "undesirables" and immigrants, told through the lives of the passengers who travelled from around the world, only to be locked up and forced out aboard America's first deportation trains. The United States, celebrated as a nation of immigrants and the land of the free, has developed the most extensive system of imprisonment and deportation that the world has ever known. The Deportation Express is the first history of American deportation trains: a network of prison railroad cars repurposed by the Immigration Bureau to link jails, hospitals, asylums, and workhouses across the country and allow forced removal with terrifying efficiency. With this book, historian Ethan Blue uncovers the origins of the deportation train and finds the roots of the current moment, as immigrant restriction and mass deportation once again play critical and troubling roles in contemporary politics and legislation. A century ago, deportation trains made constant circuits around the nation, gathering so-called "undesirable aliens"-migrants disdained for their poverty, political radicalism, criminal conviction, or mental illness-and conveyed them to ports for exile overseas. Previous deportation procedures had been violent, expensive, and relatively ad hoc, but the railroad industrialized the expulsion of the undesirable. Trains provided a powerful technology to divide "citizens" from "aliens" and displace people in unprecedented numbers. Drawing on the lives of migrants and the agents who expelled them, The Deportation Express is history told from aboard a deportation train. By following the lives of selected individuals caught within the deportation regime, this book dramatically reveals how the forces of state exclusion accompanied epic immigration in early twentieth-century America. These are the stories of people who traveled from around the globe, only to be locked up and cast out, deported through systems that bound the United States together, and in turn, pulled the world apart. Their journey would be followed by millions more in the years to come.

In Marx After Marx, Harry Harootunian questions the claims of Western Marxism and its presumption of the final completion of capitalism. If this shift in Marxism reflected the recognition that the expected revolutions were not forthcoming in the years before World War II, its Cold War afterlife helped to both unify the West in its struggle with the Soviet Union and bolster the belief that capitalism remained dominant in the contest over progress. This book deprovincializes Marx and the West's cultural turn by returning to the theorist's earlier explanations of capital's origins and development, which followed a trajectory beyond Euro-America to Asia, Africa, and Latin America. Marx's expansive view shows how local circumstances, time, and culture intervened to reshape capital's system of production in these regions. His outline of a diversified global capitalism was much more robust than was his sketch of the English experience in Capital and helps explain the disparate routes that evolved during the twentieth century. Engaging with the texts of Lenin, Luxemburg, Gramsci, and other pivotal theorists, Harootunian strips contemporary Marxism of its cultural preoccupation by reasserting the deep relevance of history.

Uganda's capital, Kampala, is undergoing dramatic urban transformations as its new technocratic government seeks to clean and green the city. Waste Worlds tracks the dynamics of development and disposability unfolding amid struggles over who and what belong in the new Kampala. Garbage materializes these struggles. In the densely inhabited social infrastructures in and around the city's waste streams, people, places, and things become disposable but conditions of disposability are also challenged and undone. Drawing on years of ethnographic research, Jacob Doherty illustrates how waste makes worlds, offering the key intervention that disposability is best understood not existentially, as a condition of social exclusion, but infrastructurally, as a form of injurious social inclusion.

For up to twenty years after the Second World War both in Britain and the US boasted `mature' industrial relations systems supported by their governments and, allowing for some differences in degree, by most employers. Since the early 1980s, these systems have been critically weakened. This comparative industrial relations text explains this development primarily through the withdrawal of public policy support and, mainly in Britain's case, its replacement by government hostility. An important consequence of this is the erosion of the effective defence and representation of employee interests as the managerial prerogative has been allowed, even encouraged, to extend its authority in the workplace. The `representation gap' has grown so that six out of seven US employees, and two out of three British, are not represented at work, at the same time as there has been increasing discussion of `team' working etc. This could be a serious negative development for economic performance. A growing body of research is indicating that employers who bargain with trade unions, or enter into partnerships with them, are likely to be more productive than their non-union competitors. More importantly, the size of the representation gap presents a clear denial of the democratic rights of citizens, in their role as employees, with potentially serious implications for social stability both within and beyond the workplace.

In some western European countries trade unions and employers' organizations share responsibility with government for maintaining order and efficiency in the labour market as a matter of course. in others such a role is seen as an unacceptable interference with either the free market or the prerogatives of the state, or both. How can we explain these differences? How enduring are they? Do they matter? In the 1970s there seemed to be a growing popularity for the first approach, leading to the explosion of interest in neo-corporatism; did all that evaporate during the ostensibly neo-liberal 1980s? Colin Crouch tries to answer these questions with reference to fifteen western European nations. Using a combination of rational choice theory and historical analysis he traces the development of industrial relations systems in these countries from the 1870s to the present. He ends by seeking explanations for differences further back in time, showing that longer-term historical explanations of contemporary institutions are more necessary than most exercises in policy analysis prefer to accept. 'an outstanding example of the fusion of theoretical economic analysis with historical perspective. Recommended at all levels' Choice 'It is difficult to do justice to this oustanding book in a short review or at a single reading. Colin Crouch's ambitious comparative survey of states and industrial relations provides both an abstract framework for comparative study . . . and a framework for comparing the level and form of corporatism in industrial relations.' Political Studies

The Industrial Democracy in Europe project offers a unique opportunity to assess the changes in European industrial relations systems in general, and participation schemes in particular. In 1981 the Industrial Democracy in Europe team (IDE) reported their findings on the extent of industrial democracy in ten European countries during the 1970s. The present volume reports the findings for the subsequent decade. It is particularly useful to have a longitudinal research project that analyses the changes in participation schemes. The research team have looked at ten European countries (including Poland) and also comment on the situation in Israel and Japan. Contributors: B. Wilpert, E. Rosenstein, P. Drenth, R. Peccei, F. Heller, M. Warner

In The Fire and the Ashes, long-time union economist and policy analyst Andrew Jackson looks back on a fascinating career in the labour movement, the NDP, and left politics, combining keen historical analysis with a political manifesto for today. As one of the few trade union economists in Canada, Jackson brings a unique insider perspective and decades of experience to bear on his critical reflections on the history and changing fortunes of the NDP, the failures of neoliberalism, and the waning and recent renewal of the democratic socialist tradition. What plays out is a battle of ideas fought by Jackson and the wider left--one meant to rekindle both political veterans and a new generation of activists who believe that a true democracy cannot exist with great inequalities of wealth and political power, and that social ownership and public investment must be brought squarely into the mainstream.

This innovative text grounds the economic analysis of labor markets and employment relationships in a unified theoretical treatment of labor exchange conditions. In addition to providing thorough coverage of standard topics including labor supply and demand, human capital theory, and compensating wage differentials, the text draws on game theory and the economics of information to study the implications of key departures from perfectly competitive labor market conditions. Analytical results are consistently applied to contemporary policy issues and empirical debates. * Provides a coherent theoretical framework for the analysis of labor market phenomena* Features graphical in--chapter analysis supplemented by technical material in appendices* Incorporates numerous end--of--chapter questions that engage the analysis and anticipate subsequent results* Includes innovative chapters on employee compensation methods, market segmentation, income inequality and labor market dynamics* Balances theoretical, empirical and policy analysis

Slavery is illegal throughout the world, yet more than twenty-seven million people are still trapped in one of history's oldest social institutions. Kevin Bales' disturbing story of slavery today reaches from brick kilns in Pakistan and brothels in Thailand to the offices of multinational corporations. His investigation of conditions in Mauritania, Brazil, Thailand, Pakistan, and India reveals the tragic emergence of a "new slavery", one intricately linked to the global economy. The new slaves are not a long-term investment as was true with older forms of slavery, explains Bales. Instead, they are cheap, require little care, and are disposable. Three interrelated factors have helped create the new slavery. The enormous population explosion over the past three decades has flooded the world's labor markets with millions of impoverished, desperate people. The revolution of economic globalization and modernized agriculture has dispossessed poor farmers, making them and their families ready targets for enslavement. And rapid economic change in developing countries has bred corruption and violence, destroying social rules that might once have protected the most vulnerable individuals. Bales' vivid case studies present actual slaves, slaveholders, and public officials in well-drawn historical, geographical, and cultural contexts. He observes the complex economic relationships of modern slavery and is aware that liberation is a bitter victory for a child prostitute or a bondaged miner if the result is starvation. Bales offers suggestions for combating the new slavery and provides examples of very positive results from organizations such as Anti-Slavery International, the Pastoral Land Commission in Brazil, and the Human Rights Commission in Pakistan. He also calls for researchers to follow the flow of raw materials and products from slave to marketplace in order to effectively target campaigns of "naming and shaming" corporations linked to slavery. "Disposable People" is the first book to point the way to abolishing slavery in today's global economy. All of the author's royalties from this book go to fund anti-slavery projects around the world.

Bringing Peace Into the Room examines the personal qualities that make a mediator effective. The eminent authors of this volume go beyond traditional descriptions of academic training, theoretical orientation, and refinement of technique to confront issues related to personal temperament and the crucial psychological, intellectual and spiritual qualities of the mediation professional— qualities that are often the most potent elements of successful mediation. In this comprehensive resource, Daniel Bowling and David Hoffman bring together a stellar panel of practitioners, academics, teachers, and trainers in the field— Michele LeBaron, Kenneth Cloke, Robert Benjamin, Don Saposnek, Sara Cobb, Peter Adler, Jonathan Reitman, Lois Gold, Marvin Johnson, and others— ¾who share their personal experiences as mediators. Each contributor demonstrates that at the very heart of conflict resolution is the subtle interaction between the parties and the mediator's personal and authentic style.

The behaviour of US productivity since this book was originally publishedin 1994, has added new relevance to the relationship between profits and productivity. In the long run, productivity growth determines the economic standard of living. This book is divided into three parts: the basis of the first is the empirical finding that, controlling for normal business cycle effects, productivity grows faster when profits have been low than otherwise. The second part discusses how to measure marginal cost using time series data and the third tests a basic assumption that productivity growth is exogenous to labour and capital.

Seit das "Ende des Kommunismus" auf 1990 festgeschrieben und der "Unrechtsstaat DDR" der Justiz ubergeben wurde, inszenieren neue Institutionen, Stiftungen und Behoerden auf Bundesebene den oekonomischen, kulturellen und moralischen Erfolg des Rechtsstaates. Dabei wird die Mehrheit der Neuburger mit Schockereignissen des krassen sozialen Wandels und der gesellschaftlichen Stigmatisierung konfrontiert. Konzepte wie "Transformation", "Modernisierung" und "Demokratisierung" treten als Euphemismen auf, die uber eine neoliberale Annexion der "Neulander" hinwegtauschen. Das Investmentprojekt "Aufschwung Ost" ist ein Laborfall der Globalisierung. UEber eine Aufarbeitung der DDR im Totalitarismus- und Diktaturenvergleich hinaus ist eine politische Soziologie der Landnahme, des Gesellschaftsumbaus und des strukturellen Kolonialismus in Ostdeutschland langst uberfallig. Das Forschungsprogramm "Entkoppelte Gesellschaft. Liberalisierung und Widerstand in Ostdeutschland seit 1989/90. Ein soziologisches Laboratorium" will im dreissigsten Jahr der "Einheit" diesem Thema mit einer mehrbandigen Publikation Rechnung tragen. Der Band "Exil" belegt den Zusammenhang zwischen der Annexions-, Vertreibungs- und Assimilationspolitik der Bundesregierung im Beitrittsgebiet und dem rapiden Anstieg von Krankheit, Sterblichkeit, Substanzkonsum, Suizid, Abwanderung oder Kinderlosigkeit. Die Entkopplung der DDR-Bevoelkerung aus soziokulturellen Gefugen und die institutionelle Diskriminierung ihrer Herkunft haben einen intergenerativen Ost-West-Kulturkonflikt und das Exil im eigenen Land zur Folge.

Far from witnessing the beginning of the end of organized labour as a major political force, Rethinking Global Labour argues that, post-financial crisis, we are entering a new era for workers and their organizations in which they will begin to impact decisively on the new global order. In exploring the potential futures for the world's workers, the book provides an insightful account of how globalization has created a new global working class while increasing the insecurity and precarious nature of most employment. Moving beyond categories of North and South, Munck argues that the new global class of workers will be central both to the future of globalization and to its possible alternatives. In some ways the book poses a "return to the future" drawing parallels with the birth of the labour and democratic movements before the consolidation of nation states. At a time of growing unease with the negative effects of economic globalization, Rethinking Global Labour offers an important assessment of global labour and its potential for organization.

Seit das "Ende des Kommunismus" auf 1990 festgeschrieben und der "Unrechtsstaat DDR" der Justiz ubergeben wurde, inszenieren neue Institutionen, Stiftungen und Behoerden auf Bundesebene den oekonomischen, kulturellen und moralischen Erfolg des Rechtsstaates. Dabei wird die Mehrheit der Neuburger mit Schockereignissen des krassen sozialen Wandels und der gesellschaftlichen Stigmatisierung konfrontiert. Konzepte wie "Transformation", "Modernisierung" und "Demokratisierung" treten als Euphemismen auf, die uber eine neoliberale Annexion der "Neulander" hinwegtauschen. Das Investmentprojekt "Aufschwung Ost" ist ein Laborfall der Globalisierung. UEber eine Aufarbeitung der DDR im Totalitarismus- und Diktaturenvergleich hinaus ist eine politische Soziologie der Landnahme, des Gesellschaftsumbaus und des strukturellen Kolonialismus in Ostdeutschland langst uberfallig. Das Forschungsprogramm "Entkoppelte Gesellschaft. Liberalisierung und Widerstand in Ostdeutschland seit 1989/90. Ein soziologisches Laboratorium" will im dreissigsten Jahr der "Einheit" diesem Thema mit einer mehrbandigen Publikation Rechnung tragen. Der Band "Umbau" analysiert das Einrucken der Gesetzeskraft des Kernstaates in das Beitrittsgebiet und belegt die Vollstreckung und Verwerfung der ostdeutschen Gesellschaft. Entgegen herrschender Meinung wurde die Ermachtigung fur die UEbernahme der DDR durch die BRD nicht von der DDR-Bevoelkerung erteilt. Der vorliegende Band leitet die Zusammenhange einer bis heute wirkenden Kulturkatastrophe her, deren Aufarbeitung erst am Anfang steht.

, , , , , . , , , . . , , . " " " , . , , , , , . , , . , ". , - (Dr hab. Leszek Kopciuch, prof. nadzw. UMCS) " , , , . , , , , . , , , , , ". ., , (Prof. dr. hab. Leszek Koczanowicz, Uniwersytet SWPS)

En Marcha! is the only intensive course in Spanish for beginners. Systematic and comprehensive, it takes the student from beginner to solid intermediate level in one year. Carefully graded exercises and expert grammatical explanations are combined with lively activities and an attractive presentation to develop rapidly the four skills of listening, speaking, reading and writing. The material is organised in 8 units. Each unit has a theme around which the language content is developed and provides a variety of activities to practise what is being learnt, with clear instructions guiding the student and regular summaries of key points. The units also provide sections for self-study, which consolidate material learnt in class, as well as a full key to the exercises. The books contains a set of worksheets related to 15 role-plays, which allow students to deal in an effective manner with everyday situations such as buying food, clothes, going to a restaurant and seeing a doctor.

Labour relations are at the heart of China's extraordinary economic rise. This growth, accompanied by internal migration, urbanisation and rising income have brought a dramatic increase in the aspirations of workers, forcing the Chinese government to restructure its relationships with both employers and workers. In order to resolve disputes and manage workplace militancy, the once monolithic official trade union is becoming more flexible, internally. No longer able to rely on government support in dealing with worker unrest, employers are rapidly forming organisations of their own. In this book, a new generation of Chinese scholars provide analyses of six distinct aspects of these developments. They are set in the broader context by the leading authority on Chinese labour law and two western specialists in comparative labour relations. The result is a comprehensive study for scholars and graduate students working in Chinese industrial relations, comparative labour law, human resource management, NGOs and international labour organisations.

Economists generally assume that wage differentials among similar workers will only endure when competition in the capital and/or labour market is restricted. However, using a classical Marxist analysis of real capitalist competition, Botwinick shows that substantial patterns of wage disparity can persist despite high levels of competition. Going against mainstream proponents of labour-management cooperation, the author calls for militant union organization that can once again take wages and working conditions out of capitalist competition.

Progressive theorists and activists insist that contemporary capitalism is deeply flawed from a normative point of view. However, most accept the liberal egalitarian thesis that the serious shortcomings of market societies could be overcome with proper political regulation. Building on Marx's legacy, Tony Smith argues that advocates of this thesis lack an adequate concept of capital and the state, and fail to comprehend new developments in world history ensuring that the 'destructive' aspects of capitalism increasingly outweigh whatever 'creative' elements it might continue to possess.