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Books > Social sciences > Psychology > Social, group or collective psychology
This breakthrough volume brings together cultural neuroscience and intercultural relations in an expansive presentation. Its selected topics in reasoning, memory, and other key cognitive areas bridge the neuroscience behind culture-related phenomena with the complex social processes involved in seeing the world through the perspective of others. Coverage ranges beyond the familiar paradigms of acculturation and cultural differences to propose new ideas of potential benefit to the new generation of immigrants, negotiators, executives, and other travelers. Taken together, these chapters offer a deeper understanding of issues that can only become more important as the world becomes smaller and our global family larger. Among the topics featured: Intergroup relationship and empathy for others' pain: a social neuroscience approach. The neuroscience of bilingualism: cross-linguistic influences and cognitive effects. Cross-cultural reading the mind in the eyes and its consequences for international relations. Implications of behavioral and neuroscience research for cross-cultural training. Intercultural relations and the perceptual brain: a cognitive neuroscience perspective. How social dynamics shape our understanding of reality. With its elegant perspectives and empirical depth, Neuroscience in Intercultural Contexts is a forward-looking reference for researchers in the cultural sciences (cross-cultural psychologists, anthropologists, etc.) and in social, affective, and cognitive neuroscience.
First published in 1984. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company.
Con sabidur a se puede acercar a la perfecci n pero nunca llegar, pues esta no es finita. La perfecci n es un estado del "ser" y no mental, adem?'s es diferente para cada persona. Es la imperfecci n la que hace que la vida sea maravillosa, misteriosa, interesante y necesaria. La diferencia en opiniones, creencias, gustos, percepciones son b sicas para mantener viva la flama de cualquier relaci n. En el espacio de la conciencia lo perfecto no existe, pues todo lo es. As, en el sol el calor no existe pues todo es caliente y en el mar el agua tampoco existe, s lo es. No intentes encontrar la perfecci n en tu pareja, solo sigue a tu ser que te llevara a ella, ya que la perfecci n existe desde que inicias ese caminar, pues est en ti, siempre ha estado all . Ama, perdona, se bondadoso. Conc ntrate en Dios y la vida, m?'s que en la propia Iglesia. Ve la vida como un todo, como unidad. T eres parte de ella. No te esfuerces por ser otro, nicamente fluye y s .
What is Violent Communication? If “violent” means acting in ways that result in hurt or harm, then much of how we communicate—judging others, bullying, having racial bias, blaming, finger pointing, discriminating, speaking without listening, criticizing others or ourselves, name-calling, reacting when angry, using political rhetoric, being defensive or judging who’s “good/bad” or what’s “right/wrong” with people—could indeed be called “violent communication.” So what is Nonviolent Communication? Nonviolent Communication is the integration of four things:
Nonviolent Communication serves our desire to do three things: Increase our ability to live with choice, meaning, and connection. Connect empathically with self and others to have more satisfying relationships. Sharing of resources so everyone is able to benefit.
While much has been written about the impact of the Holocaust on survivors and their children, little is known about how the Holocaust has affected the third generation of Jews and Germans-the grandchildren of those who lived during the Shoah. When these young people try to get to know one another, they find they must struggle against a heritage of hard truths and half-truths, varying family histories, and community-fostered pride and prejudices. In this book Bjoern Krondorfer, who grew up in Germany and now lives in the United States, analyzes the guilt, anger, embarrassment, shame, and anxiety experienced by third-generation Jews and Germans-emotions that often act as barriers to attempts to reconcile. He then describes the processes by which some of these young people have moved toward an affirmative and dynamic relationship. Krondorfer points out that relations between Jews and Germans since the war have consisted of an uneasy truce that does not address the deeply felt pain and anger of each group. He then shows how new relationships can be forged, providing detailed accounts of the group encounters he arranged between post-Shoah American Jews and Germans. He describes how the participants reacted to oral Holocaust testimonies and to public memorials to the Holocaust, the creative work of a Jewish-German modern dance group to which Krondorfer belonged, and finally the students' responses to a trip to Auschwitz, where they developed the courage necessary to trust and comfort one another. Krondorfer argues that friendships between young Jews and Germans can be fostered through creative models of communication and conflict-solving and that their road to reconciliation may become a model for other groups in conflict.
This work explores the function of both divisive and uniting symbols in various conflict settings around the world. It takes a fairly broad perspective on what constitutes a symbol, to include objects such as flags, signs, language, and monuments, all of which convey conflicting meanings in a society affected by conflict. In addition, the authors include commemorations and other dynamic events that serve as a means for groups or individuals to connect with past generations, celebrate a heritage, and possibly express religiosity. In order to provide context for the nuances surrounding the symbols, there are brief historical overviews for each conflict featured in the volume. In each chapter, three issues are emphasized: the particular symbols that are divisive in the specific culture; how these symbols were used to perpetuate conflict; and how these symbols can be used or modified to bring unification. Contributions come from authors from around the world that have conducted empirical studies on intergroup relationships or have provided significant academic contributions in the area of symbols and collective memories represented in theoretical publications. Taken together, the contents of the volume provide a rich tapestry of intellectual analyses to the diverse selection of conflict settings from around the globe. In addition to the nine case studies, there is an introductory chapter, which grounds the discussion in current peace psychology literature as well as provides future directions. This volume is a valuable resource to many, as the focus on symbols can span many disciplines such as political science, anthropology, sociology, psychology, and art. Furthermore, it is of significant interest to all scholars and peace activists studying these various countries and their conflicts.
What does modern warfare, as fought by liberal societies, have in common with our human evolution? This study posits an important relationship between the two we have evolved to fight, and traditional hunter-gatherer societies were often violent places. But we also evolved to cooperate, to feel empathy and to behave altruistically towards others.
How does motivation work? The classic answer is that people are motivated to approach pleasure and avoid pain, that they are motivated by "carrots and sticks." But to understand human motivation, it is necessary to go beyond pleasure and pain. What people want is to be effective in their life pursuits, and there are three distinct ways that people want to be effective. They want to be effective in having desired results (value), which includes having pleasure but is not limited to pleasure. They want to be effective in managing what happens (control) and in establishing what's real (truth), even if the process of managing what happens or establishing what's real is painful. These three distinct ways of wanting to be effective go beyond just wanting pleasure, but there is even more to the story of how motivation works. These ways of wanting to be effective do not function in isolation. Rather, they work together. Indeed, the ways that value, truth, and control work together is the central story of motivation. By understanding how motivation works as an organization of value, truth, and control motives, we can re-think basic motivational issues, such as the nature of personality and culture, how the motives of others can be managed effectively, and what is "the good life."
This book provides a three-part investigation into identity construction. Theory, voice and praxis are all represented as the book follows the rationale, stories and narrative methodology of the study of a group of women. The final part of the book presents a new model of identity construction framed in women's health identity.
Recent theorizing tends to position ordinary relationships as something we have lost, yet the nature of these relationships is not seriously engaged with. Drawing on rich empirical data, this book questions epochal claims about contemporary emotional lives, setting out to be explicit about the nature of ordinary relationships.
Offering implications for democraticizing psychology on a global scale, this work illustrates how professional training for mental health practictioners is often inadequate on issues pertaining to race and racism. The author shows prime examples in his homeland South Africa, and focuses on how those practices reflect assumptions concerning racial superiority. Also addressed is how therapists may be influenced by prevailing ideologies, unaware of how prejudices translate into discriminatory work practices, and ignorant of the power of their own discriminatory discourses. The author also investigates how positive attitudes by counselors and therapists reflect positions related to racial sensitivity. He proposes a new model for multicultural and multiracial sensitivity training.
Based on repeat interviews from a range of generational perspectives, this book explores the nature of contemporary British Chinese households and childhoods, examining the extent to which parents identify themselves as being Chinese and how decisions to uphold or move away from 'traditional' Chinese values impacts on their child-rearing methods.
This is the first of four volumes to be published as part of this book series, on the life and work of Richard Ned Lebow. In a career spanning six decades, Richard Ned Lebow has made important contributions to the study of international relations, political and intellectual history, motivational and social psychology, philosophy of science, and classics. He has authored, coauthored or edited 30 books and almost 250 peer-reviewed articles. These four volumes are excerpts from this corpus. The first volume includes an intellectual autobiography, bibliography, and assessments of Lebow's contributions to diverse fields by respected authorities. It shows how a scholar's agenda evolves in response to world events and his efforts to grapple with them theoretically and substantively. It elaborates pathways for addressing these events and their consequences in an interdisciplinary manner, and offers new concepts and methods for doing so. Richard Lebow's research bridges international relations, psychology, history, classics, political theory and philosophy of science. He is author, coauthor, or editor of 34 books and almost 250 peer reviewed articles. Contributors to the book are: Simon Reich - Mervyn Frost - Janice Gross Stein - Stefano Guzzini - Markus Kornprobst - Harald Muller - Christian Wendt - Robert English.
AN INTRODUCTION TO SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY by WILLIAM McDOUGALL, Originally published in November 1910 PREFACE TO THE FOURTEENTH EDITION: IN this little book I have attempted to deal with adifficult branch of psychology in a way that shallmake it intelligible and interesting to any cultivatedreader, and that shall imply no previous familiarity withpsychological treatises on his part for I hope that thebook may be of service to students of all the social sciences, by providing them with the minimum of psychologicaldoctrine that is an indispensable part of the equipment forwork in any of these sciences, I have not thought itnecessary to enter into a discussion of the exact scopeof social psychology and of its delimitation from sociologyor the special social sciences for I believe that suchquestions may be left to solve themselves in the course oftime with thadvance of the various branches of scienceconcerned. Twould only say that I believe social psychology to offifortfesearch a vast and fertile field, which has been but lihle worked hitherto, and that in this bookI have attempted to deal only with its most fundamental problems, those the solution of which is a presupposition all profitable work in the various branches of the science.If I have severely criticised some of the views from which I dissent, and have connected these views with the names of writers who have maintained them, it is because I believe such criticism to be a great aid to clearness of exposition and also to be much needed in the present state of psychology the names thus made use of werechosen because the bearers of them are authors well knownfor their valuable contributions to mental science. Ihope that this briefacknowledgment may serve as anapology to any of them under whose eyes my criticismsmay fall. I owe also some apology to my fellow workers for the somewhat dogmatic tone I have adopted. I wouldnot be taken to believe that my utterances upon any ofthe questions dealt with are infallible or incapable of beingimproved upon but repeated expressions of deferenceand of the sense of my own uncertainty would be out ofplace in a semipopular work of this character and would obscure the course of my exposition.Although I have tried to make this book intelligibleand useful to those who are not professed students ofpsychology, it is by no means a mere dishing up of currentdoctrines for popular consumption and it may add to itsusefulness in the hands of professional psychologists if Iindicate here the principal points which, to the best of mybelief, are original contributions to psychological doctrine.In Chapter II. I have tried to render fuller and clearerthe conceptions of instinct and of instinctive process, from both the psychical and the nervous sides.In Chapter III.
Klaus Holzkamp (1927-1995) was the founder of German Critical
Psychology working on the fundamental renewal of academic
psychology. His ideas inspired generations of young scholars
discontent with the socio-political function of psychology and the
human sciences. Although his approach is discussed internationally,
most of his work is not yet available in English. This selection of
Holzkamp's writings provides an introduction to his "Psychology
from the Standpoint of the Subject."
Does social work theory and practice give adequate attention to the specific needs of children? Fatout contends that it does not. All too often social work focuses on the family as a whole, the individual family members, or marital pairs. Relatively little attention is given to the child and, in a world of more and more single-parent families, latchkey children, and violent methods of problem-solving among children, this shortcoming needs to be addressed. Fatout does so by providing a detailed review of the specific content, methods, and skills needed to apply group approaches to the problems of children. Does social work theory and practice give adequate attention to the specific needs of children? Professor Fatout contends that it does not. All too often social work focuses on the family as a whole, the individual family members, or marital pairs. Relatively little attention is given to the child and, in a world of more and more single-parent families, latchkey children, and violent methods of problem-solving among children, this shortcomming needs to be addressed. Fatout seeks to fill a void in the current literature regarding the use of specific content, methods, and skills in working with children in groups. Groups are a viable method for working with children, but little attention has been paid to this approach. There are many theories about working with groups, but practitioners must determine the priority to be given to specific aspects of the theories to make them as workable as possible with this age group. There are special content and focus issues which must be understood and applied successfully; this book provides the background and needed analysis to accomplish this. As such, it will be a valuable tool for social work students, researchers, and practitioners working with children and family issues.
Since the mid-1980s, the psychology of liberation movement has been a catalyst for collective and individual change in communities throughout Latin America, and beyond; and recent political developments are making its powerful, transformative ideas more relevant than ever before. Psychology of Liberation: Theory and Applications updates the activist frameworks developed by Ignacio Martin-Baro and Paulo Freire with compelling stories from the frontlines of conflict in the developing and developed worlds, as social science and psychological practice are allied with struggles for peace, justice, and equality. In these chapters, liberation is presented as both an ongoing process and a core dimension of wellbeing, entailing the reconstruction of social identity and the transformation of all parties involved, both oppressed and oppressors. It also expands the social consciousness of professionals, bringing more profound meaning to practice and enhancing related areas such as peace psychology, as shown in articles such as these:
Psychology of Liberation demonstrates the commitment to overcome social injustices and oppression. The book is a critical resource for social and community psychologists as well as policy analysts. It can also be used as a text for graduate courses in psychology, sociology, social work and community studies.
A volume in Advances in Cultural Psychology Series Editor: Jaan Valsiner, Clark University The dynamics of trust and distrust are central to understanding modern society. These dynamics are evident at all levels of society, from the child's relation to caregivers to the individual's relation to the state, and they span from taken for granted trusting relationships to highly reflective and negotiated contractual interactions. The collection of papers in this book questions the diverse ways in which the concept of trust has been previously used, and advances a coherent theorisation of the socio-cultural dynamics of trust and distrust. In this volume, trust and distrust are analysed in relation to lay knowledge and situated in historical, cultural and interactional contexts.The contexts analysed include witch-hunting during the Reformation, China before and after the move to capitalism, building close personal relationships in South Korea, the representation of political corruption in Brazil, tourists bargaining for souvenirs in the Himalaya, disclosing being HIV+ in India, the historical shaping of trust in Portugal, and the role of trust and distrust in the economic development of the Baltic States. Throughout these analyses, and in associated commentaries and theoretical chapters, the focus is upon the cultural and social constitution of trust and distrust. |
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