Tribal gaming is simultaneously at the center and the periphery of tribal labor relations and, for that matter, economic development in Indian Country as a whole. Tribal labor relations span the tension between gaming and nongaming concerning issues and questions that are central to any tribally run economic enterprise. The Work of Sovereignty explores political, economic, and cultural forces that structure and influence economic development from the perspective of workers. A fundamental question of this book is what it would mean to view indigenous self-determination from the vantage point of work and workers. The author's considerations of this question cohere around his definition of tribal labor relations as the unique ways in which relationships between workers and management play out. While most research on tribal sovereignty and economic development focuses on the legal, governmental, and economic structures that delimit sovereignty, this book centers on the people who experience and enact it through their everyday labor. The Work of Sovereignty is not just about the legal jurisdictional debates over tribal gaming labor relations, but rather, how labor relations play out on the ground in Indian Country, how tribal employees view their relationships with their bosses and tribal enterprises, and how this view connects to their enactment of indigenous self-determination.

In The Deepest Wounds , Thomas D. Rogers traces social and environmental changes over four centuries in Pernambuco, Brazil's key northeastern sugar-growing state. Focusing particularly on the period from the end of slavery in 1888 to the late twentieth century, when human impact on the environment reached critical new levels, Rogers confronts the day-to-day world of farming--the complex, fraught, and occasionally poetic business of making sugarcane grow. Renowned Brazilian sociologist Gilberto Freyre, whose home state was Pernambuco, observed, ""Monoculture, slavery, and latifundia--but principally monoculture--they opened here, in the life, the landscape, and the character of our people, the deepest wounds."" Inspired by Freyre's insight, Rogers tells the story of Pernambuco's wounds, describing the connections among changing agricultural technologies, landscapes and human perceptions of them, labor practices, and agricultural and economic policy. This web of interrelated factors, Rogers argues, both shaped economic progress and left extensive environmental and human damage. Combining a study of workers with analysis of their landscape, Rogers offers new interpretations of crucial moments of labor struggle, casts new light on the role of the state in agricultural change, and illuminates a legacy that influences Brazil's development even today. |Rogers traces social and environmental changes over four centuries in Pernambuco, Brazil's key northeastern sugar-growing state. Focusing particularly on the period from the end of slavery in 1888 to the late twentieth century, when human impact on the environment reached critical new levels, Rogers confronts the day-to-day world of farming--the complex, fraught, and occasionally poetic business of making sugarcane grow. Combining a study of workers with analysis of their landscape, Rogers offers new interpretations of crucial moments of labor struggle, casts new light on the role of the state in agricultural change, and illuminates a legacy that influences Brazil's development even today.

This book brings to life the important but neglected story of African American postal workers and the critical role they played in the U.S. labour and black freedom movements. Historian Philip Rubio, a former postal worker, integrates civil rights, labour, and left movement histories that too often are written as if they happened separately. Centred on New York City and Washington, D.C., the book chronicles a struggle of national significance through its examination of the post office, a workplace with facilities and unions serving every city and town in the United States. Black postal workers--often college-educated military veterans--fought their way into postal positions and unions and became a critical force for social change. They combined black labour protest and civic traditions to construct a civil rights unionism at the post office. They were a major factor in the 1970 nationwide postal wildcat strike, which resulted in full collective bargaining rights for the major postal unions under the newly established U.S. Postal Service in 1971. In making the fight for equality primary, African American postal workers were influential in shaping today's post office and postal unions.

What do Cape Breton and Colombia have in common? Coal, for one thing. Coal mining was the backbone of Cape Breton's industrial economy for more than one hundred years, but the last mine was closed in 2001 when the province's utility company took advantage of neoliberal globalization by importing coal-from Colombia. Colombia and Cape Breton represent the loss of well-paid, unionized industrial jobs as a result of neoliberal globalization-the economic hegemony that allows multinational corporations in the global North, primarily North America and Europe, to exploit the natural resources and cheap labour of the global South: Latin America, Africa and Asia. But the commonalities between Cape Breton and Colombia do not end with coal, there are numerous connections directly related to the capitalist system: militant labour struggles, repression, economic insecurity, population displacement, social inequality and environmental devastation. The Failure of Global Capitalism uses the examples of Cape Breton and Colombia to illustrate the harsh realities suffered by people throughout the global North and the global South under neoliberal globalization, particularly with regard to socio-economic and environmental issues. Ultimately, it exposes the failure of industrial capitalism, and looks toward more sustainable and egalitarian alternatives.

A history of the Syndicalist movement, and a critique of the Syndicalist program from the point of view of parliamentary Socialism.

In few Asian countries is organized labor so important an economic and political factor as in contemporary Indonesia, and in few countries of the world has it been so politicized. Yet, thus far very little serious research and writing has been concerned with the Indonesian trade unions. Consequently the Cornell Modern Indonesia Project is pleased to publish this pioneering study by Iskandar Tedjasukmana. It would be difficult to find anyone better qualified to undertake it, for he served as Minister of Labor in three different Indonesian cabinets: the Sukiman Cabinet (April 27, 1951 - April 2, 1952); the Wilopo Cabinet (April 3, 1952 - July 31, 1953); and the Burhanudin Harahap Cabinet (August 12, 1955 - March 27, 1956). In addition, he was from 1951 to 1956 Chairman of the Political Bureau of the Labor Party. From 1946 to 1956, except while Cabinet Minister, he was a member of the Indonesian Parliament, serving from March, 1947, to August, 1949, as Vice-Chairman of its Working Committee. - George McT. Kahin, October 31, 1958

A career in the armed forces brings opportunities and risks unfamiliar in civilian life. This independent report assesses whether the information provided to potential recruits enables them to make an informed choice about enlistment.

This book aims to evaluate factors that account for violations of labor standards in developing countries. The study directs the focus of analysis on three major explanations for non-compliance: (1) domestic regime type and capacity, (2) economic constraints, and (3) the existence of a regional labor standard and human rights regime. Based on four international relations perspectives (realism, liberalism, rational institutionalism and constructivism), the investigation shows that non-compliance is not a result of lacking regulatory and economic capacity. Labor standards are feared since they might politicize workers and thus endanger political power. A higher degree of regional implementation of labor standards is associated with a higher degree of domestic labor standard compliance.

Women are constantly being told that it's simply too difficult to balance work and family, so if they don't really "have to" work, it's better for their families if they stay home. Not only is this untrue, Leslie Bennetts says, but the arguments in favor of stay-at-home motherhood fail to consider the surprising benefits of work and the unexpected toll of giving it up. It's time, she says, to get the message across--combining work and family really is the best choice for most women, and it's eminently doable. Bennetts and millions of other working women provide ample proof that there are many different ways to have kids, maintain a challenging career, and have a richly rewarding life as a result. Earning money and being successful not only make women feel great, but when women sacrifice their financial autonomy by quitting their jobs, they become vulnerable to divorce as well as the potential illness, death, or unemployment of their bread-winner husbands. Further, they forfeit the intellectual, emotional, psychological, and even medical benefits of self-sufficiency. The truth is that when women gamble on dependancy, most eventually end up on the wrong side of the odds. In riveting interviews with women from a wide range of backgrounds, Bennetts tells their dramatic stories--some triumphant, others heart-breaking.The Feminine Mistake will inspire women to accept the challenge of figuring out who they are and what they want to do with their lives in addition to raising children. Not since Betty Friedan has anyone offered such an eye-opening and persuasive argument for why women can--and should--embrace the joyously complex lives they deserve.

This scarce antiquarian book is included in our special Legacy Reprint Series. In the interest of creating a more extensive selection of rare historical book reprints, we have chosen to reproduce this title even though it may possibly have occasional imperfections such as missing and blurred pages, missing text, poor pictures, markings, dark backgrounds and other reproduction issues beyond our control. Because this work is culturally important, we have made it available as a part of our commitment to protecting, preserving and promoting the world's literature.

HRM is central to management teaching and research, and has emerged in the last decade as a significant field from its earlier roots in Personnel Management, Industrial Relations, and Industrial Psychology. People Management and High Performance teams have become key functions and goals for manager at all levels in organizations.
The Oxford Handbook brings together leading scholars from around the world - and from a range of disciplines - to provide an authoritative account of current trends and developments. The Handbook is divided into four parts:
* Foundations and Frameworks,
* Core Processes and Functions,
* Patterns and Dynamics,
* Measurement and Outcomes.
Overall it will provide an essential resource for anybody who wants to get to grips with current thinking, research, and development on HRM.

In Black Americans and Organized Labor, Paul D. Moreno offers a bold reinterpretation of the role of race and racial discrimination in the American labor movement. Moreno applies insights of the law-and-economics movement to formulate a powerfully compelling labor-race theorem of elegant simplicity: White unionists found that race was a convenient basis on which to do what unions do -- control the labor supply. Not racism pure and simple but "the economics of discrimination" explains historic black absence and under-representation in unions.

Moreno's sweeping reexamination stretches from the antebellum period to the present, integrating principal figures such as Frederick Douglass and Samuel Gompers, Isaac Myers and Booker T. Washington, and W. E. B. Du Bois and A. Philip Randolph. He traces changing attitudes and practices during the simultaneous black migration to the North and consolidation of organized labor's power, through the confusing and conflicted post-World War II period, during the course of the civil rights movement, and into the era of affirmative action. Maneuvering across a wide span of time and a broad array of issues, Moreno brings remarkable clarity to the question of the importance of race in unions. He impressively weaves together labor, policy, and African American history into a cogent, persuasive revisionist study that cannot be ignored.

Kessinger Publishing is the place to find hundreds of thousands of rare and hard-to-find books with something of interest for everyone!

Embracing individualism and antistatism, the United States traditionally has favored a limited role for government. Yet state intervention both against and on behalf of labor has a long history, culminating in the labor law reforms of the New Deal. How do we account for this irony? And how do we explain why, between World War I and the Great Depression, another leading industrial nation with similar ideological commitments, Great Britain, developed a different model? By comparing the United States and Britain, Larry G. Gerber makes clear that, in the development of industrial relations policies, ideology was secondary to economic realities-the structure of business, the market system, and the configuration of unions. Nonetheless, industrial policy developed within the broader context of the transition from the individualistic laissez-faire capitalism of the nineteenth century to a collectivist political economy in which the state and organized groups played increasingly important roles while pluralist and corporatist models contended for influence. In Britain, where most business enterprises remained comparatively small, collective bargaining between workers and management became the norm. In the United States, however, large-scale corporations quickly rose to dominance. Eager to retain control of the production process, corporate elites resisted negotiating with workers and occasionally called upon the state to resolve labor crises. American workers, who initially opposed state involvement, eventually turned to the state for assistance as well. The New Deal administration responded with a series of new labor policies designed to balance the interests of employers and employees alike. Since state intervention did nothing to permanently change employers' hostility toward unions, the New Deal legislation was short-lived. Gerber's broad study of this momentous period in labor history helps explain the conundrum of a nation with a typically limited government whose intense intervention in labor relations caused long-lasting effects.

Following the Civil War, large corporations emerged in the United States and became intent on maximizing their power and profits at all costs. Political corruption permeated American society as those corporate entities grew and spread across the country, leaving bribery and exploitation in their wake. This alliance between corporate America and the political class came to a screeching halt during the Great Railroad Strike of 1877, when the U.S. workers in the railroad, mining, canal, and manufacturing industries called a general strike against monopoly capitalism and brought the country to an economic standstill. In The St. Louis Commune of 1877 Mark Kruger tells the riveting story of how workers assumed political control in St. Louis, Missouri. Kruger examines the roots of the St. Louis Commune-focusing on the 1848 German revolution, the Paris Commune, and the First International. Not only was 1877 the first instance of a general strike in U.S. history; it was also the first time workers took control of a major American city and the first time a city was ruled by a communist party.