Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) is the only viable way to extract and transport natural gas from areas not serviceable by a pipeline, but it also poses safety risks. This book examines the safety concerns regarding LNG, and examines the debate between its advocates and its opponents. The text considers risks on the extraction, transportation, and maintenance of LNG; includes discussion of case studies and LNG-related accidents over the past half-century; and summerizes the findings of the Governmental Accountability Office's (GAO) survey of nineteen LNG experts from across North America and Europe.

People deal with physical hazards every day at the workplace, in their homes, on the roadways, and in many other areas. In any situation, people face potential hazards-often more than one hazard in each situation-and these hazards often lead to serious injury. But it is possible to mitigate the effects of many of these hazards, or even prevent them altogether. In Physical Hazard Control: Preventing Injuries in the Workplace, authors Frank R. Spellman and Revonna M. Bieber focus on controlling physical hazards at work to prevent injury, illness, and death. The book explains the proper controls for many types of physical hazards, including layout and building design, safeguarding of machinery, confined space entry, noise, radiation, ergonomics, electricity, thermal stressors, hand tools, woodworking, welding, machining, mobile equipment, materials handling, and workplace violence. Discussions of engineering controls, administrative controls (including safe work practices), and the use of personal protective equipment are supplemented with real-world examples and solutions. This book presents an up-to-date, practical guide focusing on a variety of physical hazards and controls. It is an informative text for students, a quick reference for safety professionals, a refresher for those preparing for certification, and a practical guide for those who need information on how to control physical hazards in their own places of work.

Since 1980 Richard Steier has had a unique vantage point to observe the gains, losses, and struggles of municipal labor unions in New York City. He has covered those unions and city government as a reporter and labor columnist for the "New York Post" and, since 1998, as editor and featured columnist of the "Chief-Leader," a century-old independent newspaper that covers city and state government in greater detail than today s mainstream news organizations. Drawing from his column with the "Chief-Leader," Razzle Dazzle, "Enough Blame to Go Around" describes in vivid terms how the changed economy has drastically altered the city s labor landscape, and why it has been difficult for municipal unions to adapt. There can be no doubt, he writes, that public employee unions have contributed to the problems that confront them today, including corruption and failed leadership. But at the same time and for all their flaws, he believes unions represent the best chance for ordinary people to receive fair economic treatment."

This book gives the reader a guide to understanding the requirements of the various codes and regulations that apply to the design, construction and operation of facilities using hazardous materials in their processes. It applies to semiconductor and other facilities utilizing hazardous materials. On-going revisions in code requirements, changes in technology, and changes in the use of a facility all demand that everyone involved with the design or operation of a hazardous occupancy understands code provisions. The guidelines discussed in this book go beyond minimum standards for design and operation to ensure good engineering practices are employed to address the many safety, health and other issues that pertain to any hazardous occupancy facility: exit corridors, air handling systems, life safety alarm systems, fire suppression, chemical delivery routes, chemical storage, etc. The text is organized by facility system, consolidating the provisions of each code to that particular system. It also provides code excerpts, explanatory diagrams, tables and photos to help illustrate the application of codes. Use of this book will save the user countless hours of searching and uncertainty in his quest to understand the legal requirements. Proper interpretation of the codes governing these facilities requires an understanding of the context and interaction of the standards. William R. Acorn, the author, explains these codes, applying years of practical experience in the design of code compliant facilities. The result is an informative, useful handbook for everyday use... a must for Facilities Owners, Managers, Designers and users of hazardous occupancies.

This is the story of power and the abuse of power that led to the demise of a major federal union and the firing of over 11,000 federal employees. The Professional Air Traffic Controller's Organization (PATCO) misjudged the political sentiment of the nation, the willingness of the Reagan Administration to implement its social and economic agenda, and the ability of the union to achieve its goals through work stoppages.

The events of 1981, chronicled in this story, severely undermined the union movement and set the stage for labor-management relations in the public sector for the subsequent two decades. Equally important, issues that lead to the PATCO strike were not addressed by the FAA or the Department of Transportation, and many of the same problems still plague the federal system today. While the PATCO debacle and its aftermath are now reasonably clear, what is unclear is whether the union and government leaders learned from the event.

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aI am not aware of a book that covers the same ground as this one--let alone one that does so using such thorough research and with such technical competence.a
Anthony M. Gould, Universite Laval

"Jacobs offers a history of the federal government's efforts to curb labor racketeering. The heart of his text focuses on the results achieved by employing Civil RICO suits to weed out organized crime from unions long mired in corruption. The Justice Department has mounted twenty such efforts since 1982, and Jacobs's book is the first to provide a comprehensive assessment of this controversial tactic. He tackles this ambitious project with a combination of detailed research, clear writing, and judicious consideration, all of which have been a hallmark of his previous texts on corruption and organized crime. The result is a must read book for anyone interested in the problem of union corruption and what to do about it."
--"Industrial and Labor Relations Review"

"Jacobs, legal scholar and expert on the Mafia, sets out to show how the Mob has distorted American labor history, explaining the relationship between organized crime and organized labor, as well as recent federal efforts to clean up unions"
--"Booklist"

"James Jacobs, a New York University law professor and author of Mobsters, Unions and Feds, says Mafiosi were hired by union organizers in the early twentieth century to combat company toughs. Now, he says, they specialize in 'selling the rights of workers.'"
--"USA Today"

"Jacobs further burnishes his reputation for advancing the study of organized crime in America with his latest work of scholarship, billed by the publisher as 'the only book to investigate how the mob has distorted American labor history.' This worthy successor to "Gotham Unbound" and "Busting the Mob" is an exhaustive, albeit sometimes repetitive, survey of the grip La Cosa Nostra has exerted on the country's most powerful unions. While many will be familiar with the broad outlines of the corruption that riddled the Teamsters, which is recounted by the author, his summary of some lesser-known examples of pervasive labor corruption help illustrate his thesis that the entire American union movement has suffered from the intimidation and fear the mob used to gain and maintain control of unions. Especially valuable is Jacobs's examination of the relatively recent use of the RICO law to bring dirty unions under the control of a federally appointed independent trustee, and the book's posing of hard questions about the mixed success those monitorships have had."
--"Publishers Weekly"

"Jacobs has covered a wide range of legal issues, including such hot-button topics as hate crime laws and gun control, but he always returns to the world of mobsters and the men and women who investigate, prosecute, and sentence them."
--"NYU Today"

"James Jacobs brilliantly documents and analyzes a remarkable and untold chapter in the history of American law enforcement. This groundbreaking book should be a starting point for officials around the world who confront powerful organized crime groups."
--Jeremy Travis, President, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, The City University of New York and former Director, National Institute of Justice

"A pathbreaking work. For 50 years, organized crime has been the elephant inorganized labor's living room, unacknowledged and unexplained. Jacobs has critically analyzed every facet of this apparently intractable problem--from its roots to the federal government's various efforts to challenge organized crime's influence. From this point forward, no one can think critically about this problem without relying on Jacobs' work."
--Robert Luskin, General Executive Board Attorney, Laborers' International Union of North America

"Jacobs presents a near encyclopedic account of the Mafia's infiltration, control and exploitation of four major national unions and a number of large local unions. It is a sordid frightening story of violence, corruption and oppression, the betrayal of union members and extortion of employers, defiance of the law and disregard for human decency. This disturbing story should be required reading for all who seek strong and more democratic unions, all who would protect the rights of workers, and all who are concerned for the health of our political and social processes."
--Clyde Summers, Jefferson B. Fordham Professor of Law, Emeritus, University of Pennsylvania Law School

"A fabulous and fascinating book. Jacobs demonstrates the continuing impact of organized crime on the American union movement, and details the legal mechanisms developed in recent years to combat mob influence. History has come home to haunt us, and Jacobs makes the case for using law to fight against the mob for union democracy."
--Stanley N. Katz, Professor of Public Affairs, Woodrow Wilson School, Princeton University

"Jacobs demonstrates that while it has been remarkably difficult to defeat labor racketeering, much has been achieved. This will be welcomenews to all who root for the revitalization of the labor movement."
--Ronald G. Ehrenberg, Irving M. Ives Professor of Industrial and Labor Relations and Economics, Cornell University

Nowhere in the world has organized crime infiltrated the labor movement as effectively as in the United States. Yet the government, the AFL-CIO, and the civil liberties community all but ignored the situation for most of the twentieth century. Since 1975, however, the FBI, Department of Justice, and the federal judiciary have relentlessly battled against labor racketeering, even in some of the nation's most powerful unions.

Mobsters, Unions, and Feds is the first book to document organized crime's exploitation of organized labor and the massive federal clean-up effort. A renown criminologist who for twenty years has been assessing the government's attack on the Mafia, James B. Jacobs explains how Cosa Nostra families first gained a foothold in the labor movement, then consolidated their power through patronage, fraud, and violence and finally used this power to become part of the political and economic power structure of 20th century urban America.

Since FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover's death in 1972, federal law enforcement has aggressively investigated and prosecuted labor racketeers, as well as utilized the civil remedies provided for by the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organization (RICO) statute to impose long-term court-supervised remedial trusteeships on mobbed-up unions. There have been some impressive victories, including substantial progress toward liberating the four most racketeer-ridden national unions from the grip of organized crime, but victory cannot yet be claimed.

The only book to investigate how the mob has exploited the American labor movement, Mobsters, Unions, and Feds is the most comprehensive study to date of how labor racketeering evolved and how the government has finally resolved to eradicate it.

Having written safety and health policies isn't enough. These plans and procedures have to be effectively communicated to the employees expected to follow them or you may be violating OSHA standards. This manual prevents written plans, policies, and procedures you can use, modify, and reproduce for distribution to your employees or keep them in binders where employees can easily refer to them. You can also use the manual as a training tool or as the basis for establishing new safety and health programs or updating existing ones.

This book provides the first 'history from below' of the inter-war Belfast labour movement. It is a social history of the politics of Belfast labour and applies methodology from history, sociology and political science. Christopher J. V. Loughlin questions previous narratives that asserted the centrality of religion and sectarian conflict in the establishment of Northern Ireland. Labour and the Politics of Disloyalty in Belfast, 1921-39 suggests that political division and violence were key to the foundation and maintenance of the democratic ancien regime in Northern Ireland. It examines the relationship between Belfast Labour, sectarianism, electoral politics, security and industrial relations policy, and women's politics in the city.

History at the intersection of healthcare, labor, and civil rights. The union of hospital workers usually referred to as the 1199 sits at the intersection of three of the most important topics in US history: organized labor, health care, and civil rights. John Hennen's book explores the union's history in Appalachia, a region that is generally associated with extractive industries but has seen health care grow as a share of the overall economy. With a multiracial, largely female, and notably militant membership, 1199 was at labor's vanguard in the 1970s, and Hennen traces its efforts in hospitals, nursing homes, and healthcare centers in West Virginia, eastern Kentucky, and Appalachian Ohio. He places these stories of mainly low-wage women workers within the framework of shake-ups in the late industrial and early postindustrial United States, relying in part on the words of Local 1199 workers and organizers themselves. Both a sophisticated account of an overlooked aspect of Appalachia's labor history and a key piece of context for Americans' current concern with the status of "essential workers," Hennen's book is a timely contribution to the fields of history and Appalachian studies and to the study of social movements.

This provocative book makes the case that trade unions must intervene in economic restructuring in order to halt the erosion of job quality in today's economy. The author, who is a professor at the Kogod College of Business Administration at The American University in Washington, D.C., specializes in labor-management relations and the social responsibilities of business and has brought both of these disciplines into focus for this book. Jacobs forcefully argues that collective bargaining is not merely a means to determine wages and benefits, but is also a powerful social tool that can move the corporation toward more socially responsible and responsive forms. While American unions are currently very weak, their regeneration should be a matter of public concern.

Jacobs considers shopfloor organization, health-care delivery, and public education in the United States, as well as the process of democratization in Poland and South Africa, and explains how transformational bargaining by trade unions may promote favorable outcomes. The author explores the conventional wisdom in industrial relations theory and argues that business unionism, which focuses on bread and butter, is not an adequate model for American labor. Instead, unions can and must negotiate profound change in organizations. Unions can win bargains that preserve jobs, alter product lines, extend ownership, and redraw organizational boundaries. These possibilities are illuminated in case studies on such topics as auto manufacturing, public schools and Italian unionism.

In August 1914 the German labour movement did not oppose the decision to go to war, and workers responded with as much enthusiasm as other social strata: one of the most powerful labour movements in the world failed to live up to the ideal of class solidarity. The movement's relations with foreign workers, particularly Polish coal miners, in the Ruhr in the decades before the war foreshadowed this failure. The rural origins of the Polish migrants and their traditional Catholic religious beliefs led most observers, including their fellow workers as well as recent historians, to view them as obstacles to the labour movement and resistant to working-class consciousness. This study, based on extensive research in archives in Germany and Poland, documents a very different history - one in which Polish miners' militancy exceeded that of native miners, and whose relations with German workers were marked by both xenophobia and solidarity.

Unionism in the United States was quite successful during and after World War II, especially during the golden years of American capitalism (1947-73) as workers' wages increased quite dramatically in a number of industries. For example, average hourly earnings for workers in meatpacking rose 114% between 1950 and 1965, those in steel 102%, in rubber tires by 96%, and in manufacturing 81%. At the same time as union members' wages were increasing, union membership was declining. Yet, the American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO) argued that organizing new members was not a priority. By concentrating on the existing membership and bread-and-butter issues, and not organizing new members, unionism could not deal with the attack on the social contract by employers and the government beginning in the United States in the late 1970s. However, while many people are claiming that organized labor is a dinosaur, Schiavone argues that a strong union movement is needed now more than ever. Unionism in the United States was quite successful during and after World War II, especially during the golden years of American capitalism (1947-73) as workers' wages increased quite dramatically in a number of industries. For example, average hourly earnings for workers in meatpacking rose 114% between 1950 and 1965, those in steel 102%, in rubber tires by 96%, and in manufacturing 81%. At the same time as union members' wages were increasing, union membership was declining. Yet, the American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO) argued that organizing new members was not a priority. By concentrating on the existing membership and bread-and-butter issues, and not organizing new members, unionism could not deal with the attack on the social contract by employers and the government beginning in the United States in the late 1970s. Following that attack, there was a significant decline in U.S. workers' wages and conditions in real terms, and there was a corresponding decline in union membership. However, while many people are claiming that organized labor is a dinosaur, Schiavone argues that a strong union movement is now needed more than ever. If unions make major changes as outlined in this book, the U.S. labor movement may regain some of its strength. By fighting for workplace (such as higher wages) and non-workplace issues (such as the fight for adequate childcare or against racism), unions in America and Canada that embraced what Schiavone calls social justice unionism have improved society for all. On purely bread-and-butter issues, these unions have achieved better collective bargaining agreements than their rival mainstream unions, as well as organizing more new workers per capita. How much strength organized labor will regain by embracing social justice unionism is uncertain, but it is a beginning.

If you want to avoid the traditional destructive bargaining methods employed in the majority of America's schools, this book is for you. An exploration of the 'win-win' model and the compromises that must be employed before the model is to succeed, Streshly's book is eminently practical. Drawn from decades of personal experience as an administrator and superintendent, the book begins with the 'bread and butter' of teacher's union issues--salaries and benefits. It continues to explain how to prevent strikes, how to get the school board behind the administration, how to utilize outside negotiators, and contains numerous checklists and tactical outlines.

Containing selected papers from the ICRESH-ARMS 2015 conference in Lulea, Sweden, collected by editors with years of experiences in Reliability and maintenance modeling, risk assessment, and asset management, this work maximizes reader insights into the current trends in Reliability, Availability, Maintainability and Safety (RAMS) and Risk Management. Featuring a comprehensive analysis of the significance of the role of RAMS and Risk Management in the decision making process during the various phases of design, operation, maintenance, asset management and productivity in Industrial domains, these proceedings discuss key issues and challenges in the operation, maintenance and risk management of complex engineering systems and will serve as a valuable resource for those in the field.

Despite the general decline of trade unions throughout the Western world, unions in Denmark, Norway, and Sweden have prospered. Why? Galenson cites their ability to organize white collar workers, the special attention they give to recruitment of women, and their ability to undergo structural change under employer pressure. He analyzes these factors in the belief that if unions in other parts of the world understand why and how unionism is succeeding in Scandinavia, its deterioration may be slowed and even reversed. In doing so, Galenson offers specific advice on how industrial relations professionals should manage to avoid breakdown of existing systems elsewhere. Labor unions, officials, and organization executives, as well as executives throughout the public sectors, will find Galenson's views informative and enlightening.

Although there has been a good deal written about the Scandinavian labor movements in Dano-Norwegian and Swedish, there has been nothing comprehensive in English that deals with the labor movements in the three countries. Nor has there been a systematic analysis of their policies and practices. Galenson provides readers, now, with an account of how unions in the Scandinavian countries have managed to secure the world's highest rates of organization: up to 90% of all who are employed in Sweden, and somewhat less in Denmark and Norway, are trade union members, compared with 15% in the United States. The countries in which they operate are welfare states and are among the wealthiest countries in the world, yet remarkably little is known about the systems of industrial relations that have contributed to these results. Galenson's book will fill that gap and in doing so, make a unique contribution to the determination of policy in other countries.

Passed in June 1940, the Smith Act was a peacetime anti-sedition law that marked a dramatic shift in the legal definition of free speech protection in America by criminalizing the advocacy of disloyalty to the government by force. It also criminalized the acts of printing, publishing, or distributing anything advocating such sedition and made it illegal to organize or belong to any association that did the same. It was first brought to trial in July 1941, when a federal grand jury in Minneapolis indicted twenty-nine Socialist Workers Party members, fifteen of whom also belonged to the militant Teamsters Local 544. Eighteen of the defendants were convicted of conspiring to overthrow the government. Examining the social, political, and legal history of the first Smith Act case, this book focuses on the tension between the nation's cherished principle of free political expression and the demands of national security on the eve of America's entry into World War II. Based on newly declassified government documents and recently opened archival sources, Trotskyists on Trial explores the implications of the case for organized labor and civil liberties in wartime and postwar America. The central issue of how Americans have tolerated or suppressed dissent during moments of national crisis is not only important to our understanding of the past, but also remains a pressing concern in the post-9/11 world. This volume traces some of the implications of the compromise between rights and security that was made in the mid-twentieth century, offering historical context for some of the consequences of similar bargains struck today.

The Command Companion of Seamanship Techniques is the latest work from the well-respected marine author, D J House. It contains all the information needed for command posts at sea. * All aspects of shipboard management are discussed, with special emphasis placed on health and safety. * Guidelines on how to respond to accidents and emergencies at sea * Contains the most recent SOLAS revisions and a discussion of marine law to keep you up to date with the latest rules and regulations. In order to aid learning, the book includes a number of worked examples in the text along with questions and answers at the end of chapters. The author tells you how to respond to accidents and emergencies at sea, in the event, for example of cargo contamination, collision, loss of stability due to cargo shift and damage due to flooding, fire plus loss of life/crew. In addition, the SOLAS revisions and a discussion of marine law is included to keep you up to date with all the latest rules and regulations. In order to aid learning, this book will include a number of worked examples in the text along with questions and answers at the end of chapters. D J House is senior lecturer in Nautical studies at the Nautical college, Fleetwood. His sea-going experience includes general cargo, reefer, bulk cargo, passenger and liner trades, underwater operations, and roll-on/roll-off ferries. He is a well-known marine author and has written Seamanship Techniques Volumes 1 and 2 (combined) and he has revised Cargo Work in the Kemp & Young series.

Internationalism is generally considered to be a major feature of the labour movement, and to hold a far more powerful appeal for workers' organizations than national identity. However, this revisionist book argues that, in fact, it is the national dimension which is of utmost importance to workers' organizations, and that national questions have often compelled workers to engage in struggles on different levels. Through detailed case studies of trade union involvement in Northern Ireland, Italy, Spain, Belgium, Austria and Europe generally, contributors tackle subjects long neglected by labour historians and overturn the accepted wisdom that nationalism and the labour movement are irreconcilably opposed. This analysis of how international agendas are influenced by nationalist politics is unique, and the case-studies offer a dynamic description of the different ways in which nationalist values meet with trade union ideas and practices.The high standard of scholarship and the combination of historical and contemporary material make this book essential reading for students and researchers of labour history, politics, political theory and area studies.

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""Red Seas" is biographical history at its best. It provides a glimpse into the life of one of the most powerful Black labor leaders in U.S. history, describes the trials and tribulations, the successes and failures, of building an independent, Communist-led union, and gives the reader a general feeling for the times. Horne has done all trade-unionist and working-class people a service with "Red Seas," It is highly recommended."
--"Political Affairs"

"The political connections of Harlem and the British West Indies have been crucial for at least a century, but until recent times almost invisible except to those intimately involveda]. We are now, at long last, beginning to get a better grasp, and Gerald Horneas "Red Seas" is a huge contribution to our understanding."
--Paul Buhle, "Monthly Review"

"Horne's latest work is a forceful tract that all scholars writing about radical maritime politics, unionism, and race must take into account. Horne thus sets the standard for future scholars in this area."
--"Working USA"

"In our own age of global commerce and U.S. hyperpower, what could be more instructive than the story of Ferdinand Smith, the Caribbean Communist who led a genuinely international, multicultural union in the years that birthed the American century? Gerald Horne's remarkable biography should be required reading for those who want to glimpse the potential power of that seafaring proletariat, in the last century as well as ours."
--Nelson Lichtenstein, author of "State of the Union: A Century of American Labor"

aA major achievement. It not only illuminates the maritime sources of 20th centuryworking class black radicalism, but reveals its ongoing and complicated interplay with racism and class struggle on a global scale.a
--Joe W. Trotter, Jr., Carnegie Mellon University

"A brilliant political biography--we are in Gerald Horne's debt for bringing to life a towering figure of the 20th century. A radical labor leader in the US and Jamaica who felt the sting of anticommunism on both shores, Ferdinand Smith also laid the groundwork for the modern civil rights movement."
--Martha Biondi, author of "To Stand and Fight: the Struggle for Civil Rights in Postwar New York City"

"Exhaustively researched, this is a pioneering, insightful, sympathetic, and brilliant portrait of the life of Ferdinand Smith. A wonderful book."
--Colin Palmer, Dodge Professor of History, Princeton University

aRed Seas offers a rich account of the Communist Partyas centrality in twentieth- century anti-racist struggles, the critical role workers of colour and anti-racism played in the rise and decline of organized labor, and the tragedy of paths not taken, particularly toward the international labour alliances and organizing that might have forestalled the current international arace to the bottom.a
--"International Journal of Maritime History"

During the heyday of the U.S. and international labor movements in the 1930s and 1940s, Ferdinand Smith, the Jamaican-born co-founder and second-in-command of the National Maritime Union (NMU), stands out as one of the most--if not the most--powerful black labor leaders in the United States. Smithas active membership in the Communist Party, however, coupled with his bold labor radicalism and shaky immigration status, brought him undercontinual surveillance by U.S. authorities, especially during the Red Scare in the 1950s. Smith was eventually deported to his homeland of Jamaica, where he continued his radical labor and political organizing until his death in 1961.

Gerald Horne draws on Smithas life to make insightful connections between labor radicalism and the Civil Rights Movement--demonstrating that the gains of the latter were propelled by the former and undermined by anticommunism. Moreover, Red Seas uncovers the little-known experiences of black sailors and their contribution to the struggle for labor and civil rights, the history of the Communist Party and its black members, and the significant dimensions of Jamaican labor and political radicalism.

During the 1980's, many Americans participated directly and indirectly in the drama and tragedy of major catastrophes, from volcanic eruptions to air crashes, closing the decade with the devastating Exxon Valdez oil spill, Hurricane Hugo, and the San Francisco earthquake. The objective of this volume is to examine how we have addressed some of the major hazards and, to the extent possible, assess the effectiveness of these efforts. This volume inventories and evaluates the major programs and policies designed to deal with the most common and destructive natural and man-made disasters, dividing them into four categories: mitigation, preparedness, response, and recovery. Disaster-types included in the handbook are earthquakes, volcanoes, hurricanes, floods, tornadoes, fires, droughts, hazardous materials accidents, nuclear facility accidents, structural failures, and transportation accidents. Following the analyses of specific disaster-types, the book considers the utility of all-hazard programs, such as the Federal Emergency Management Agency's Integrated Emergency Management System and documents the status of present emergency management efforts in the United States. A list of emergency management organizations is also included.

Each disaster-type is evaluated in terms of the frequency of occurrence, potential for property loss and human casualties, predictability of events, and the history of such disasters in the United States. In addition to analyzing the disasters themselves, the book outlines the development of emergency management efforts by federal, state, and local governments; the major problems in designing policy to respond to the specific risks and hazards, as well as some of the major policy alternatives. The analyses address questions of issue salience, levels of program funding, and technical problems. Due to the wide variety of responses at the state and local levels, the primary focus is on federal emergency management program. This book will serve students, officials, and academic researchers by providing an overview of the major emergency management program areas. The addition of graphs, tables, and maps will assist nonspecialists in understanding the nature of the disasters and risks being discussed.

This book examines construction safety from the perspective of informatics and econometrics. It demonstrates the potential of employing various information technology approaches to share construction safety knowledge. In addition, it presents the application of econometrics in construction safety studies, such as an analytic hierarchy process used to create a construction safety index. It also discusses structure equation and dynamic panel models for the analysis of construction safety claims. Lastly, it describes the use of mathematical and econometric models to investigate construction practitioners' safety.

This important new book considers health and safety management as an equal partner to other strategic business risks. Concepts of risk and models of risk management supply the context for the management of health and safety in a range of sectors. By applying the principles of business risk management to health and safety, the authors develop crucial best practice approaches that are applicable on a global platform, irrespective of local legislation. Key features: * The underlying principles of health and safety management, such as risk management, risk perception, risk communication, behaviour, human error, economics and cost benefit analysis is explored. * Using international and national approaches, 'best practice' techniques are presented to help managers develop and implement health and safety management systems in their own organisations. * The roles of risk assessment, risk control, training, performance measurement, auditing, benchmarking and continuous improvement in health and safety management are analysed to provide an integrated and effective management system. * Examples are drawn from a range of industrial, commercial and public sector organisations. * Contemporary views on the social responsibilities of both the organisation and the individual to manage health and safety are featured in order to stimulate further debate and look to the future direction of health and safety management. Dr Colin Fuller and Dr Luise Vassie present the MSc in Health and Safety Management at the University of Leicester.

This unique study of labor relations and the phenomenon of peripheral bargaining focuses on the high-profile and bitter dispute at the "New York Daily News" in 1990. Using a dramatic case study involving one of New York City's oldest newspapers, 10 entrenched unions, the Chicago Tribune Company, publishing magnate Robert Maxwell, and 1.2 million "Daily News" readers, Kenneth Jennings provides systematic and extensive analysis of a rancorous collective bargaining effort, revealing a new development in labor-management relations; peripheral bargaining. This development threatens to erode the well-established practice of traditional bargaining and usher in a new, more hostile labor-management era.