When the War of Independence ended in 1783 many doubted Americans' ability to build a nation. Today the US occupies a position comparable to that of Britain at the zenith of its power. Britain and America since Independence deals with Anglo-American relations in the widest sense. It shows how the transfer of hegemony from the British Empire to the US affected the way Britons and Americans viewed one another, and its effect on the evolving cultural, economic, and political connections between the two countries.

A detailed analysis of how government in India was financed during the period of direct British rule. This book explores the financial relationship between the Indian government, as represented by the India Office, and the City of London during the period of direct British rule. The universally accepted view is that the Office acted in the interests of the City and to the detriment of India. Financing the Raj disputes this conclusion. It argues that India was a constituent part of the City, contributing to and benefitting from its operation throughthe formation of close symbiotic and trust relationships, the exchange of gifts, the recycling of funds, and, perhaps most significantly, the support of the gold standard. The book examines the Office's activities from a British and practical perspective. In the first part, the issue and sale/purchase on the London market of Indian government debt is explored. Next, the author discusses the purchase of silver and the 'scandal' of 1912, when the awardof a major contract to the family firm of the Under Secretary of State for India led to accusations of cronyism and fraud. The finance of Indian trade, the management of exchange rates and the transfer from India to London of themoney needed to meet the Indian government's UK commitments are then investigated. The book concludes with an analysis of the Office's investment role and its management of the three cash reserves held in the capital. Financing the Raj overturns many myths, demonstrating that those involved in Indian finance did work in the best interests of India and were well aware of the close interrelationship between Indian finance, the City of London andthe wider British economy. It will be of interest both to historians of empire and historians of finance. DAVID SUNDERLAND is Reader in Business History at the University of Greenwich and the author of four monographs and numerous articles on the economic history of London, British Imperialism and nineteenth-century social capital. He is also Series and Collection editor of Pickering & Chatto's Britain and Africa series of source monographs.

In 19th century paintings, the proud Indian warrior and the Scottish highland chief are portrayed in similar wayscolorful and wild, righteous and warlike, the last of their breeds. In 17th and 18th century accounts, they are both presented as barbarians, in need of English language, religion, and civilization. During the Seven Years War, the Cherokees and Highland troops were said to be cousins. By the 19th century, one could hear Cree, Mohawk, Cherokee, and Salish spoken with Gaelic accents. Colin Calloway, in this imaginative work of imperial history, looks at why these two peoples have so much in common. A comparative approach to the American Indians and Scottish Highlanders, this book examines the experiences of clans and tribal societies, which underwent parallel experiences on the peripheries of Britains empire (in Britain, the United States, and Canada) and what happened when they encountered one another on the frontier. Pushed out of their ancestral lands, their traditional food sourcescattle in the Highlands and bison on the Great Plainswere decimated to make way for livestock farming. Chapters of this book explore the storied landscapes, communal land-holding practices, and deep spiritual connections to place they shared; families and clans; Christian missionary activities among both Highlanders and Indians; and the forced removals of both peoples from their ancestral lands. Eventually, the conquering cultures would romanticize the indigenous peoples whose tribal ways of life they destroyed, in art and literature by such authors as Sir Walter Scott and James Fenimore Cooper. In North America, the groups often came together through the fur and deerskin industries and intermarried, and this book examines their relationships in the context of relations with colonial powers. Today, both groups continue to celebrate the survival of their heritages in pow-wows and Highland festivals, and growing numbers of Indians apply for membership in Scottish clan societies. A scholar of American Indians, who is of Scottish Highlander heritage, Calloway is known for his work on the relationships between Indians and colonists in North America. In this book, he complicates the notion of British power by differentiating between the English and Scottish Highlanders, who the English co-opted into serving in their military forces in North America. What one gains is a more finely-tuned understanding of how indigenous peoples with their own rich identities experienced cultural change, economic transformation, and demographic dislocation amidst the growing power of the British empire.

Using rare archival material from the Alkazi Collection, together with supplementary visuals, these essays re-evaluate the official reading of the Uprising. Linked accounts negotiate Mutiny landscapes and architecture: the internal dynamic of the rebellion decoded through topography and monuments. Along with rebels, British troops and their determined generals, and various professional and amateur photographers, the dramatic vista of the Uprising in these essays is also inhabited by a range of significant characters central to the action, including the warrior queen Lakshmi Bai, the exiled last Mughal emperor Bahadur Shah Zafar and the poet Mirza Ghalib. Published in association with the Alkazi Collection of Photography.

Tea on the terrace takes the reader on a journey up and down the Nile with famous archaeologists and Egyptologists. Spending time with these fascinating men and women at their hotels and on their boats, the book reveals that a great deal of archaeological work took place away from field sites and museums. Arriving in Alexandria, travellers such as Americans Theodore Davis, Emma Andrews and James Breasted, and Britons Wallis Budge, Maggie Benson and Howard Carter moved on to Cairo before heading south for Luxor, the site of the Ancient Egyptian city of Thebes. The book follows them on their journey, listening in on their conversations and observing their activities. Applying insights from social studies of science, it reveals that hotels in particular were crucial spaces for establishing careers, building and strengthening scientific networks, and generating and experimenting with new ideas. Combining archaeological tourism with the history of Egyptology, and drawing on a wide array of archival materials, Tea on the terrace takes the reader behind the scenes of familiar stories, showing Egyptologists' activities in a whole new light. -- .

This book examines the lives and tenures of all the consorts of the Tudor and Stuart monarchs of England between 1485 and 1714, as well as the wives of the two Lords Protector during the Commonwealth. The figures in Tudor and Stuart Consorts are both incredibly familiar-especially the six wives of Henry VIII-and exceedingly unfamiliar, such as George of Denmark, the husband of Queen Anne. These innovative and authoritative biographies recognise the important role consorts played in a period before constitutional monarchy: in addition to correcting popular assumptions that are based on limited historical evidence, the chapters provide a fuller picture of the role of consort that goes beyond discussions of exceptionalism and subversion. This volume and its companions reveal the changing nature of English consortship from the Norman Conquest to today.

This book challenges conventional wisdom by revealing an extensive and heterogeneous community of foreign businesses in Australia before 1914. Multinational enterprise arrived predominantly from Britain, but other sender nations included the USA, France, Germany, New Zealand, and Japan. Their firms spread out across Australia from mining and pastoral communities, to portside industries and CBD precincts, and they operated broadly across mining, trading, shipping, insurance, finance, and manufacturing. They were a remarkably diverse population of firms by size, organisational form, and longevity. This is a rare study of the impact of multinationals on a host nation, particularly before World War One, and that focuses on a successful resource-based economy. Deploying a database of more than 600 firms, supported by contemporary archives and publications, the work reveals how multinational influence was contested by domestic enterprise, other foreign firms, and the strategic investments of governments in network industries. Nonetheless, foreign agency - particularly investment, knowledge and entrepreneurship - mattered in the economic development of Australia in the nineteenth as well as the twentieth centuries. This book will be of interest to students and researchers in Australian and international economic and business history, the history of economic growth and scholars of international business.

Raising Germans in the Age of Empire is a cultural history of the German colonial imagination around the turn of the twentieth century. Looking beyond the colonialist movement, it focuses on young Germans who grew up during this era and the various commercial and educational media through which they daily encountered the wider world. Using their imaginary colonial encounters, Jeff Bowersox explores how Germans young and old came to terms with a globalizing world. Chapters on toys, school instruction, popular literature, and the Boy Scouts (or Pfadfinder) reveal how Germans, through mass consumer culture and mass education, built a definitive association between colonial hierarchies and Germany's place in the modern age. By 1914 this colonial sensibility had been accepted as common sense, but it always remained flexible and vague. It could be adapted to serve competing and contradictory purposes, ranging from profit and pedagogical reform to nationalist mobilization and international socialist solidarity. Thus, as young Germans used images of imperialism to construct their own fantastical adventures, adults tried to use those same images to ward off the worst excesses of industrial modernity and to mold young people into capable and productive citizens. The result was a chaotic multitude of imagined empires vying for space in the public arena as Germans debated how best to raise the next generation of children. Raising Germans in the Age of Empire explains how colonial visions not only shaped Germans' engagement with globalization but also determined how they understood themselves as a modern nation.

Puerto Rico, acquired by the United States from Spain in 1898, has a peculiar status among Latin American and Caribbean countries. As a Commonwealth, the island enjoys limited autonomy over local matters, but the U.S. has essentially dominated it militarily, politically, and economically for much of its history. Though they are citizens, Puerto Ricans do not have their own voting representatives in Congress and cannot vote for the president or VP. The island's status is a topic of perennial debate, evidenced by the 2012 referendum, in which a majority voted for statehood for the first time. More recently, the island's colossal public debt has sparked an economic crisis that is the focus of an upcoming Supreme Court case. The issue is intimately tied to the question of status, and consensus on the solution has proven elusive. Despite their ongoing colonial dilemma, Puerto Ricans display a strong national identity-after 118 years of occupation, the Island remains a Spanish-speaking, Afro-Hispanic-Caribbean nation. At the same time, the island's population is constantly in flux, with an estimated 60.7% of boricuas living stateside, while many others are also returning to the island. Despite the island's popularity as a tourist destination, few beyond its shores are familiar with its history. Puerto Rico: What Everyone Needs to Know provides a succinct, authoritative, and well-documented introduction to the Island's rich history, culture, politics, and economy. Jorge Duany, takes on the task of educating readers on the most important facets of the unique, troubled, but much beloved isla del encanto.

This book explores the interplay between liberalism and imperialism in Second Empire France. By examining the political dimension of imperial expansion and the power of words in shaping public opinion, it sheds light on the ways in which liberal ideas developed in the nineteenth century. In contrast to Britain, French imperialism in the third quarter of the nineteenth century was fostered by a Bonapartist regime that liberals needed to fight in order to build their own political brand. The author argues that the 1860s were not so much a period of 'liberal empire' in France as has traditionally been suggested, since liberals were in fact more conveyers of political change rather than supporters of the regime. To demonstrate how French liberals succeeded in configuring an alternative political option, the book explores their attitudes to the expanding colonial empire of Napoleon III in the 1850s and 60s through the analysis of parliamentary debates, the press and published texts. Providing three in-depth case studies on Bonapartist expansion projects in Algeria, Cochinchina and Mexico, the book provides new insights on the foundations of the liberal position on imperialism, and the intellectual outlooks and belief systems that informed these views. Analysing discourses and ideas, as opposed to facts and policies, this book presents a new perspective on the nature of the French Second Empire and illustrates how this shaped a specific liberal political culture in France.

Around the world, leading economies are announcing significant progress on climate change. World leaders are queuing up to proclaim their commitment to tackling the climate crisis, pointing to data that shows the progress they have made. Yet the atmosphere is still warming at a record rate, with devastating effects on poverty and precarity in the world's most vulnerable communities. Are we being deceived? Climate change is devastating the planet, and globalisation is hiding it. This book opens our eyes. Carbon colonialism explores the murky practices of outsourcing a country's environmental impact, where emissions and waste are exported from rich countries to poorer ones; a world in which corporations and countries are allowed to maintain a clean, green image while landfills in the world's poorest countries continue to expand, and droughts and floods intensify under the auspices of globalisation, deregulation and economic growth. Taking a wide-ranging, culturally engaged approach to the topic, the book shows how this is not only a technical problem, but a problem of cultural and political systems and structures - from nationalism to economic logic - deeply embedded in our society. -- .

This open access book explores the role of religion in England's overseas companies and the formation of English governmental identity abroad in the seventeenth century. Drawing on research into the Virginia, East India, Massachusetts Bay, Plymouth, New England and Levant Companies, it offers a comparative global assessment of the inextricable links between the formation of English overseas government and various models of religious governance across England's emerging colonial empire. While these approaches to governance varied from company to company, each sought to regulate the behaviour of their personnel, as well as the numerous communities and faiths which fell within their jurisdiction. This book provides a crucial reassessment of the seventeenth-century foundations of British imperial governance.

The sixth volume in Greenwood's ongoing series, this book is the first of three fine volumes to cover the twentieth century and the last stages in decolonization of the British Empire. It is concerned with the original five Dominions, the apparently inappropriate association of the Irish Free State with those Dominions, and the similarly anomalous status of India, the first non-European dependency and the first republic to secure full membership in the Commonwealth and to make it a multiracial association. The book documents the evolution of, changes in, and rise and fall of that Commonwealth association; the shifts in the balance of powers within the Canadian and Australian federations; the fulfillment of union in South Africa and Ireland; the coherence emerging in New Zealand; the bankruptcy in Newfoundland; and the separation of India and Pakistan. Two forthcoming volumes will deal with the colonies, protectorates, and mandates in the twentieth century.

This book examines conferences and commissions held for British colonial territories in East and Central Africa in the early 1960s. Until 1960, the British and colonial governments regularly employed hard methods of colonial management in East and Central Africa, such as instituting states of emergency and imprisoning political leaders. A series of events at the end of the 1950s made hard measures no longer feasible, including criticism from the United Nations. As a result, softer measures became more prevalent, and the use of constitutional conferences and commissions became an increasingly important tool for the British government in seeking to manage colonial affairs. During the period 1960-64, a staggering sixteen conferences and ten constitutional commissions were held for British colonies in East and Central Africa. This book is the first of its kind to provide a detailed overview of how the British sought to make use of these events to control and manage the pace of change. The author also demonstrates how commissions and conferences helped shape politics and African popular opinion in the early 1960s. Whilst giving the British government temporary respite, conferences and commissions ultimately accelerated the decolonisation process by transferring more power to African political parties and engendering softer perceptions on both sides. Presenting both British and African perspectives, this book offers an innovative exploration into the way that these episodes played an important part in the decolonisation of Africa. It shows that far from being dry and technical events, conferences and commissions were occasions of drama that tell us much about how the British government and those in Africa engaged with the last days of empire.

This contribution to Political Anthropology, Migration Research, and Postcolonial Studies fills a gap in the hitherto under-represented scholarship on the settler society of the Andaman Islands, called Mini-India. The main actors of the book are migrants from criminalised, low-class, low-caste, landless, refugee, repatriated, and Adivasi backgrounds. While some achieved social mobility through their movement to this 'new world' for South Asians, others continued to remain disenfranchised and marginal. This holds especially true for the Ranchis, Adivasi labour migrants from Chotanagpur, who are at the centre of an ethnographic case study in the second part of the book. Employing the concept of subalternity to investigate political negotiations of island history, collective identity, ecological sustainability, and resource access, the author analyses various shades of inequality arising from communities' material and representational access to the state. Far from merely representing them as vulnerable victims of external domination, the author emphasizes subaltern agency in migration, settlement, and place-making processes. Representing characteristic views, practices, consciousness and voices of subaltern interlocutors, the book demonstrates particular strategies to achieve autonomy, autarchy, and peaceful cohabitation through movement, appropriation, and multi-layered means of resistance.

'Nature's Government' is a daring attempt to juxtapose the histories of Britain, western science, and imperialism. It shows how colonial expansion, from the age of Alexander the Great to the twentieth century, led to complex kinds of knowledge. Science, and botany in particular, was fed by information culled from the exploration of the globe. At the same time science was useful to imperialism: it guided the exploitation of exotic environments and made conquest seem necessary, legitimate, and beneficial. Drayton traces the history of this idea of 'improvement' from its Christian agrarian origins in the sixteenth century to its inclusion in theories of enlightened despotism. It was as providers of legitimacy, as much as of universal knowledge, aesthetic perfection, and agricultural plenty, he argues, that botanic gardens became instruments of government, first in Continental Europe, and by the late eighteenth century, in Britain and the British Empire. At the Royal Botanic Gardens at Kew, the rise of which throughout the nineteenth century is a central theme of this book, a pioneering scientific institution was added to a spectacular ornamental garden. At Kew, 'improving' the world became a potent argument for both the patronage of science at home and Britain's prerogatives abroad. 'Nature's Government' provides a portrait of how the ambitions of the Enlightenment shaped the great age of British power, and how empire changed the British experience and the modern world. Richard Drayton was born in the Caribbean and educated at Harvard, Oxford, and Yale. A former Fellow of St. Catharine's College, Cambridge, and Lincoln College, Oxford, he has also been Associate Professor of History at the University of Virginia.

This is the first book to offer a systematic comparison of the philosophies of Albert Camus and Frantz Fanon. It shows how the ethical, political, and psychological outlooks of these two influential thinkers can further our understandings of how to bring about justice in the face of deep power imbalances. The author foregrounds the bloody Algerian War of Independence in his analysis of the philosophies of Camus and Fanon. Although neither supported French colonial occupation of Algeria, they held radically different views of the conflict. Fanon supported emancipation through violence, which the author argues has been uncritically romanticized. Camus, on the other hand, supported an ethics of moderation that shunned indiscriminate violence. The author argues that Camus has been unfairly accused of being an apologist for colonialism. Finally, the author draws out the common endorsement of humanist values that drive both Camus' and Fanon's thought. Camus and Fanon on the Algerian Question will appeal to scholars and advanced students interested in twentieth-century Continental philosophy, postcolonialism, existentialism, and African philosophy.

Even leaving aside the vast death and suffering that it wrought on indigenous populations, German ambitions to transform Southwest Africa in the early part of the twentieth century were futile for most. For years colonists wrestled ocean waters, desert landscapes, and widespread aridity as they tried to reach inland in their effort of turning outwardly barren lands into a profitable settler colony. In his innovative environmental history, Martin Kalb outlines the development of the colony up to World War I, deconstructing the common settler narrative, all to reveal the importance of natural forces and the Kaisereich's everyday violence.

The late-medieval Portuguese who arrived in Africa were colonizers in the Roman style, gold merchants on an imperial scale, conquistadores in the Hispanic tradition. Although their empire struggled to survive centuries of Dutch and English competition, it revived in the 20th century on a tide of white migration. Settlers, however, brought racial conflict as well as economic modernization and Portuguese colonies went through spasms of violence which resembled those of Algeria and South Africa. Liberation eventually came but peoples of the old colonial cities clung tightly to their acquired traditions, eating Portuguese dishes, writing Portuguese poetry, and studying in Portuguese universities.

The role of the police force was central in the politics and social life of Egypt during the British occupation between 1882 and 1914. Egyptians initially resisted British encroachment into the sphere of autonomy that had been reserved to them in police matters. However, preferring indirect rule to overt manifestations of power that would be signified by the use of the army, the British used the issue of reform to tighten their hold on Egypt by means of the police. This study applies modern criminological theory to examine the attendant political repression, torture, corruption, and rising crime that soon followed. Instead of the more professional and community-oriented police force exemplified by the bobbies in England, the British opted for a militarized Egyptian police force, better suited to the repression of political dissent than of ordinary crime. Tollefson seeks to account for rising crime in Egypt, which Lord Cromer, the British Consul-General between 1883 and 1907, referred to as Egypt's worst problem during his tenure. Under British control, defects in the police such as low pay, harsh discipline, and maltreatment of suspects persisted, and ordinary crime increased. This work confirms what students of colonial policing have come to appreciate; the police performed key security and social maintenance roles in colonial and quasi-colonial situations.

This book examines a diverse set of civic war memorials in North East England commemorating three clusters of conflicts: the Crimean War and Indian Rebellion in the 1850s; the 'small wars' of the 1880s; and the Boer War from 1899 to 1902. Encompassing a protracted timeframe and embracing disparate social, political and cultural contexts, it analyses how and why war memorials and commemorative practices changed during this key period of social transition and imperial expansion. In assessing the motivations of the memorial organisers and the narratives they sought to convey, the author argues that developments in war commemoration were primarily influenced by - and reflected - broader socio-economic and political transformations occurring in nineteenth-century and early-twentieth century Britain.

Why are we speaking English? Replenishing the Earth gives a new answer to that question, uncovering a "settler revolution" that took place from the early nineteenth century that led to the explosive settlement of the American West and its forgotten twin, the British West, comprising the settler dominions of Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and South Africa.
Between 1780 and 1930 the number of English-speakers rocketed from 12 million in 1780 to 200 million, and their wealth and power grew to match. Their secret was not racial, or cultural, or institutional superiority but a resonant intersection of historical changes, including the sudden rise of mass transfer across oceans and mountains, a revolutionary upward shift in attitudes to emigration, the emergence of a settler "boom mentality," and a late flowering of non-industrial technologies--wind, water, wood, and work animals--especially on settler frontiers. This revolution combined with the Industrial Revolution to transform settlement into something explosive--capable of creating great cities like Chicago and Melbourne and large socio-economies in a single generation.
When the great settler booms busted, as they always did, a second pattern set in. Links between the Anglo-wests and their metropolises, London and New York, actually tightened as rising tides of staple products flowed one way and ideas the other. This "re-colonization" re-integrated Greater America and Greater Britain, bulking them out to become the superpowers of their day. The "Settler Revolution" was not exclusive to the Anglophone countries--Argentina, Siberia, and Manchuria also experienced it. But it was the Anglophone settlers who managed to integrate frontier and metropolis most successfully, and it was this that gave them the impetus and the material power to provide the world's leading super-powers for the last 200 years.
This book will reshape understandings of American, British, and British dominion histories in the long 19th century. It is a story that has such crucial implications for the histories of settler societies, the homelands that spawned them, and the indigenous peoples who resisted them, that their full histories cannot be written without it.

No matter how one defines its extent and borders, Eastern Europe has long been understood as a liminal space, one whose undeniable cultural and historical continuities with Western Europe have been belied by its status as an "Other" in the Western imagination. Across illuminating and provocative case studies, The World beyond the West focuses on the region's ambiguous relationship to historical processes of colonialism and Orientalism. In exploring encounters with distant lands through politics, travel, migration, and exchange, it places Eastern Europe at the heart of its analysis while decentering the most familiar narratives and recasting the history of the region.

When the U.S. liberated the Philippines from Spanish rule in 1898, the exploit was hailed at home as a great moral victory, an instance of Uncle Sam freeing an oppressed country from colonial tyranny. The next move, however, was hotly contested: should the U.S. annex the archipelago? The disputants did agree on one point: that the United States was divinely appointed to bring democracy--and with it, white Protestant culture--to the rest of the world. They were, in the words of U.S. Senator Albert Beveridge, "God's arbiters," a civilizing force with a righteous role to play on the world stage.
Mining letters, speeches, textbooks, poems, political cartoons and other sources, Susan K. Harris examines the role of religious rhetoric and racial biases in the battle over annexation. She offers a provocative reading both of the debates' religious framework and of the evolution of Christian national identity within the U.S. The book brings to life the personalities who dominated the discussion, figures like the bellicose Beveridge and the segregationist Senator Benjamin Tillman. It also features voices from outside U.S. geopolitical boundaries that responded to the Americans' venture into global imperialism: among them England's "imperial" poet Rudyard Kipling, Nicaragua's poet/diplomat Ruben Dario, and the Philippines' revolutionary leaders Emilio Aguinaldo and Apolinario Mabini. At the center of this dramatis personae stands Mark Twain, an influential partisan who was, for many, the embodiment of America. Twain had supported the initial intervention but quickly changed his mind, arguing that the U.S. decision to annex the archipelago was a betrayal of the very principles the U.S. claimed to promote.
Written with verve and animated by a wide range of archival research, God's Arbiters reveals the roots of current debates over textbook content, evangelical politics, and American exceptionalism-shining light on our own times as it recreates the culture surrounding America's global mission at the turn into the twentieth century."

ON THE NIGHT TRAINS, THE LAST STOP WAS ALWAYS HELL.

The price exacted from across the African subcontinent for South Africa's stalled 20th-century industrial revolution is, in human terms, still largely hidden from history. For half a century, up to the mid-1950s, privately operated trains travelled by night between Ressano Garcia, on the Mozambique border, and Booysens station, in Johannesburg. The night trains carried Mozambicans recruited to work in the mines of the booming Witwatersrand. The up-trains disgorged their human cargo into the maw of the great Rand mining machine, while the down-trains whisked away the time-expired miners - often ill, broken or insane, and preyed on by con men, petty criminals and corrupt officials. While mine labour was recruited from all over southern Africa, Mozambican migrants made up the largest component, and they paid the highest price.

Charles van Onselen clinically reconstructs the world of the night trains, which were run as a partnership between the mining houses and the railways. By tracing the up and down rail journeys undertaken by black migrants over half a century it is possible to discern how racial thinking, expressed logistically, reflected South Africa's evolving systems of segregation and apartheid. Mirroring the brutal logic of industrial capitalism, this was a system of transport designed to maximise profit at the expense of the health, well-being and even the lives of those it conveyed.

The story of the night trains echoes today through songs such as 'Stimela' and 'Shosholoza'. But the experience of the poverty-stricken Mozambicans who travelled on the trains has never been told. THE NIGHT TRAINS lays bare this hellish world.