As the main artery of international commerce, merchant shipping was the world's first globalised industry, often serving as a vanguard for issues touching on labour recruiting, the employment relationship, and regulatory enforcement that crossed national borders. In Sweatshops at Sea, historian Leon Fink examines the evolution of laws and labour relations governing ordinary seamen over the past two centuries. The merchant marine offers an ideal setting for examining the changing regulatory regimes applied to workers by the United States, Great Britain, and, ultimately, an organised world community. Fink explores both how political and economic ends are reflected in maritime labour regulations and how agents of reform--including governments, trade unions, and global standard-setting authorities--grappled with the problems of applying land-based, national principles and regulations of labour discipline and management to the sea-going labour force. With the rise of powerful nation-states in a global marketplace in the nineteenth century, recruitment and regulation of a mercantile labour force emerged as a high priority and as a vexing problem for Western powers. The history of exploitation, reform, and the evolving international governance of sea labour offers a compelling precedent in an age of more universal globalisation of production and services.

Since the onset of the Great Recession, Germany s economy has been praised for its superior performance, which has been reminiscent of the economic miracle of the 1950s and 1960s. Such acclaim is surprising because Germany s economic institutions were widely dismissed as faulty just a decade ago. In Holding the Shop Together, Stephen J. Silvia examines the oscillations of the German economy across the entire postwar period through one of its most important components: the industrial relations system.

As Silvia shows in this wide-ranging and deeply informed account, the industrial relations system is strongest where the German economy is strongest and is responsible for many of the distinctive features of postwar German capitalism. It extends into the boardrooms, workplaces and government to a degree that is unimaginable in most other countries. Trends in German industrial relations, moreover, influence developments in the broader German economy and, frequently, industrial relations practice abroad. All these aspects make the German industrial relations regime an ideal focal point for developing a deeper understanding of the German economy as a whole.

Silvia begins by presenting the framework of the German industrial relations system labor laws and the role of the state and then analyzes its principal actors: trade unions and employers associations. He finds the framework sound but the actors in crisis because of membership losses. Silvia analyzes the reasons behind the losses and the innovative strategies German labor and management have developed in their efforts to reverse them. He concludes with a comprehensive picture and then considers the future of German industrial relations."

Since the onset of the Great Recession, Germany s economy has been praised for its superior performance, which has been reminiscent of the economic miracle of the 1950s and 1960s. Such acclaim is surprising because Germany s economic institutions were widely dismissed as faulty just a decade ago. In Holding the Shop Together, Stephen J. Silvia examines the oscillations of the German economy across the entire postwar period through one of its most important components: the industrial relations system.

As Silvia shows in this wide-ranging and deeply informed account, the industrial relations system is strongest where the German economy is strongest and is responsible for many of the distinctive features of postwar German capitalism. It extends into the boardrooms, workplaces and government to a degree that is unimaginable in most other countries. Trends in German industrial relations, moreover, influence developments in the broader German economy and, frequently, industrial relations practice abroad. All these aspects make the German industrial relations regime an ideal focal point for developing a deeper understanding of the German economy as a whole.

Silvia begins by presenting the framework of the German industrial relations system labor laws and the role of the state and then analyzes its principal actors: trade unions and employers associations. He finds the framework sound but the actors in crisis because of membership losses. Silvia analyzes the reasons behind the losses and the innovative strategies German labor and management have developed in their efforts to reverse them. He concludes with a comprehensive picture and then considers the future of German industrial relations."

Veterans' employment outcomes in the civilian labor market are an issue of ongoing congressional interest. This report offers introductory data on veterans' performance in the civilian labor market as well as a discussion of veteran-targeted federal programs that provide employment-related benefits and services. According to federal data, the unemployment rate for veterans who served after September 2001 is higher than the unemployment rate for nonveterans. Conversely, the unemployment rate for veterans from prior service periods (a much larger population than post-9/11 veterans) is lower than the nonveteran unemployment rate. The varied demographic factors of each of these populations likely contribute to these variations, though their degree of influence is unclear. There are a number of federal programs to assist veterans in developing job skills and securing civilian employment. Broadly speaking, these programs can be divided into (1) general veterans' programs, (2) programs that target veterans with service-connected disabilities, and (3) competitive grant programs that offer supplemental services but may be limited in scope. General veterans' programs begin with transition programs that are provided to exiting members of the Armed Forces. These transition programs cover a variety of topics including information on identifying occupations that align with military skills and specializations, conducting job searches, applying for employment, and navigating veterans' benefits. One of the most common veterans' benefits is educational funding through the GI Bill. The GI Bill programs typically provide funding for education or training programs as well as housing allowance while the veteran is enrolled. Veterans who are no longer eligible for the GI Bill may receive training benefits through the newly created Veterans Retraining Assistance Program (VRAP). Veterans who are seeking employment without obtaining additional training may receive job search assistance and other services from Local Veterans Employment Representatives (LVER). Veterans who wish to pursue employment in the federal government are assisted by several policies that give them preference in the competitive hiring process or, in some cases, allow them to forego the competitive process and be appointed directly. Veterans with service-connected disabilities who have obstacles to employment may be assisted by the Vocational Rehabilitation and Employment (VR&E) program. This program provides assistance in identifying an occupation that is consistent with the veterans' skills and interests and providing the services (including educational services) necessary to achieve that outcome. Disabled veterans can also receive assistance from the Disabled Veterans Outreach Program (DVOP), which provides assistance in local labor markets. In addition to these nationwide programs, the federal government also funds competitive grant programs for state, local, and private entities to provide employment-oriented services to veterans. These include the Veterans Workforce Investment Program (VWIP), which may provide training or employment services and Veterans Upward Bound (VUB), which prepares educationally disadvantaged veterans for post secondary coursework.

"Give us justice or we fight " was the 1919 clarion call of the Union's founding leaders which echoed down the years. Whether it was outrageous denial of recognition, or low pay with negotiations conducted in secrecy, or voluntary 'duties' taken for granted, or controversial hikes in pension contributions (1956 and 1972 are being repeated today) or being expected to teach disruptive pupils in impossible circumstances, the NASUWT believed in the unique feature distinguishing a genuine trade union from other types of organisation - the willingness of employees to challenge by direct action gross injustice perpetrated by employers and government. However, the NASUWT preferred compromise and consensus. National incomes policies and social contracts were supported, subject to fairness and even application to all. Third party intervention in salary negotiations proved more productive than the 'jungle of free collective bargaining'. The History of the NASUWT ends on an optimistic and positive note welcoming the Social Partnership with the Labour Government in the early 2000s. The wanton destruction of that productive relationship between government and all but one of the school teacher unions after the general election of 2010 by the Coalition Parties is in the words of the author "reckless and deplorable."

Capitalism and Confrontation offers current, original analyses of the crisis in its financial, ecological, and political dimensions and the ways people are fighting back.The contributors, from a variety of scholarly, political, and activist perspectives, challenge the dominant narratives of the crisis and its history. As financiers and politicians today insist on greater austerity, the case studies collected in this anthology provide a glimpse of the confrontation and resistance that is indeed occurring throughout the globe.

A Black Revolutionary's Life in Labor: Black Workers Power in Detroit by Michael Hamlin with Michele Gibbs is a must read personal narrative of a book for labor activists, students and educators, community organizers and lovers of black history. In this candid narrative Hamlin exposes the horrors of growing up black in America from a Mississippi sharecropper's plantation to Korean War soldier, and ultimately truck driver for the Detroit News and his increasing rage at the system. Hamlin, a key organizer of DRUM and a leader of The League of Revolutionary Black Workers, describes his role in the 1960's and early 1970's when black assembly line workers shut down Chrysler Detroit's Dodge Main and Eldon Road auto plants to protest racial discrimination, safety violations and poor working conditions. The actions spawned a national revolutionary union movement built on black workers power.

In documented conversation with Michele Gibbs, political activist, artist and poet, Hamlin offers an inside look at the development of the League and its internal struggles, analyzes historic gains made and lessons learned as they apply to the continuing fight for racial equality by the working class. The book includes a Readers Study Guide, appendices of documents, poetry, artwork and photos pertinent to the period.

LabourStart has 15 years of experience running online campaigns in partnership with trade unions around the world. This book serves as an introduction to LabourStart's campaigning work, and brings together some of our success stories. We have worked with our brothers and sisters around the world to help get union reps reinstated, get activists out of prison, give support to striking and locked-out workers, and mobilise international support to fight against the union-busting designs of governments and multinationals. These experiences provide invaluable lessons for any trade unionists who want to use online tools to strengthen their struggles in the workplace.

The federally recognized Round Valley Indian Tribes are a small, confederated people whose members today come from twelve indigenous California tribes. In 1849, during the California gold rush, people from several of these tribes were relocated to a reservation farm in northern Mendocino County. Fusing Native American history and labor history, William Bauer Jr. chronicles the evolution of work, community, and tribal identity among the Round Valley Indians in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries that enabled their survival and resistance to assimilation. Drawing on oral history interviews, Bauer brings Round Valley Indian voices to the forefront in a narrative that traces their adaptations to shifting social and economic realities, first within unfree labor systems, including outright slavery and debt peonage, and later as wage laborers within the agricultural workforce. Despite the allotment of the reservation, federal land policies, and the Great Depression, Round Valley Indians innovatively used work and economic change to their advantage in order to survive and persist in the twentieth century. We Were All Like Migrant Workers Here relates their history for the first time.

After years of being ignored by the media and public, labor finds itself squarely in the spotlight - under attack from all angles and fighting back fiercely. No longer can anyone claim that labor's falling membership has made it a mere relic, for its adversaries would not expend so much energy to destroy a movement grown truly irrelevant. But what is this war on labor all about? Can unions survive, and how? And what are the stakes for the middle class and for our country? With the benefit of 25 years of award-winning reporting, Philip M. Dine takes us on a riveting journey - replete with colorful characters and penetrating analysis - that answers these questions. It places today's news in context while making a powerful argument that a reinvigorated labor movement and a strong middle class are inextricably linked. "Phil Dine offers an insightful, riveting, reader-friendly examination of organized labor..." - Alexis Herman, 23rd U. S. Secretary of Labor "...a thoughtful work that gives readers hope that America's working class can regain the strength and respect they rightfully deserve." - American Prospect "...a must read...keen observations and thoughtful conclusions...so well written and entertaining, it beckons anyone who works for a living to bring it to the beach. " - Linda Foley, Past President, The Newspaper Guild "If you'd like to understand where the jobs have gone, and why, and what can be done to stop the bleeding -- it's worth reading Philip M. Dine's analysis of what's happened to unions in the last three decades..." - Sacramento News & Review "One of the best books in years about the union movement, its strengths, its weaknesses and its pivotal importance for America's middle class...(Dine) tells fascinating stories few knew." - AFL-CIO "Phil Dine offers a compelling and provocative look at labor's role in the political, social and economic marketplace." - The Honorable Tom Ridge "Phil Dine gives an intriguing new perspective on labor's declining numbers and the ill effects for our country if we let this trend continue." - Donna Brazile, Commentator, CNN and ABC News "...State of the Unions shatters conventional wisdom..." - St. Louis Post-Dispatch "State of the Unions does a masterful job of...showing how labor can revitalize itself so it is in a position to tackle the problems." -Congressman Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.) "State of the Unions should be of great interest to labor leaders, scholars and students, as well as citizens concerned about the future of our democracy." - Richard Hurd, Professor of Labor Studies, Cornell University "When I read Phil Dine's account of the largest strike by black workers in Mississippi's history, I was swept back to the summer of 1990 standing in a cotton field in Indianola, Mississippi...Phil Dine tells their story as no one else can." - G. Neel Lattimore, former Press Secretary to First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton

How do today's political parties relate to other organisations? Do they prefer rather distant relationships with a wide range of interest groups - or have they virtually detached themselves from civil society altogether? Scholars seem to agree that traditionally close relationships - such as those between social democratic parties and trade unions - have grown weaker since the 1960s. But to date only limited systematic research has been conducted. While parties and interest groups attract a great deal of attention from political scientists, the links between them have been largely overlooked. This book is an attempt to bridge the gap, starting from the party side of the relationship. It throws new light on the topic by presenting a theory-driven, comprehensive study of Norway's seven major political parties and their relationships with interest groups at the beginning of the new millennium. Based on original and extensive data, including party documents, in-depth interviews with key players and a survey of national party elites, Elin Haugsgjerd Allern paints a nuanced picture of the nature and significance of these relationships and the factors that shape them. A major conclusion is that Norway's parties tend to maintain rather distant but wide-ranging relationships with interest groups today. However, some parties still have fairly strong links with their traditional associates and a narrower network of links with other groups. Hence, Allern also shows that significant differences exist between parties that are apparently exposed to the same social, political and institutional environment.

This is the first book to provide a clear overview and innovative analysis of the multiple ways the European Union affects industrial relations. It frames the EU as the provider of both a new institutional framework and policy context for industrial relations. It first examines the European level institutional framework for industrial relations, namely the European social dialogue at cross-sectoral, sectoral and company level, as well as interactions between these and transnational developments. It then focuses on the EU's role as a driver for institutional change in industrial relations at the national level, and subsequently analyses how the EU's policy framework, such as the common market freedoms, economic governance and Agenda 2020, influences industrial relations. The book will be of great interest particularly to all those involved in industrial relations and EU studies and more generally to anyone interested in the EU's debated and contested role in socio-economic governance in the face of an economic crisis that puts into question existing national and transnational governance structures.

In a critical survey from the earliest times to the nineteenth century, this book argues for the reinstatement of trade unionism. Trade unionism is shown to be both intrinsically important and to provide a window onto the broader historical landscape; the evolution of trade union principles and practices is traced from the seventeenth century to mid-Victorian times. Underpinning this survey is an explanation of labour organisation that reaches back to the fourteenth century. Throughout, the emphasis is on trade union mentality and ideology, rather than on institutional history. There is a critical focus on the politics of gender, on the demarcation of skill and on the role of the state in labour issues. New insight is provided on the long-debated question of trade unions' contribution to social and political unrest from the era of the French Revolution through to Chartism.

This scarce antiquarian book is a selection from Kessinger Publishing's Legacy Reprint Series. Due to its age, it may contain imperfections such as marks, notations, marginalia and flawed pages. Because we believe this work is culturally important, we have made it available as part of our commitment to protecting, preserving, and promoting the world's literature. Kessinger Publishing is the place to find hundreds of thousands of rare and hard-to-find books with something of interest for everyone!

The United States is in transit from an industrial to a postindustrial society, from a modern to postmodern culture, and from a national to a global economy. In this book Richard Harvey Brown asks how we can distinguish the uniquely American elements of these changes from more global influences. His answer focuses on the ways in which economic imperatives give shape to the shifting experience of being American. Drawing on a wide knowledge of American history and literature, the latest social science, and contemporary social issues, Brown investigates continuity and change in American race relations, politics, religion, conception of selfhood, families, and the arts. He paints a vivid picture of contemporary America, showing how postmodernism is perceived and felt by individuals and focusing attention on the strengths and limitations of American democracy.

This scarce antiquarian book is a selection from Kessinger PublishingAcentsa -a centss Legacy Reprint Series. Due to its age, it may contain imperfections such as marks, notations, marginalia and flawed pages. Because we believe this work is culturally important, we have made it available as part of our commitment to protecting, preserving, and promoting the world's literature. Kessinger Publishing is the place to find hundreds of thousands of rare and hard-to-find books with something of interest for e

From 1894 to 1934, a span of forty years that saw its parent company go from coal mining to oil drilling, the Texas Pacific Mercantile and Manufacturing Company operated and managed the various commercial and service enterprises essential to the life and history of Thurber, Texas. Thurber was a company town, wholly owned by the Texas and Pacific Coal Company, and the inhabitants viewed the "company store" with suspicion before and after unionisation in 1903, believing it monopolistic and exploitative. But to call the mercantile a monopoly, or a mere contrivance to exploit labourers, paints an incomplete portrait of the company store as it existed in Thurber and elsewhere. With a keen eye for spotting telling detail, Gene Rhea Tucker examines a wealth of company ledgers, interviews, and newspaper accounts, presenting a case study not only of the microcosm of Thurber and TPM&M but of relations between labour and management in industrialising Texas, and a larger story of the complex role of the company store and company town in America.

The importance of property rights in providing the incentive to invest, work hard, and innovate has been recognized for centuries. Yet, many women in Africa do not have the same property rights or formal legal capacity enjoyed by men. Empowering Women: Legal Rights and Economic Opportunities in Africa documents the extent to which the legal capacity and property rights vary for women and men, and analyzes the impact this has on women's economic opportunities. The book introduces the "Women's Legal Economic Empowerment Database - Africa (Women LEED Africa)." This database covers all 47 countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, providing indicators and links to constitutions, ratified international conventions, and domestic statutes where there are gender gaps in legal capacity and property rights. It shows how and where, despite universal constitutional recognition of non-discrimination, many countries have exceptions in areas of marriage, ownership, and control over property and inheritance. With less secure property rights, women in these countries do not have the same ability - or incentive - to accumulate and control assets and thus to access finance or to grow their businesses. After laying out the various gender gaps in legal capacity and property rights, the book addresses the additional challenges stemming from legal systems with a multiplicity of sources of law. Overlapping legal systems themselves add uncertainty to defining women's economic rights. The authors use case law to trace out the implications for women's rights and to provide examples of effective reforms. The book recognizes that beyond de jure differences, women may face greater practical constraints in having their rights protected. This book spells out specific steps that can be taken to address gender gaps both in formal property rights and in practical constraints in accessing justice.

Working Class Radicals: The Socialist Party in West Virginia, 1898-1920 examines the rise and fall of organized socialism in West Virginia through an exploration of the demographics of membership, oral interview material gathered in the 1960s from party members, and the collapse of the party in the wake of the Paint Creek-Cabin Creek coal-mining strike of 1912. The first local branch of the West Virginia Socialist Party was established in Wheeling in 1901 and by 1914 several thousand West Virginians were dues-paying members of local branches. By 1910 local Socialists began to elect candidates to office and in 1912 more than 15,000 West Virginian voters cast their ballots for Socialist presidential candidate Eugene Debs. The progress that West Virginia socialists achieved on the electoral front was a reflection of the party's strategy of increasing class-consciousness by working with existing unions to build the power of the labor movement. The party appealed to a fairly broad cross section of wage earners and its steady growth also owed much to the fact that many members of the middle class were attracted to the cause. Several factors combined to send the party into rapid decline, most importantly deep fissures between class and craft factions of the party and 1915 legislation making third party political participation difficult. Working Class Radicals offers insight into the various internal and external forces that doomed the party and serves as a cautionary tale to contemporary political leaders and organizers.

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Due to the very old age and scarcity of this book, many of the pages may be hard to read due to the blurring of the original text.

Due to the very old age and scarcity of this book, many of the pages may be hard to read due to the blurring of the original text.