The transition from the end of the Cold War to a new world order is both promising and perilous. Security concerns are based more on the prevention or containment of regional and civil conflicts than on fears of nuclear or Eurasian global wars. The antagonists of the Cold War will be the collaborators of the next century in seeking to stabilize the conflict inside and outside Europe and to prevent further proliferation of nuclear weapons. Deterrence characteristics of the pre-Cold War period will in the 21st century again become normative.

The Asia-Pacific region presents one of the greatest challenges to international security in the post-Cold War era. The demise of the Cold War security framework has ushered in a new period of uncertainty as longstanding tensions re-emerge. There are growing doubts as the the future of military commitment of the US and concern with Japan's security roles and aspirations. The widespread build-up of military capabilities in the region and the nuclear ambitions of North Korea have further heightened tension. Using a thematic approach, this volume addresses the concerns of the region.

What should military warriors do in peacetime? Such was the theme of an international conference at the Inter-American Defense College in 1992 which brought together diplomats, military officials and distinguished academics to discuss the purpose of military institutions in Latin America in the new world order. The most important message of this book is that the order has by no means eliminated the need for armed forces.

This title was first published in 2003. This work provides a clearer understanding of the EU's approach towards security in the Mediterranean. After examining the EU's interests and the potential threats to security in the region, it analyzes EU security policy towards the region as a whole, through the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, and towards all disputes and conflicts in the area. It recommends opening up the European Security and Defence Policy to Mediterranean participation, in order to establish a deep and equitable security partnership between both shores. The book argues that this way the EU could implement its innovative comprehensive and co-operative approach to security. Rather than focusing on the military aspect alone, this approach takes into account all dimensions of security (political, socio-economic, cultural and ecological) and is based on partnership rather than confrontation. It therefore contrasts quite sharply with the policies advocated in the US National Security Strategy.

Why do presidents and their advisors often make sub-optimal decisions on military intervention, escalation, de-escalation, and termination of conflicts? The leading concept of group dynamics, groupthink, offers one explanation: policy-making groups make sub-optimal decisions due to their desire for conformity and uniformity over dissent, leading to a failure to consider other relevant possibilities. But presidential advisory groups are often fragmented and divisive. This book therefore scrutinizes polythink, a group decision-making dynamic whereby different members in a decision-making unit espouse a plurality of opinions and divergent policy prescriptions, resulting in a disjointed decision-making process or even decision paralysis. The book analyzes eleven national security decisions, including the national security policy designed prior to the terrorist attacks of 9/11, the decisions to enter into and withdraw from Afghanistan and Iraq, the 2007 "surge" decision, the crisis over the Iranian nuclear program, the UN Security Council decision on the Syrian Civil War, the faltering Kerry Peace Process in the Middle East, and the U.S. decision on military operations against ISIS. Based on the analysis of these case studies, the authors address implications of the polythink phenomenon, including prescriptions for avoiding and/or overcoming it, and develop strategies and tools for what they call Productive Polythink. The authors also show the applicability of polythink to business, industry, and everyday decisions.

"NATO has many European and global partner countries. The political and military utility of all these partnerships is clear; they 'provide' more security than they 'consume.' But the utility for NATO of partners also changes over time. This book scrutinizes these partnerships, both from a NATO perspective and from that of its partners"--

The 9/11 attacks revealed that the transnational terrorist threat facing the US and its partners was far more dangerous than most had previously discerned. It was now clear that al-Qaeda intended to, and could threaten the West's - particularly the US' - political and military leverage, with the aim of shifting the balance of power from the West to Islam after a violent global confrontation. In that sense, the new terrorist threat is strategic, and it has led to a worldwide mobilisation comparable to that required by a world war. This Paper argues that prevailing in the 'war' on terror, much like victory in the Cold War, entails containment, deterrence, outperformance and engagement. Military power is secondary to intelligence, law enforcement, enlightened social policy and diplomacy. Diplomatic engagement with the larger Muslim world is paramount as a means of denying al-Qaeda not merely recruits but the 'clash of civilisations' it seeks. The US-led intervention in Iraq, though intended to introduce democratic reform in the wider Middle East, has so far antagonised Islam and strengthened Islamist terrorism. This suggests that coercive or aggressively ideological diplomacy is unlikely to win over an Islamic population biased by anti-Western propaganda. Successful Western diplomacy will have to be discreet, nuanced and incremental.

The Asia-Pacific region presents one of the greatest challenges to international security in the post-Cold War era. The demise of the Cold War security framework has ushered in a new period of uncertainty as longstanding tensions re-emerge. There are growing doubts as the the future of military commitment of the US and concern with Japan's security roles and aspirations. The widespread build-up of military capabilities in the region and the nuclear ambitions of North Korea have further heightened tension. Using a thematic approach, this volume addresses the concerns of the region.

What should military warriors do in peacetime? Such was the theme of an international conference at the Inter-American Defense College in 1992 which brought together diplomats, military officials and distinguished academics to discuss the purpose of military institutions in Latin America in the new world order. The most important message of this book is that the order has by no means eliminated the need for armed forces.

In May 1998, in reaction to India's nuclear weapons tests, Pakistan tested six nuclear weapons. Following this, the country opted for a policy of minimum deterrence, and within a year Pakistan had altered its policy stance by adding the modifier of minimum 'credible' deterrence. This book looks at how this seemingly innocuous shift seriously impacted on Pakistan's nuclear policy direction and whether the concept of minimum has lost its significance in the South Asian region's changed/changing strategic environment. After providing a brief historical background exploring why and how Pakistan carried out the nuclear development program, the book questions why Pakistan could not sustain the minimum deterrence that it had conceptualized in the immediate aftermath of the 1998 test. It examines the conceptual theoretical framework of the essentials of minimum deterrence in order to question whether Pakistan's nuclear policy remained consistent with this, as well as to discover the rudimentary factors that are responsible for the inconsistencies with regard to minimum deterrence conceived in this study. The book goes on to look at the policy options that Pakistan had after acquiring the nuclear capability, and what the rationale was for selecting minimum deterrence. The book not only highlights Pakistan deterrent force building, but also analyzes closely Pakistan's doctrinal posture of first use option. Furthermore, it examines the policy towards arms control and disarmament, and discusses whether these individual policy orientations are consistent with the minimum deterrence. Conceptually providing a deeper understanding of Pakistan's post-1998 nuclear policy, this book critically examines whether the minimum deterrence conceived could be sustained both at the theoretical and operational levels. It will be a useful contribution in the field of Nuclear Policy, Security Studies, Asian Politics, Proliferation/Non-Proliferation Studies, and Peace Studies. This book will be of interest to policy makers, scholars, and students of nuclear policy, nuclear proliferation and arms control related research.

Forty years of confrontation in Europe produced a complex set of conditioned reflexes in western military thinking. With the end of the Warsaw pact, planning and analysis specialists have been compelled to look again at basic principles. The analysis of threat and response has been transformed, and patterns of likely action such as the Gulf intervention have been accommodated. In practical terms, these developments affect what is taught to both new officers and senior officers about to assume command responsibilities.
The essays in "The" "Science of War" will foster a better understanding of the factors that operate at the higher levels of war. The contributors provide a penetrating study of the operational level of war from a general and speculative vantage point which integrates military theory and historical experience. As a whole, the book provides a theoretical basis for the principles of the planning and conduct of war at the operational level, without linking it to a specific formation or scenario.
The Staff College at Camberley has become an international focus for thinking in the development of military operations, and this book is the response of serving officers to this pattern of change. Their authoritative review of topics central to the study of war in the modern world provides an assessment of the possible shape and location of future wars.

This comprehensive work on security in the English-speaking Caribbean, offers a wealth of information about the history, politics, economics and geography of the entire region. The author examines security problems in the region as a geopolitical unit, not on a selective case-study basis, as is usually done. He assesses Caribbean security within a theoretical framework where four factors are critical: perceptions of the political elites; capabilities of the states; the geopolitics of the area; and the ideological orientations of the parties in power. Political and economic issues are judged to be as relevant to security as military factors. The author identifies safeguards which countries in the region may take in the coming decade.

This comprehensive work on security in the English-speaking Caribbean, offers a wealth of information about the history, politics, economics and geography of the entire region. The author examines security problems in the region as a geopolitical unit, not on a selective case-study basis, as is usually done. He assesses Caribbean security within a theoretical framework where four factors are critical: perceptions of the political elites; capabilities of the states; the geopolitics of the area; and the ideological orientations of the parties in power. Political and economic issues are judged to be as relevant to security as military factors. The author identifies safeguards which countries in the region may take in the coming decade.

The various essays in this volume aim to provide food for thought and a call for reasoned response to realistic security needs.

The thawing of the Cold War has brought new concerns over the nature of European security to the fore and uncovered major differences in the approaches of individual states to changed circumstances.
This book clarifies the options for a new European security order and contribute to the growing debate. It adopts a medium-term analytical approach and uses a three-tier format, covering the nature and structure of security and the security implications of Europe's resurgent nationalism; security strategy, with particular reference to the NATO perspective and to the European Community; and the distinctive security concerns of individual states. It looks at both Eastern and Western Europe and at the Soviet Union and it analyses the role of the United States in European security.The thawing of the Cold War has brought new concerns over the nature of European security to the fore and uncovered major differences in the approaches of individual states to changed circumstances.

This title was first published in 2001. This compelling study draws insightful conclusions about US foreign policy towards Europe at a critical juncture in the post-Cold War period. An absorbing and illuminating account, this material will be useful to non-specialists and student readers of US foreign policy, European integration, and international relations alike.

Since the end of the Cold War, there has been a significant change in Japanese security policy, as Japan's security identity has shifted from a peace state, to an international state. In this book, Bhubhindar Singh argues that from the 1990s onwards, the Japanese security policymaking elite recognized that its earlier approach to security policy which was influenced by the peace-state security identity was no longer appropriate. Rather, as a member of the international community, Japan had to carve out a responsible role in regional and international security affairs, which required greater emphasis on the role of the military in Japan's security policy. To explore the change in Japan's security identity and its associated security behaviour, this book contrasts the three areas that define and shape Japanese security policy: Japan's conception (or definition) of national security; the country's contribution, in military terms, to regional and international affairs; and the changes to the security policy regime responsible for the security policy formulation. Further, it seeks to challenge the dominant realist interpretation of Japanese security policy by adopting an identity-based approach and showing how whilst realist accounts correctly capture the trajectory of Japanese post-Cold War security policy, they fail to explain the underlying causes of the change in Japanese security behaviour in the post-Cold War period. This book is an important addition to the current literature on Japanese security policy, and will be of great use to students and scholars interested in Japanese and Asian politics, as well as security studies and international relations more broadly.

The period from the 1989 revolutions in Eastern Europe to the August 1991 failed coup in the former Soviet Union represents a crucial turning point in the history of Europe. With the end of the Cold War, new concerns over the nature of European security have come to the fore, and major differences in the approaches of individual states to the new circumstances have been revealed. In "Security and Strategy in the New Europe," a group of international experts provide the first comparative analysis of the policies of the major powers towards the future of European security.
The focus of this book is on change: how old ideas and institutions are being adapted, developed or abandoned with the end of the Cold War. The contributors argue that current thinking and policies concerning the future of European security are less radical and much more firmly rooted in the past than might be expected. Despite a clear acceptance of radical change, the policies and institutions for meeting these changes are mostly developments based on precedents and on existing institutions rather than forays into radically new territory.
"Security and Strategy in the New Europe" examines the nature of security of the European system, changes in military strategy, and the policies of the major powers in post-Cold War Europe. The essays examine both Eastern and Western Europe and the former Soviet Union, and provide an analysis of the role of the United States in European security.

The war in the Persian Gulf marked the greatest "projection of power" in history, dwarfing in its scale and speed even the D-day landings of 1944. It dramatically demonstrated the revolution in military affairs which has followed the end of confrontation in Europe. Yet the Gulf War and its aftermath also demonstrated the vast complexities of the projection of power, even in the favorable conditions witnessed in the Gulf.
In this important and timely study, Richard Connaughton, who has visited a peace-keeping operation in Kurdistan and has worked in close collaboration with U.S. military authorities, makes a valuable contribution to the study of international affairs. "Military Intervention in the 1990s" provides the first comprehensive professional study of the problems of future interventions in the context of a complex of political and military issues at the operational level.

First Published in 2004. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company.

This book examines the defence and security challenges facing the new South Africa in the context of development and nation-building priorities. The transformation of security policy during the transition from apartheid and since the April 1994 elections is examined. Challenges facing the defence force and the police service are examined and the relationships between defence, development and domestic and external security are explored in an integrated way which points to a policy framework for security in the developing world.

Although there is already a wealth of literature that examines the causes and impacts of war on the international system, there has been little analysis of the decisions of leaders who initiate wars they are destined to lose.

Discusses the impact of globalisation on security in the West and in particular the way it has changed the nature of NATO as well as its security agenda.

Recent debates in security policy have highlighted trends towards fragmentation, informalisation and privatisation in the diverse field of security policy, with its increasingly transnational security risks. In this context, the concept of security governance has risen to prominence and has inspired much valuable research. Yet, there are not only very different conceptual understandings of security governance; there is also a lack of clarity regarding its empirical manifestations and normative connotations. After a decade of research, this book therefore puts security governance to the test and scrutinises its analytical and political pitfalls and potentials. It reviews the concept of security governance and identifies central conceptual, empirical and normative challenges that need to be addressed. Moreover, this book scrutinises critical examples of security governance from EU security policy as well as in a comparative regional perspective. Case studies include EU efforts to counter piracy off the coast of Somalia, combat terrorism inside European societies and protect critical infrastructures. This book was originally published as a special issue of European Security.

This book offers a fresh assessment of the Bush presidency that builds on the 'first cut of history' (much of which is partisan) and the growing collection of memoirs and personal accounts purporting to explain America's 43rd president. This account challenges readers to look more closely at the strengths and weaknesses of Bush's two-term administration. Carefully reached, it provides compelling evidence to support its two main arguments: first, that this was a more complex administration than its actions, often judged crude and ill-conceived, suggested, and one that was capable of crafting much praised and politically sound positions. The second argument contends that the Bush administration largely (though not entirely) failed to grasp how the international system was changing (including, for example, the impact of the emergence of rising powers and the myriad implications of globalisation) and thus failed to position the US to meet the challenges of the 21st century. The book is intended as a critique, not a criticism, of the Bush administration. Significantly, it will be one of the first books to surpass the 'rush to judgement' accounts, by dealing comprehensively and reflectively with the whole Bush Presidency.
In order to unravel this presidency, the book explores the major foreign-policy initiatives undertaken by the administration using the language of 'problems'. This framework will be used to analyse the conception, crafting and implementation of Bush's policies. It will also examine how these were received and perceived, both by opponents in the US and elsewhere, and assess the impact of factors partially or wholly outside the control of the US, notably 'events'.
This book will be of much interest to students of US foreign policy, international politics and security studies.