The transition from the end of the Cold War to a new world order is both promising and perilous. Security concerns are based more on the prevention or containment of regional and civil conflicts than on fears of nuclear or Eurasian global wars. The antagonists of the Cold War will be the collaborators of the next century in seeking to stabilize the conflict inside and outside Europe and to prevent further proliferation of nuclear weapons. Deterrence characteristics of the pre-Cold War period will in the 21st century again become normative.

"NATO has many European and global partner countries. The political and military utility of all these partnerships is clear; they 'provide' more security than they 'consume.' But the utility for NATO of partners also changes over time. This book scrutinizes these partnerships, both from a NATO perspective and from that of its partners"--

The 9/11 attacks revealed that the transnational terrorist threat facing the US and its partners was far more dangerous than most had previously discerned. It was now clear that al-Qaeda intended to, and could threaten the West's - particularly the US' - political and military leverage, with the aim of shifting the balance of power from the West to Islam after a violent global confrontation. In that sense, the new terrorist threat is strategic, and it has led to a worldwide mobilisation comparable to that required by a world war. This Paper argues that prevailing in the 'war' on terror, much like victory in the Cold War, entails containment, deterrence, outperformance and engagement. Military power is secondary to intelligence, law enforcement, enlightened social policy and diplomacy. Diplomatic engagement with the larger Muslim world is paramount as a means of denying al-Qaeda not merely recruits but the 'clash of civilisations' it seeks. The US-led intervention in Iraq, though intended to introduce democratic reform in the wider Middle East, has so far antagonised Islam and strengthened Islamist terrorism. This suggests that coercive or aggressively ideological diplomacy is unlikely to win over an Islamic population biased by anti-Western propaganda. Successful Western diplomacy will have to be discreet, nuanced and incremental.

What should military warriors do in peacetime? Such was the theme of an international conference at the Inter-American Defense College in 1992 which brought together diplomats, military officials and distinguished academics to discuss the purpose of military institutions in Latin America in the new world order. The most important message of this book is that the order has by no means eliminated the need for armed forces.

The Asia-Pacific region presents one of the greatest challenges to international security in the post-Cold War era. The demise of the Cold War security framework has ushered in a new period of uncertainty as longstanding tensions re-emerge. There are growing doubts as the the future of military commitment of the US and concern with Japan's security roles and aspirations. The widespread build-up of military capabilities in the region and the nuclear ambitions of North Korea have further heightened tension. Using a thematic approach, this volume addresses the concerns of the region.

The Asia-Pacific region presents one of the greatest challenges to international security in the post-Cold War era. The demise of the Cold War security framework has ushered in a new period of uncertainty as longstanding tensions re-emerge. There are growing doubts as the the future of military commitment of the US and concern with Japan's security roles and aspirations. The widespread build-up of military capabilities in the region and the nuclear ambitions of North Korea have further heightened tension. Using a thematic approach, this volume addresses the concerns of the region.

What should military warriors do in peacetime? Such was the theme of an international conference at the Inter-American Defense College in 1992 which brought together diplomats, military officials and distinguished academics to discuss the purpose of military institutions in Latin America in the new world order. The most important message of this book is that the order has by no means eliminated the need for armed forces.

The essays in this volume are concerned with armed conflicts in South Asia and the conflict management efforts made to mitigate them. Articles in the volume study conflict management, look at the direction armed conflict is likely to take and provide a set of alternative measures that could be perused by the actors. It addresses five key issues: history of the armed conflict, identifying the principal actors of the conflict, describing the course of the conflict and its major trends, evaluating conflict management measures undertaken, if any, presenting appropriate conclusions. It also includes additional chapters on Naxalism and sectarian strife in Pakistan. Designed as an annual series, this important collection discusses India's geo-strategic importance including its common borders with its neighbours; the psychological and economic costs of violence, and the problem of refugee migrants; treaties and ceasefire agreements signed across countries; the role of the UN and other peacekeeping forces; and the future of failed and failing democracies. The book makes an important contribution to analysing armed conflicts and conflict resolution.

This comprehensive work on security in the English-speaking Caribbean, offers a wealth of information about the history, politics, economics and geography of the entire region. The author examines security problems in the region as a geopolitical unit, not on a selective case-study basis, as is usually done. He assesses Caribbean security within a theoretical framework where four factors are critical: perceptions of the political elites; capabilities of the states; the geopolitics of the area; and the ideological orientations of the parties in power. Political and economic issues are judged to be as relevant to security as military factors. The author identifies safeguards which countries in the region may take in the coming decade.

This book provides a state of the art discussion of the royal prerogative over war powers in the UK. This issue has received particular attention over proposed military strikes against the Syrian regime and it was claimed by many observers and scholars that parliament now controls decisions in war. However, the record has been mixed- and the most recent decision by Prime Minister May on Syria in 2018 shows that the executive can re-assert prerogative powers and effectively sidestep parliament. The author argues that these dynamics should be seen in the context of the declining authority of the executive and the legislature and in terms of a policy solution, and ultimately she suggests a War Powers Act as a firmer foundation for Britain's war powers.

Forty years of confrontation in Europe produced a complex set of conditioned reflexes in western military thinking. With the end of the Warsaw pact, planning and analysis specialists have been compelled to look again at basic principles. The analysis of threat and response has been transformed, and patterns of likely action such as the Gulf intervention have been accommodated. In practical terms, these developments affect what is taught to both new officers and senior officers about to assume command responsibilities.
The essays in "The" "Science of War" will foster a better understanding of the factors that operate at the higher levels of war. The contributors provide a penetrating study of the operational level of war from a general and speculative vantage point which integrates military theory and historical experience. As a whole, the book provides a theoretical basis for the principles of the planning and conduct of war at the operational level, without linking it to a specific formation or scenario.
The Staff College at Camberley has become an international focus for thinking in the development of military operations, and this book is the response of serving officers to this pattern of change. Their authoritative review of topics central to the study of war in the modern world provides an assessment of the possible shape and location of future wars.

This comprehensive work on security in the English-speaking Caribbean, offers a wealth of information about the history, politics, economics and geography of the entire region. The author examines security problems in the region as a geopolitical unit, not on a selective case-study basis, as is usually done. He assesses Caribbean security within a theoretical framework where four factors are critical: perceptions of the political elites; capabilities of the states; the geopolitics of the area; and the ideological orientations of the parties in power. Political and economic issues are judged to be as relevant to security as military factors. The author identifies safeguards which countries in the region may take in the coming decade.

The various essays in this volume aim to provide food for thought and a call for reasoned response to realistic security needs.

The war in the Persian Gulf marked the greatest "projection of power" in history, dwarfing in its scale and speed even the D-day landings of 1944. It dramatically demonstrated the revolution in military affairs which has followed the end of confrontation in Europe. Yet the Gulf War and its aftermath also demonstrated the vast complexities of the projection of power, even in the favorable conditions witnessed in the Gulf.
In this important and timely study, Richard Connaughton, who has visited a peace-keeping operation in Kurdistan and has worked in close collaboration with U.S. military authorities, makes a valuable contribution to the study of international affairs. "Military Intervention in the 1990s" provides the first comprehensive professional study of the problems of future interventions in the context of a complex of political and military issues at the operational level.

This book examines the defence and security challenges facing the new South Africa in the context of development and nation-building priorities. The transformation of security policy during the transition from apartheid and since the April 1994 elections is examined. Challenges facing the defence force and the police service are examined and the relationships between defence, development and domestic and external security are explored in an integrated way which points to a policy framework for security in the developing world.

The thawing of the Cold War has brought new concerns over the nature of European security to the fore and uncovered major differences in the approaches of individual states to changed circumstances.
This book clarifies the options for a new European security order and contribute to the growing debate. It adopts a medium-term analytical approach and uses a three-tier format, covering the nature and structure of security and the security implications of Europe's resurgent nationalism; security strategy, with particular reference to the NATO perspective and to the European Community; and the distinctive security concerns of individual states. It looks at both Eastern and Western Europe and at the Soviet Union and it analyses the role of the United States in European security.The thawing of the Cold War has brought new concerns over the nature of European security to the fore and uncovered major differences in the approaches of individual states to changed circumstances.

The period from the 1989 revolutions in Eastern Europe to the August 1991 failed coup in the former Soviet Union represents a crucial turning point in the history of Europe. With the end of the Cold War, new concerns over the nature of European security have come to the fore, and major differences in the approaches of individual states to the new circumstances have been revealed. In "Security and Strategy in the New Europe," a group of international experts provide the first comparative analysis of the policies of the major powers towards the future of European security.
The focus of this book is on change: how old ideas and institutions are being adapted, developed or abandoned with the end of the Cold War. The contributors argue that current thinking and policies concerning the future of European security are less radical and much more firmly rooted in the past than might be expected. Despite a clear acceptance of radical change, the policies and institutions for meeting these changes are mostly developments based on precedents and on existing institutions rather than forays into radically new territory.
"Security and Strategy in the New Europe" examines the nature of security of the European system, changes in military strategy, and the policies of the major powers in post-Cold War Europe. The essays examine both Eastern and Western Europe and the former Soviet Union, and provide an analysis of the role of the United States in European security.

First Published in 2004. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company.

In this volume the authors examine relationships between the growth and the economic, political and strategic expansion of a country and its propensity for conflict and war. The intention is to ascertain through the systematic analysis of one case over 100 years the extent to which territorial expansion and armed conflict are less an inevitable consequence of growth and development than an outcome of the demands and requirements of states and their economic, political and strategic security needs. Also of critical concern is the extent to which national expansion, once accepted as a security imperative, may create its own demands and requirements for even further expansion. The study combines historical inquiry with quantitative analysis in order to compare Japanese modes of growth, expansion and conflict from the Meiji Restoration to World War I, during the inter-war period and over the years since 1945. This book should be of interest to postgraduates and academics; politics, history and Japanese studies.

Although there is already a wealth of literature that examines the causes and impacts of war on the international system, there has been little analysis of the decisions of leaders who initiate wars they are destined to lose.

In May 1998, in reaction to India's nuclear weapons tests, Pakistan tested six nuclear weapons. Following this, the country opted for a policy of minimum deterrence, and within a year Pakistan had altered its policy stance by adding the modifier of minimum 'credible' deterrence. This book looks at how this seemingly innocuous shift seriously impacted on Pakistan's nuclear policy direction and whether the concept of minimum has lost its significance in the South Asian region's changed/changing strategic environment. After providing a brief historical background exploring why and how Pakistan carried out the nuclear development program, the book questions why Pakistan could not sustain the minimum deterrence that it had conceptualized in the immediate aftermath of the 1998 test. It examines the conceptual theoretical framework of the essentials of minimum deterrence in order to question whether Pakistan's nuclear policy remained consistent with this, as well as to discover the rudimentary factors that are responsible for the inconsistencies with regard to minimum deterrence conceived in this study. The book goes on to look at the policy options that Pakistan had after acquiring the nuclear capability, and what the rationale was for selecting minimum deterrence. The book not only highlights Pakistan deterrent force building, but also analyzes closely Pakistan's doctrinal posture of first use option. Furthermore, it examines the policy towards arms control and disarmament, and discusses whether these individual policy orientations are consistent with the minimum deterrence. Conceptually providing a deeper understanding of Pakistan's post-1998 nuclear policy, this book critically examines whether the minimum deterrence conceived could be sustained both at the theoretical and operational levels. It will be a useful contribution in the field of Nuclear Policy, Security Studies, Asian Politics, Proliferation/Non-Proliferation Studies, and Peace Studies. This book will be of interest to policy makers, scholars, and students of nuclear policy, nuclear proliferation and arms control related research.

In this text, the author argues that as people increasingly define themselves by ethnicity and religion, the West will find itself more and more at odds with non-western civilizations that reject its ideals of democracy, human rights, liberty, the rule of law, and the separation of the church and state.;Picturing a future of accelerated conflict and increasingly 'de-Westernized' international relations, this text further argues for greater understanding of non-western civilizations and offers strategies for maximizing Western influence.

First Published in 1991. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company.

This title was first published in 2001. This compelling study draws insightful conclusions about US foreign policy towards Europe at a critical juncture in the post-Cold War period. An absorbing and illuminating account, this material will be useful to non-specialists and student readers of US foreign policy, European integration, and international relations alike.

This title was first published in 2003. This work provides a clearer understanding of the EU's approach towards security in the Mediterranean. After examining the EU's interests and the potential threats to security in the region, it analyzes EU security policy towards the region as a whole, through the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, and towards all disputes and conflicts in the area. It recommends opening up the European Security and Defence Policy to Mediterranean participation, in order to establish a deep and equitable security partnership between both shores. The book argues that this way the EU could implement its innovative comprehensive and co-operative approach to security. Rather than focusing on the military aspect alone, this approach takes into account all dimensions of security (political, socio-economic, cultural and ecological) and is based on partnership rather than confrontation. It therefore contrasts quite sharply with the policies advocated in the US National Security Strategy.