An ILO Symposium on Collective Bargaining in Industrialized Market Economy Countries (Geneva, 2-6 November 1987) Industrial relations in industrialized market economies are currently evolving in a particularly difficult context. Economic constraints, technological progress and changes, not only in the composition of the labour force but also in the attitudes of workers, have caused workers' and employers' organizations to take a fresh look at their role in the process of collective bargaining. A symposium convened by the ILO in November 1987 provided a forum in which participants from government, employer, worker and academic circles, together with observers from a number of international bodies, could exchange views on recent trends and problems in collective bargaining. Papers by the ILO highlighting significant issues and a selection of the documents submitted by the participants in English are contained in this volume.

This guide has been prepared with a view to helping developing countries in their effort to promote the orderly settlement of industrial disputes through conciliation. Its aim is to meet the needs not only of professional or full-time conciliators but also of industrial relations officers, labour officers or labour inspectors, if conciliation is among their duties, by suggesting forms of behaviour, approaches and attitudes that will enable them to carry out their functions more effectively. The guide is intended to be of use to conciliators working in different countries and under different national conditions, and is based on contribution prepared by high-level mediators and conciliators from the United Kingdom and the United States as well as on information derived by the ILO from the findings of a number of regional seminars and from more immediate sources. The book is primarily designed for use as teaching material for the training of newly appointed conciliators and as a guide for working conciliators who have not had previous training.

Throughout the coal industry's two-hundred-year history, labor issues have dominated its economics and politics. Curtis Seltzer has written a comprehensive historical- analysis of labor relations in the American coal industry-the first since the 1930s.

Market forces have victimized coal suppliers and their workers for most of this century as demand shifted to other fuels. Coal producers responded to poor sales and excess production capacity with policies that led to strikes, inefficiency, and turmoil. Since its founding in 1890, the United Mine Workers of America has represented most coal miners, and management has traditionally taken one of two positions toward the UMWA: break it or use it. From 1950 to 1972, the major coal operators and the union formed an industrial partnership whose purpose was to survive a protracted slump in demand by controlling labor costs, increasing productivity, and limiting competition. This partnership eventually led to a rebellion within the UMWA that demanded democratic reform, better contracts, and improved health and safety in the workplace. For the last decade, the UMWA has been reworking its relationship with management, a process marked by conflict and stress.

n the years ahead, substantial environmental problems associated with coal combustion may drastically limit coal's growth. New mining technologies may cut labor requirements to the bone. As the shift to renewable energy occurs, coal may experience a transitional period of expansion followed by a rapid decline. These trends will have enormoussocial and economic consequences.

Fire in the Hole is a story that captures the people of coal as well as the broad clash of social forces.

Israel's 1977 political election resulted in a dramatic defeat for the ruling Labor movement, which had enjoyed more than four decades of economic, political, and cultural dominance. The government passed into the hands of the rightwing nationalist movement, marking a tumultuous episode in the history of both Israel and Jewish people at the start of the twenty-first century. Elmaliach chronicles the fascinating story of Israel's political transformation between the 1950s and the 1970s, exploring the roots of the Labor movement's historic collapse. Elmaliach focuses on Mapam and its allied Kibbutz movement, Hakibbutz Ha'artzi, a segment of the Israeli Labor movement that was most committed to the synthesis of socialism and Zionism. Although Mapam and Hakibbutz Ha'artzi were not the largest factions in the Israeli Labor movement, their ability to combine an economic organization, a political party, and cultural institutions gave them a strong foundation on which to build their power. Conversely, the Labor movement's crisis was, in large part, due to the economic upward mobility of the middle class, the emergence of new political orientations among supporters of the working-class parties, and the rise of cultural protests, which opposed the traditional workers' parties. Offering an innovative analysis, Elmaliach argues that, ultimately, the sources of the Labor movement's strength were also the causes of its weakness.

This book begins with a historical review of how authority in the Canadian workplace has changed over the past century. It proceeds to outline a theory of organization which provides a broad conceptual framework for the empirical analysis which follows. This theory is based on five concepts: the values of organizational members; the administrative structure of the organization; the interpersonal and intergroup processes; the reactions and adjustments of organization members; the social, political, economic, and cultural environments of the organization.A sample of 20 industrial organizations was selected to examine the effects of significant employee participation and to test the theory. They are matched pairs: ten permit some form of participation, and ten--similar in size, location, industry, union/non-union status, and work technology--follow conventional hierarchical design.The resulting data demonstrate that greater productivity results from employee participation in decisions relating to their work, in productivity bonuses, and in profit sharing and employee share-ownership plans.

The history of the north-shore railways provides a case study in the complexities of industrial development in nineteenth-century Quebec. Constructed in the fifteen years following Confederation, the North Shore and the Montreal Colonization Railways reinforced Quebec's integration into a transcontinental unit. Yet bankruptcy of both companies in 1875 forced the provincial government to assume ownership of the railways and to shoulder a financial burden that kept the province preoccupied, weak, and subservient to Ottawa. Diverse political, clerical, and business interests united to construct the railways and to manoeuvre them from private companies into a public venture and ultimately into the Canadian Pacific system. The two railways brought new concentrations of capital and power that cut across French and English ethnic lines and sharpened regional rivalries. Along the south short of the St. Lawrence both French- and English-speaking inhabitants protested against the province's commitments to its north-shore railways. By the late 1870s Quebec City's English community was lobbying hard against the growing power of their English-speaking counterparts in Montreal. The north-shore railways plagued a generation of Quebec politicians, and their construction bared incompatible regional aspirations. By 1885 years of negotiation, scandal, and political blackmail culminated in the incorporation of the two north-shore railways into the Canadian Pacific system. As this study so clearly demonstrates, Quebec paid a high price in making its contribution to linking Canada by steel a mari usque ad mare.

When I went to work for Lockheed-Georgia Company in September of 1952 I had no idea that this would end up being my life's work." With these words, Harry Hudson, the first African American supervisor at Lockheed Aircraft's Georgia facility, begins his account of a thirty-six-year career that spanned the postwar civil rights movement and the Cold War. Hudson was not a civil rights activist, yet he knew he was helping to break down racial barriers that had long confined African Americans to lower-skilled, nonsupervisory jobs. His previously unpublished memoir is an inside account of both the racial integration of corporate America and the struggles common to anyone climbing the postwar corporate ladder. At Lockheed-Georgia, Hudson went on to become the first black supervisor to manage an integrated crew and then the first black purchasing agent. There were other "firsts" along the path to these achievements, and Working for Equality is rich in details of Hudson's work on the assembly line and in the back office. In both circumstances, he contended with being not only a black man but a light-skinned black man as he dealt with production goals, personnel disputes, and other workday challenges. Randall Patton's introduction places Hudson's story within the broader struggle of workplace desegregation in America. Although Hudson is frank about his experiences in a predominantly white workforce, Patton notes that he remained "an organization man" who "expressed pride in his contributions to Lockheed [and] the nation's defense effort.

As the twentieth century draws to an end, the changing role of women appears as one of the dominant features of the era. In "Now Hiring, " historian Julia Blackwelder traces the century-long evolution of the American occupational structure and the ensuing rise in demand for female workers through the closing episodes of the Industrial Revolution and the advent of postindustrialism. Decade by decade, she adroitly traces the main lines of the development of the female work force and its interactions with education, family life, and social convention while developing a nuanced analysis of the differential patterns for various ethnic, racial, age, and socioeconomic groups.
Through vignettes of individual women, given context by statistical data that place them within larger patterns of work and family life, Blackwelder presents her arguments "with flesh on them." She offers a pioneering consideration of non-paid employment as part of the picture of women and work and incorporates an intriguing case study of the evolution of the Girl Scout organization. Her consideration of the interaction of race, class, gender, and economic forces in the evolving roles of working women--particularly since she weaves these issues into every discussion, rather than isolating them as afterthoughts--also makes an intellectual contribution to the field of women's studies. In her conclusion, Blackwelder summarizes the effects of a century of change in women's employment and delineates the social and economic challenges that will confront women and families of the twenty-first century.
Blackwelder portrays the larger economy as the premier driving force for patterns of female work. She demonstrates that the reconfiguration of the women's labor market followed the shift of the leading sector, from agriculture in the nineteenth century to manufacturing and eventually to service industries. In addition, she shows how changes in the labor market redirected female education and transformed family structures in the United States and how these changes in turn contributed to the further restructuring of job opportunities and salary structures.
Blackwelder analyzes how gender conventions have affected the employment of women: what industries would hire them, what positions they were considered for, what pay was considered appropriate. Considering how the shift in the national economy and the growing female permeation of the labor force changed the dynamics and economics of family life, she shows that although wage-earning wives gained more authority within marriage, they also assumed heavier responsibilities for the financial support of their families. As rising rates of separation and divorce further burdened mothers (who generally had child custody), women's economic advances paradoxically worsened their overall financial well-being.
This survey of U.S. women and work introduces students and general readers alike to these important topics, and the distinctiveness of Blackwelder's approach, blending quantitative data and oral history materials, as well as the cogency of her underlying arguments, give the book importance to scholars of labor and economic history and women's studies.

Labor historian Juliet Mofford presents the story of workers in the U.S. from the late 1700s to the present: the Industrial Revolution, the formation and role of unions, the quest for political reform, and the ongoing efforts for fair and safe labor conditions for migrant workers. Thoughts on labor from Thomas Jefferson, Abraham Lincoln, Samuel Gompers, Eugene Debs, Grover Cleveland, Theodore Roosevelt, Woodrow Wilson, FDR, John L. Lewis, Cesar Chavez, JFK, and others are presented in their own words.

A popular reference book, this bulletin gives definitions and historical background for nearly 300 frequently used words, phrases, and acronyms. It has been revised to reflect recent developments in labor relations and is extensively cross-referenced.

Alvin W. Gouldner takes readers through a case study of modern factory administrations in order to reveal the relations between workers and management at an industrial plant and in the community outside of it. The process of bureaucratization is found to be composed of three distinct tendencies: the "mock bureaucratization" pattern, characterized by the failure to enforce or obey rules; the "representative" pattern, where rules are both enforced by management and obeyed by works; or the "punishment-centered bureaucracy," where management attempts regular enforcement, but is resisted by workers. Scientific interest in bureaucracy and in the general theory of organization requires the accumulation of a large body of research data and empirical evidence. Patterns of Industrial Bureaucracy, informed through by a strong theoretical grasp of the material, is one of the major contributions to the literature of these fields.

This essay is an attempt to describe the Canadian system of state interference since its general inception a decade ago, against a background of lesser interference affecting a section of the economy over the forty preceding years. While the main purpose is that of general education, attention is directed at times to controversial matters that have been the direct concern of legislators, administrators, participants, and critics. Where such questions are raised, the reader will understand from the context that he is moving temporarily in the realm of opinion rather than among historical or proven facts. The study divides naturally into two parts: the first eight chapters present the forms of state interference in collective bargaining and the conditions and circumstances to which this manner of interference has been the reaction; they also examine the methods used to determine the will of the people with respect to industrial relations. The last two chapters develop a summary statement of the effects of the legislation, and present some of the issues to which the various laws have given rise. An attempt has been made to describe administrative techniques where these concern the efficiency of the boards' performance, and case material is presented at points in the text where the judgments conspicuously affect the trend and the quality of the legislation, Elaboration of these matters, however, is left largely to scholars of more competence. The two acts of the dominion government are presented in full in Appendices I and II and some additional cases in Appendix III.

Going beyond the how and why of burnout, a former tenured professor combines academic methods and first-person experience to propose new ways for resisting our cultural obsession with work and transforming our vision of human flourishing. Burnout has become our go-to term for talking about the pressure and dissatisfaction we experience at work. But in the absence of understanding what burnout means, the discourse often does little to help workers who suffer from exhaustion and despair. Jonathan Malesic was a burned out worker who escaped by quitting his job as a tenured professor. In The End of Burnout, he dives into the history and psychology of burnout, traces the origin of the high ideals we bring to our jobs, and profiles the individuals and communities who are already resisting our cultural commitment to constant work. In The End of Burnout, Malesic traces his own history as someone who burned out of a tenured job to frame this rigorous investigation of how and why so many of us feel worn out, alienated, and useless in our work. Through research on the science, culture, and philosophy of burnout, Malesic explores the gap between our vocation and our jobs, and between the ideals we have for work and the reality of what we have to do. He eschews the usual prevailing wisdom in confronting burnout ("Learn to say no!" "Practice mindfulness!") to examine how our jobs have been constructed as a symbol of our value and our total identity. Beyond looking at what drives burnout-unfairness, a lack of autonomy, a breakdown of community, mismatches of values-this book spotlights groups that are addressing these failures of ethics. We can look to communities of monks, employees of a Dallas nonprofit, intense hobbyists, and artists with disabilities to see the possibilities for resisting a "total work" environment and the paths to recognizing the dignity of workers and nonworkers alike. In this critical yet deeply humane book, Malesic offers the vocabulary we need to recognize burnout, overcome burnout culture, and acknowledge the dignity of workers and nonworkers alike.