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A revision of the Library of Liberal Arts edition of 1965. This volume offers the complete text of Kant's Metaphysics of Morals, Part I, translated by John Ladd, along with Ladd's illuminating Introduction to the first edition, expanded to include discussion of such issues as Kant's conception of marriage and its relevance to his view of women. An updated bibliography, glossary, and index are also provided.
Transparency is a fundamental principle of justice. A cornerstone of the rule of law, it allows for public engagement and for democratic control of the decisions and actions of both the judiciary and the justice authorities. This book looks at the question of transparency within the framework of transitional justice. Bringing together scholars from across the disciplinary spectrum, the collection analyses the issue from socio-legal, cultural studies and practitioner perspectives. Taking a three-part approach, it firstly discusses basic principles guiding justice globally before exploring courts and how they make justice visible. Finally, the collection reviews the interface between law, transitional justice institutions and the public sphere.
This is the fifth volume of Oxford Studies in Political Philosophy. Since its revival in the 1970s political philosophy has been a vibrant field in philosophy, one that intersects with jurisprudence, normative economics, political theory in political science departments, and just war theory. OSPP aims to publish some of the best contemporary work in political philosophy and these closely related subfields. This volume features seven papers that address a range of central topics and represent cutting edge work in the field. They are divided into two parts that explore issues relating to power and legitimacy, and to political, legal, and moral relations.
Carl Schmitt's magnum opus, Constitutional Theory, was originally published in 1928 and has been in print in German ever since. This volume makes Schmitt's masterpiece of comparative constitutionalism available to English-language readers for the first time. Schmitt is considered by many to be one of the most original-and, because of his collaboration with the Nazi party, controversial-political thinkers of the twentieth century. In Constitutional Theory, Schmitt provides a highly distinctive and provocative interpretation of the Weimar Constitution. At the center of this interpretation lies his famous argument that the legitimacy of a constitution depends on a sovereign decision of the people. In addition to being subject to long-standing debate among legal and political theorists in Western Europe and the United States, this theory of constitution-making as decision has profoundly influenced constitutional theorists and designers in Asia, Latin America, and Eastern Europe. Constitutional Theory is a significant departure from Schmitt's more polemical Weimar-era works not just in terms of its moderate tone. Through a comparative history of constitutional government in Europe and the United States, Schmitt develops an understanding of liberal constitutionalism that makes room for a strong, independent state. This edition includes an introduction by Jeffrey Seitzer and Christopher Thornhill outlining the cultural, intellectual, and political contexts in which Schmitt wrote Constitutional Theory; they point out what is distinctive about the work, examine its reception in the postwar era, and consider its larger theoretical ramifications. This volume also contains extensive editorial notes and a translation of the Weimar Constitution.
How can justice for women be achieved in an Islamic society? Through a series of lively interviews with clerics in the Iranian religious centre of Qom, Ziba Mir-Hosseini explores the issue of gender with Islamic jurisprudence and examines how clerics today perpetuate and modify these notions. Following the Islamic Revolution of 1979 and the introduction of religious Sharia'a law relating to gender and the family, women's rights in Iran suffered a major setback. However, as Iran's leaders have faced the social realities of women's lives and aspirations, positive changes have gradually come about especially in the context of the recent liberalization in the country. Unique in its approach and its subject matter, the book relates Mir-Hosseini's position, as a Mulsim woman and a social anthropologist educated and working in the West, with Shi'I Muslim thinkers of various backgrounds and views. In the literature on women in Islam, there is no account of such a face-to-face encounter, either between religion and gender politics or between the two genders.
What is the criminal law for? One influential answer is that the criminal law vindicates pre-political rights and condemns wrongdoing. On this account, the criminal law has an intrinsic subject matter-certain types of moral wrongdoing-and it provides a distinctive response to that wrongdoing, namely condemnatory punishment. In Criminal Law in the Age of the Administrative State, Vincent Chiao offers an alternative, public law account. What the criminal law is for, Chiao suggests, is sustaining social cooperation with public institutions. Consequently, we only have reason to support the use of the criminal law insofar as its use is consistent with our reasons for valuing the social order established by those institutions. By starting with the political morality of public institutions rather than the interpersonal morality of private relationships, this account shows how the criminal law is continuous with the modern administrative and welfare state, and why it is answerable to the same political virtues. Chiao sketches a democratic egalitarian account of those virtues, one that is loosely consequentialist, egalitarian but not equalizing, and centered on a form of freedom-effective access to central capabilities-as its currency of evaluation. From this point of view, the role of the criminal law is to help public institutions create a society in which each person can lead a life as a peer among peers. Chiao shows how a democratic egalitarian approach to criminal justice provides a fresh perspective on a range of contemporary problems, from mass incarceration to overcriminalization, due process and the collateral consequences of a criminal conviction.
How does a lawyer think? Does legal intuition exist? Do lawyers need imagination? Why is legal language so abstract? It is no longer possible to answer these questions by applying philosophical analysis alone. Recent advances in the cognitive sciences have reshaped our conceptions of the human mental faculties and the tools we use to solve problems. A new picture of the functioning of the legal mind is emerging. In The Legal Mind, Bartosz Brozek uses philosophical arguments and insight from the cognitive sciences to depict legal thinking as a close cooperation between three cognitive mechanisms - intuition, imagination, and language - and addresses the question of how to efficiently use these mental tools. This novel and provocative approach provides a fresh perspective on legal thinking and gives rise to important questions pertaining to the limits of legal interpretation and rationality in the law.
A just international order and a healthy cosmopolitan discipline of law need to include perspectives that take account of the standpoints, interests, concerns and beliefs of non-Western people and traditions. The dominant scholarly and activist discourses about human rights have developed largely without reference to these other viewpoints. Claims about universality sit uneasily with ignorance of other traditions and parochial or ethnocentric tendencies. The object of the book is to make accessible the ideas of four jurists who present distinct 'Southern' perspectives on human rights.
The 'rule of law' is increasingly regarded as integral to liberal democracy, and its significance is frequently discussed by lawyers, academics, politicians and the media. But the meaning of the phrase is not always clear. What does 'the rule of law' mean exactly? And why is it so important to the democratic state and, above all, its citizens? In Understanding the Rule of Law, former president of the Dutch Supreme Court Geert Corstens paints a lively and accessible portrait of the rule of law in practice. The focus is on the role of the courts, where the tensions in a democratic state governed by the rule of law are often discussed and resolved. Using landmark judgments, Geert Corstens explains what judges do and why their work is valuable. What do minimum sentences and prisoners' voting rights have to do with each other? Why is there no easy answer to the question of whether a paedophile organisation should be banned? Why is it no joke when the Italian politician Silvio Berlusconi calls the judiciary 'the cancer of democracy'? Understanding the Rule of Law provides the answers to these and many other questions, and is essential reading for anyone interested in the state of democracy today.
A collection of essays providing insight into the evolution of South African law, exploring the process of the integration of European civil law and English civil law. Each essay attempts to assess the level of interaction between the civil and the common law; the mechanisms bringing about competition, co-existence or fusion in each area of the law; and whether the process is complete or continuing. Also explored is the possibility of observing the emergence, from these two routes, of a genuinely South African private law. The opening essays contextualize this process, viewing the development in the setting of colonial domination, cultural imperialism, and racial and rationalistic ideologies.
We live in critical times. We face a global crisis in economics and finance, a global ecological crisis, and a constant barrage of international disputes. Perhaps most dishearteningly, there seems to be little faith in our ability to address such difficult problems. However, there is also a more positive sense in which these are critical times. The world's current state of flux gives us a unique window of opportunity for shaping a new international order that will allow us to cope with current and future global crises. In Critical Theory in Critical Times, eleven of the most distinguished critical theorists offer new perspectives on recent crises and transformations of the global political and economic order. Essays from Jurgen Habermas, Seyla Benhabib, Cristina Lafont, Rainer Forst, Wendy Brown, Christoph Menke, Nancy Fraser, Rahel Jaeggi, Amy Allen, Penelope Deutscher, and Charles Mills address pressing issues including international human rights and democratic sovereignty, global neoliberalism, novel approaches to the critique of capitalism, critical theory's Eurocentric heritage, and new directions offered by critical race theory and postcolonial studies. Sharpening the conceptual tools of critical theory, the contributors to Critical Theory in Critical Times reveal new ways of expanding the diverse traditions of the Frankfurt School in response to some of the most urgent and important challenges of our times.
The readings in Justice include the central philosophical statements about justice in society organized to illustrate both the political vision of a good society and different attempts at an analysis of the concept of justice.
"Bob Cover was and remains the dominant voice of his generation
among legal scholars. These essays, each one magnificent in itself,
are, when taken together, even more important. The wisdom they
impart is forever." --Guido Calabresi, Dean and Sterling Professor
of Law, Yale University
In Legal Reasoning and Political Conflict, Cass R. Sunstein, one of America's best known commentators on our legal system, offers a bold, new thesis about how the law should work in America, arguing that the courts best enable people to live together, despite their diversity, by resolving particular cases without taking sides in broader, more abstract conflicts. Professor Sunstein closely analyzes the way the law can mediate disputes in a diverse society, examining how the law works in practical terms, and showing that, to arrive at workable, practical solutions, judges must avoid broad, abstract reasoning. He states that judges purposely limit the scope of their decisions to avoid reopening large-scale controversies, calling such actions incompletely theorized agreements. In identifying them as the core feature of legal reasoning, he takes issue with advocates of comprehensive theories and systemization, from Robert Bork to Jeremy Bentham, and Ronald Dworkin. Equally important, Sunstein goes on to argue that it is the living practice of the nation's citizens that truly makes law. Legal reasoning can seem impenetrable, mysterious, baroque. Legal Reasoning and Political Conflict helps dissolve the mystery. Whether discussing abortion, homosexuality, or free speech, the meaning of the Constitution, or the spell cast by the Warren Court, Cass Sunstein writes with grace and power, offering a striking and original vision of the role of the law in a diverse society. In his flexible, practical approach to legal reasoning, he moves the debate over fundamental values and principles out of the courts and back to its rightful place in a democratic state: to the legislatures elected by the people. In this Second Edition, the author updates the previous edition bringing the book into the current mainstream of twenty-first century legal reasoning and judicial decision-making focusing on the many relevant contemporary issues and developments that occurred since its initial 1996 publication.
This wide-ranging study considers the primary forms of decision-making - negotiation, mediation, umpiring, as well as the processes of avoidance and violence - in the context of rapidly changing discourses and practices of civil justice across a range of jurisdictions. Many contemporary discussions in this field-and associated projects of institutional design-are taking place under the broad but imprecise label of Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR). The book brings together and analyses a wide range of materials dealing with dispute processes, and the current debates on and developments in civil justice. With the help of analysis of materials beyond those ordinarily found in the ADR literature, it provides a comprehensive and comparative perspective on modes of handling civil disputes. The new edition is thoroughly revised and is extended to include new chapters on avoidance and self-help, the ombuds, Online Dispute Resolution and pressures of institutionalisation.
Authors from both sides of the Atlantic provide a collection of writings on civil justice. In response to Lord Woolf's proposals on civil-justice reform, the contributors argue that his examination does not go far enough, and that more radical reform and consideration are needed to achieve any significant improvement in the system. A major theme of the book is alternative dispute resolution (ADR) and its development. Specialists who have been at the heart of its development discuss its use both in commercial cases and within a community context, providing an examination of ADR's influence in England and Wales, and in the United States.
Contemporary political and legal theory typically justifies the value of political and legal institutions on the grounds that such institutions bring about desirable outcomes - such as justice, security, and prosperity. In the popular imagination, however, many people seem to value public institutions for their own sake. The idea that political and legal institutions might be intrinsically valuable has received little philosophical attention. Why Law Matters presents the argument that legal institutions and legal procedures are valuable and matter as such, irrespective of their instrumental value. Harel advances the argument in several ways. Firstly, he examines the value of rights. Traditionally it is believed that rights are valuable because they promote the realisation of values such as autonomy. Instead Harel argues that the values underlying (some) rights are partially constructed by entrenching rights. Secondly he argues that the value of public institutions are not grounded (ONLY) in the contingent fact that such institutions are particularly accountable to the public. Instead, some goods are intrinsically public; their value hinges on their public provision. Thirdly he shows that constitutional directives are not mere contingent instruments to promote justice. In the absence of constitutional entrenchment of rights, citizens live "at the mercy of" their legislatures (even if legislatures protect justice adequately). Lastly, Harel defends judicial review on the grounds that it is an embodiment of the right to a hearing. The book shows that instrumental justifications fail to identify what is really valuable about public institutions and fail to account for their enduring appeal. More specifically legal theorists fail to be attentive to the sentiments of politicians, citizens and activists and to theorise public concerns in a way that is responsive to these sentiments.
David Boonin presents a new account of the non-identity problem: a puzzle about our obligations to people who do not yet exist. Our actions sometimes have an effect not only on the quality of life that people will enjoy in the future, but on which particular people will exist in the future to enjoy it. In cases where this is so, the combination of certain assumptions that most people seem to accept can yield conclusions that most people seem to reject. The non-identity problem has important implications both for ethical theory and for a number of topics in applied ethics, including controversial issues in bioethics, environmental ethics and disability ethics. It has been the subject of a great deal of discussion for nearly four decades, but this is the first book-length study devoted exclusively to its examination. Boonin begins by explaining what the problem is, why the problem matters, and what criteria a solution to the problem must satisfy in order to count as a successful one. He then provides a critical survey of the solutions to the problem that have thus far been proposed in the sizeable literature that the problem has generated and concludes by developing and defending an unorthodox alternative solution, one that differs fundamentally from virtually every other available approach.
Behind the scenes of the many artists and innovators flourishing beyond the bounds of intellectual property laws Intellectual property law, or IP law, is based on certain assumptions about creative behavior. The case for regulation assumes that creators have a fundamental legal right to prevent copying, and without this right they will under-invest in new work. But this premise fails to fully capture the reality of creative production. It ignores the range of powerful non-economic motivations that compel creativity, and it overlooks the capacity of creative industries for self-governance and innovative social and market responses to appropriation. This book reveals the on-the-ground practices of a range of creators and innovators. In doing so, it challenges intellectual property orthodoxy by showing that incentives for creative production often exist in the absence of, or in disregard for, formal legal protections. Instead, these communities rely on evolving social norms and market responses-sensitive to their particular cultural, competitive, and technological circumstances-to ensure creative incentives. From tattoo artists to medical researchers, Nigerian filmmakers to roller derby players, the communities illustrated in this book demonstrate that creativity can thrive without legal incentives, and perhaps more strikingly, that some creative communities prefer, and thrive, in environments defined by self-regulation rather than legal rules. Beyond their value as descriptions of specific industries and communities, the accounts collected here help to ground debates over IP policy in the empirical realities of the creative process. Their parallels and divergences also highlight the value of rules that are sensitive to the unique mix of conditions and motivations of particular industries and communities, rather than the monoculture of uniform regulation of the current IP system.
'The Rule of Law' is a phrase much used but little examined. The idea of the rule of law as the foundation of modern states and civilisations has recently become even more talismanic than that of democracy, but what does it actually consist of? In this brilliant short book, Britain's former senior law lord, and one of the world's most acute legal minds, examines what the idea actually means. He makes clear that the rule of law is not an arid legal doctrine but is the foundation of a fair and just society, is a guarantee of responsible government, is an important contribution to economic growth and offers the best means yet devised for securing peace and co-operation. He briefly examines the historical origins of the rule, and then advances eight conditions which capture its essence as understood in western democracies today. He also discusses the strains imposed on the rule of law by the threat and experience of international terrorism. The book will be influential in many different fields and should become a key text for anyone interested in politics, society and the state of our world.
This book is an intellectual history of Ernst Fraenkel's The Dual State (1941, reissued 2017), one of the most erudite books on the theory of dictatorship ever written. Fraenkel's was the first comprehensive analysis of the rise and nature of Nazism, and the only such analysis written from within Hitler's Germany. His sophisticated-not to mention courageous-analysis amounted to an ethnography of Nazi law. As a result of its clandestine origins, The Dual State has been hailed as the ultimate piece of intellectual resistance to the Nazi regime. In this book, Jens Meierhenrich revives Fraenkel's innovative concept of "the dual state," restoring it to its rightful place in the annals of public law scholarship. Blending insights from legal theory and legal history, he tells in an accessible manner the remarkable gestation of Fraenkel's ethnography of law from inside the belly of the behemoth. In addition to questioning the conventional wisdom about the law of the Third Reich, Meierhenrich explores the legal origins of dictatorship elsewhere, then and now. The book sets the parameters for a theory of the "authoritarian rule of law," a cutting edge topic in law and society scholarship with immediate policy implications.
This book is for instructors of Statutory Interpretation and related courses who want to introduce practical lawyering skills into the doctrinal curriculum. It is also comparatively inexpensive for students. Much like any law school case book, Statutory Interpretation: A Practical Lawyering Course covers the leading cases; but it also offers much more. For example, it includes: legislative negotiation and drafting exercises to give students practical experience and a deeper understanding of the complexities of the legislative process; lawyers' briefs and case documents to help students understand how cases and arguments are put together; case files and brief-writing exercises to teach students to craft arguments based on their doctrinal studies; problems that require students to problem-solve, prompting them to think strategically; a mix of heavily-edited, lightly-edited, and unedited cases to help students prepare to work issues and questions for students to focus on as they read cases and other materials. Finally, the author provides an extensive teachers' manual offering step-by-step guidance for how to best make use of the book's innovative materials.
The feudal system has come to be seen as one of the most characteristic features of the Western Middle Ages, yet the study of feudal law has not always received the same attention as that given to its institutions. This law, it is true, was a subject of secondary importance in the medieval universities, but there does remain a corpus of writing sufficiently large to permit the investigation of how it related to medieval practice. In these articles, now provided with extensive additional notes, Gerard Giordanengo has undertaken such an investigation, with particular reference to Southern France in the 12th-14th centuries. He shows how, in Provence, legal doctrine did exert a clear influence on feudal practice, and that it was the jurists attached to princely or ecclesiastic entourages who were the key to its dissemination. In the Dauphine, on the other hand, theory had a more limited impact, and feudal ties became not a mark of subjection, but a means of recognising legal and social status. At the governmental level, finally, he argues that it was not any feudal theory, nor even any feudal structures, but rather the absolutist doctrines of Roman law and the Old Testament that shaped the political ideology - and practice, if possible - of the medieval king. Le systeme feodal est considere comme etant l'une des caracteristiques fondamentales du Moyen Age occidental; cependant, l'etude du droit feodal savant n'a pas toujours fait l'objet de la mAme attention que celle portee A ses institutions et coutumes. Ce droit, il est vrai, etait un sujet d'importance secondaire au sein des universites medievales, mais il reste neanmoins, un ensemble d'ecrits suffisamment important pour qu'il soit possible d'examiner son influence sur la pratique medievale. Au cours de ces articles, des A present pourvus de notes supplementaires, Gerard Giordanengo a entrepris une telle analyse, se referant plus particulierement au Sud de l
The key to Gorbachev's reforms is the creation of a state in which the rule of law is sovereign. In this book Soviet and British and American jurists discuss the nature and role of the law in society, and assess the possibilities and difficulties of establishing a legal system based on the values and principles of Western democracies in the USSR. Among the topics covered are the role of a constitution, the status of political parties, the importance of glasnost, the question of individual rights and the meaning of pluralism. The contributors are W.E. Butler, R.Z. Livshits, M.D.A. Freeman, S.V. Polenina, E.V. Kumanin, A.D.H. Oliver, V.L. Entin, N.P. Koldaeva, J. Henderson, V.P. Kazimirchuk, G. Drewry, V. Bogdanor and M.M. Slavin.
Are legislatures able to form and act on intentions? The question matters because the interpretation of statutes is often thought to centre on the intention of the legislature and because the way in which the legislature acts is relevant to the authority it does or should enjoy. Many scholars argue that legislative intent is a fiction: the legislative assembly is a large, diverse group rather than a single person and it seems a mystery how the intentions of the individual legislators might somehow add up to a coherent group intention. This book argues that in enacting a statute the well-formed legislature forms and acts on a detailed intention, which is the legislative intent. The foundation of the argument is an analysis of how the members of purposive groups act together by way of common plans, sometimes forming complex group agents. The book extends this analysis to the legislature, considering what it is to legislate and how members of the assembly cooperate to legislate. The book argues that to legislate is to choose to change the law for some reason: the well-formed legislature has the capacity to consider what should be done and to act to that end. This argument is supported by reflection on the centrality of intention to the nature of language use. The book then explains in detail how members of the assembly form and act on joint intentions, which do not reduce to the intentions of each member, before outlining some implications of this account for the practice of statutory interpretation. Developing a robust account of the nature and importance of legislative intention, the book represents a significant contribution to the literature on deliberative democracy that will be of interest to all those thinking about legal interpretation and constitutional theory.
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