Teachers and Their Unions: Labor Relations in Uncertain Times explores the decade of uncertainty in public education following the Great Recession by first laying a foundation that describes the development of teachers and public education and the rise of teacher unions. The selection of the industrial labor model at the outset of public sector collective bargaining set the table for challenges to its fit with education. The theme of teacher as member of a union and teacher as a professional is explored within the context of a collective bargaining environment. The section "Law and Politics in Uncertain Times: Retrenchment and Assault" explores the decade of uncertainty. It reviews the industrial union model and within the twin challenges of the conundrum of teacher as union member and professional in the struggles of the decade. Tenure (boondoggle or necessary protection), VAM (rank and yank), right-to-work, agency fees, and teacher strikes are explored within the themes of the industrial union model and the tension of union member and professional. The book concludes with thoughts for the future and responds to the question of whether teacher unions are still pertinent.

Riots and Militant Occupations provides students with theoretical reflections and qualitative case studies on militant contentious political action across a range from across Europe to Nigeria, China and Turkey. This multi-authored, interdisciplinary collection adopts an interpretive and participatory approach to examining meanings, affects, embodiment, identity, relationality and space in the context of riots and protests. The rapidly shifting terrain of riots and occupations has left existing social-scientific theories lagging behind, challenging dominant constructions of agency and rationality. This book will fill this gap, by offering new understandings and critical perspectives on the question of what happens in space, in time and between people, during and after riots. Weaving together observations, experiences and analyses of riots from participants, theorists and social scientists, the authors craft theoretical perspectives in close connection with researched practices. These perspectives take the form of new theoretical contributions on the spatiality, affectivity and immanent meaning of riots, and grassroots qualitative case-studies of particular events and contexts. Countering the preconceptions of riots as a trail of broken windows, burned dumpsters and angry conservatives, this book aims to demonstrate that riots are fundamentally creative, generating forms of meaning, power, knowledge, affect, social connection and participatory space which are rare, and sociologically important, in the modern world.

While workers movements have been largely phased out and considered out-dated in most parts of the world during the 1990s, the 21st century has seen a surge in new and unprecedented forms of strikes and workers organisations. The collection of essays in this book, spanning countries across global South and North, provides an account of strikes and working class resistance in the 21st century. Through original case studies, the book looks at the various shades of workers' movements, analysing different forms of popular organisation as responses to new social and economic conditions, such as restructuring of work and new areas of investment.

Des centaines de millions de travailleurs autour du monde sont affilies, par leur adhesion a un syndicat, a l'une des federations syndicales internationales (FSI). Ces organisations mondiales couvrent toutes les industries, du transport a la finance aux services publics. Elles appuient leurs affilies dans le monde entier, offrant des formations pour les militants syndicaux, construisant une solidarite et mettant la pression sur employeurs et gouvernements lors des conflits industriels. Ce livre est une courte introduction aux organisations professionnelles et interprofessionnelles internationales; un point de depart pour les syndiques cherchant a apprendre davantage sur la dimension internationale de notre mouvement."

Twenty years after its initial publication, Annelise Orleck's Common Sense and a Little Fire continues to resonate with its harrowing story of activism, labor, and women's history. Orleck traces the personal and public lives of four immigrant women activists who left a lasting imprint on American politics. Though they have rarely made more than cameo appearances in previous histories, Rose Schneiderman, Fannia Cohn, Clara Lemlich Shavelson, and Pauline Newman played important roles in the emergence of organized labor, the New Deal welfare state, adult education, and the modern women's movement. Orleck takes her four subjects from turbulent, turn-of-the-century Eastern Europe to the radical ferment of New York's Lower East Side and the gaslit tenements where young workers studied together. Orleck paints a compelling picture of housewives' food and rent protests, of grim conditions in the garment shops, of factory-floor friendships that laid the basis for a mass uprising of young women garment workers, and of the impassioned rallies working women organized for suffrage. Featuring a new preface by the author, this new edition reasserts itself as a pivotal text in twentieth-century labor history.

In the 1940s, British shipping companies began the large-scale recruitment of African seamen in Lagos. On colonial ships, Nigerian sailors performed menial tasks for low wages and endured discrimination as cheap labor, while countering hardships by nurturing social connections across the black diaspora. Poor employment conditions stirred these seamen to identify with the nationalist sentiment burgeoning in postwar Nigeria, while their travels broadened and invigorated their cultural identities. Working for the Nigerian National Shipping Line, they encountered new forms of injustice and exploitation. When mismanagement, a lack of technical expertise, and pillaging by elites led to the NNSL's collapse in the early 1990s, seamen found themselves without prospects. Their disillusionment became a broader critique of corruption in postcolonial Nigeria. In Nation on Board: Becoming Nigerian at Sea, Lynn Schler traces the fate of these seamen in the transition from colonialism to independence. In so doing, she renews the case for labor history as a lens for understanding decolonization, and brings a vital transnational perspective to her subject. By placing the working-class experience at the fore, she complicates the dominant view of the decolonization process in Nigeria and elsewhere.

Processes of neoliberal globalization have put national trade unions under pressure as the transnational organization of production puts these labour movements in competition with each other. The global economic crisis has intensified these pressures further. And yet, economic and political integration processes have also provided workers with new possibilities to organize resistance. Emphasizing the importance of agency, this book analyzes transnational labour action in times of crisis, historically and now. It draws on a variety of fascinating cases, across formal and informal collectives, in order to clarify which factors facilitate or block the formation of solidarity. Moving beyond empirical description of cases to an informed understanding of collective action across borders, the volume provides an insightful theorization of transnational action.

Compelled by the extent to which globalization has changed the nature of labor relations, Harry C. Katz, Thomas A. Kochan, and Alexander J. S. Colvin give us the first textbook to focus on the workplace outcomes of the production of goods and services in emerging countries. In Labor Relations in a Globalizing World, they draw lessons from the United States and other advanced industrial countries to provide a menu of options for management, labor, and government leaders in emerging countries. They include discussions based in countries such as China, Brazil, India, and South Africa which, given the advanced levels of economic development they have already achieved, are often described as "transitional," because the labor relations practices and procedures used in those countries are still in a state of flux.Katz, Kochan, and Colvin analyze how labor relations functions in emerging countries in a manner that is useful to practitioners, policymakers, and academics. They take account of the fact that labor relations are much more politicized in emerging countries than in advanced industrialized countries. They also address the traditional role played by state-dominated unions in emerging countries and the recent increased importance of independent unions that have emerged as alternatives. These independent unions tend to promote firm- or workplace-level collective bargaining in contrast to the more traditional top-down systems. Katz, Kochan, and Colvin explain how multinational corporations, nongovernmental organizations, and other groups that act across national borders increasingly influence work and employment outcomes.

From the 1870s to the 1930s, the Lake Superior Ojibwes of Minnesota and Wisconsin faced dramatic economic, political, and social changes. Examining a period that began with the tribe's removal to reservations and closed with the Indian New Deal, Chantal Norrgard explores the critical link between Ojibwes' efforts to maintain their tribal sovereignty and their labor traditions and practices. As Norrgard explains, the tribe's "seasonal round" of subsistence-based labor was integral to its survival and identity. Though encroaching white settlement challenged these labor practices, Ojibwe people negotiated treaties that protected their rights to make a living by hunting, fishing, and berrying and through work in the fur trade, the lumber industry, and tourism. Norrgard shows how the tribe strategically used treaty rights claims over time to uphold its right to work and to maintain the rhythm and texture of traditional Ojibwe life. Drawing on a wide range of sources, including New Deal@-era interviews with Ojibwe people, Norrgard demonstrates that while American expansion curtailed the Ojibwes' land base and sovereignty, the tribe nevertheless used treaty-protected labor to sustain its lifeways and meet economic and political needs--a process of self-determination that continues today.

Accounts of the Arab Spring often focus on the role of youth coalitions, the use of social media, and the tactics of the Tahrir Square occupation. This authoritative and original book argues that collective action by organised workers played a fundamental role in the Egyptian revolution, which erupted after years of strikes and social protests. Drawing on the authors' decade-long experience of reporting on and researching the Egyptian labour movement, the book provides the first in-depth account of the emergence of independent trade unions and workers' militancy during Mubarak's last years in power, and and their destabilising impact on the post-revolutionary regimes.

Welcher Angestellte hat sich noch nie ein Leben mit all jenen Annehmlichkeiten und personlichen Freiraumen gewunscht, die sonst nur einem Freiberuflichen oder Selbststandigen vorbehalten sind? Auch unter der Woche einmal Auszuschlafen, am Vormittag einen Einkaufsbummel zu machen oder am Nachmittag zwei Stunden zum Sport zu gehen? Warum an einem heissen Sommernachmittag das Buro nicht eher verlassen und den Laptop mit ins Schwimmbad nehmen, die E-Mails abends beantworten oder die liegen gebliebene Arbeit am Wochenende aufarbeiten? Was spricht dagegen? Ist das arbeitsrechtlich nicht moglich oder bislang gesellschaftlich einfach nur unublich bzw. nicht akzeptiert? Sind strenge Anwesenheitskontrollen mit Stechuhr und das abendliche gegenseitige Aussitzen" der Kollegen wirklich entscheidende Leistungskriterien in unserer Arbeitswelt? Wie ist es in wirtschaftlich schwierigen Zeiten uberhaupt moglich, dass profitorientierte Unternehmen es stillschweigend hinnehmen, wenn ihre Mitarbeiter Zeit am Arbeitsplatz totschlagen, im Internet surfen, Kaffeepausen einlegen und sich auf ausgedehnte Plauscherln" unter Kollegen treffen? Akzeptieren sie derartige Verhaltensweisen nur, um sicher zu gehen, dass die Angestellten auch tatsachlich anwesend sind und deren vorgeschriebene Anwesenheitszeit ordnungsgemass ableisten? Ist physische Anwesenheit wichtiger als Produktivitat? Ware eine zeitunabhangige Leistungsmessung anhand von Output und Zielvorgaben nicht wesentlich sinnvoller? Und welche Rollen spielen der demographische Wandel und die technische Mobilisierung bei dieser Uberlegung? Fakt ist, dass der Ruf nach mehr Freiheit und Flexibilitat im Berufsleben immer lauter wird, vor allem bei den unselbststandig Erwerbstatigen. Begunstigt wird dieser Wunsch durch den Eintritt einer neuen Generation in den Arbeitsmarkt, der sogenannten Generation Y." Einer Generation, die die Macht der Demografie hinter sich weiss, und dementsprechend kompromisslos ihre konkreten Forderungen an ihre ku

The Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA) provides workers with minimum wage, overtime pay, and child labour protections. The FLSA covers most, but not all, private and public sector employees. In addition, certain employers and employees are exempt from coverage. Provisions of the FLSA that are of current interest to Congress include the basic minimum wage, sub-minimum wage rates, exemptions from overtime and the minimum wage for persons who provide companionship services, the exemption for employees in computer-related occupations, compensatory time in lieu of overtime pay, and break time for nursing mothers. The National Labor Relations Act (NLRA) recognises the right of employees to engage in collective bargaining through representatives of their own choosing. By "encouraging the practice and procedure of collective bargaining," the Act attempts to mitigate and eliminate labour-related obstructions to the free flow of commerce. Although union membership has declined dramatically since the 1950s, congressional interest in the NLRA remains significant. This book provides an overview of both the Fair Labor Standards Act and the National Labor Relations Act with a focus on coverage, amendments and policy.

The Jonathan Presidency provides a comprehensive and unique analysis of Nigerian president Goodluck Jonathan s first twelve months in office. The Jonathan Presidency analyzes the ability of the featured Nigerian politicians to deliver their electoral promises, protect and uphold the Nigerian Constitution, and sustain a transparent, citizen-friendly administration."

This report examines the fundamental link between Mexico's economic performance and migration to the United States, with a particular focus on the post-NAFTA time period. Also examined is the dramatic decline of Mexican migration to the United States since the 2008 financial crisis and its implications for immigration reform in the United States. Finally, the report discusses the growing flows of unauthorized migrants from Central America and what regional governments can do to address the issue.

"A significant contribution that enriches historical narratives. This is a wonderful case study that complicates Latin American history, and particularly labor history in that region, by emphasizing the positive role played by black migrants in labor mobilization in Guatemala."--Jean Muteba Rahier, Florida International University In the late nineteenth century, many Central American governments and countries sought to fill low-paying jobs and develop their economies by recruiting black American and West Indian laborers. Frederick Opie offers a revisionist interpretation of these workers, who were often depicted as simple victims with little, if any, enduring legacy. The Guatemalan government sought to build an extensive railroad system in the 1880s, and actively recruited foreign labor. For poor workers of African descent, immigrating to Guatemala was seen as an opportunity to improve their lives and escape from the racism of the Jim Crow U.S. South and the French and British colonial Caribbean. Using primary and secondary sources as well as ethnographic data, Opie details the struggles of these workers who were ultimately inspired to organize by the ideas of Marcus Garvey. Regularly suffering class- and race-based attacks and persecution, black laborers frequently met such attacks with resistance. Their leverage--being able to shut down the railroad--was crucially important to the revolutionary movements in 1897 and 1920. Frederick Douglass Opie, professor of history and foodways at Babson College, is the author of "Hog and Hominy: Soul Food from Africa to America," and a blogger at www.foodsasalens.com.

The Polish crisis in the early 1980s provoked a great deal of reaction in the West. Not only governments, but social movements were also touched by the establishment of the Independent Trade Union Solidarnosc in the summer of 1980, the proclamation of martial law in December 1981, and Solidarnosc's underground activity in the subsequent years. In many countries, campaigns were set up in order to spread information, raise funds, and provide the Polish opposition with humanitarian relief and technical assistance. Labor movements especially stepped into the limelight. A number of Western European unions were concerned about the new international tension following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and the new hard-line policy of the US and saw Solidarnosc as a political instrument of clerical and neo-conservative cold warriors. This book analyzes reaction to Solidarnosc in nine Western European countries and within the international trade union confederations. It argues that Western solidarity with Solidarnosc was highly determined by its instrumental value within the national context. Trade unions openly sided with Solidarnosc when they had an interest in doing so, namely when Solidarnosc could strengthen their own program or position. But this book also reveals that reaction in allegedly reluctant countries was massive, albeit discreet, pragmatic, and humanitarian, rather than vocal, emotional, and political.