The Historical Dictionary of the Dirty Wars covers the period 1954-1990 in South America, when authoritarian regimes waged war on subversion, both real and imagined. The term "dirty war" (guerra sucia), though originally associated with the military dictatorship in Argentina from 1976 to 1983, has since been applied to neighboring dictatorships in Paraguay (1954-1989), Brazil (1964-1985), Bolivia (1971-1981), Uruguay (1973-1985), and Chile (1973-1990). Although the concept is by no means peculiar to Latin America-the term has become a byword for state-sponsored repression anywhere in the world-these regimes were among its most notorious practitioners. In the mid-1970s they joined forces-along with Ecuador and Peru-to create Operation Condor, a top-secret network of military dictatorships that kidnapped, tortured, and disappeared one another's political opponents. Their death squads operated both nationally and internationally, sometimes beyond the region. This third edition of Historical Dictionary of the Dirty Wars contains a chronology, an introduction, appendixes, and an extensive bibliography. The dictionary section has over 400 cross-referenced entries on the countries themselves; guerrilla and political movements that provoked (though by no means exonerated) governmental reaction; leading guerrilla, human-rights, military, and political figures; local, regional, and international human-rights organizations; expressions of cultural resistance (art, film, literature, music, and theater); and artistic figures (filmmakers, novelists, and playwrights) whose works attempted to represent or resist the period of repression. This book is an excellent access point for students, researchers, and anyone wanting to know more about the dirty wars of South America

The book critically analyses the changing role and nature of post-Cold War humanitarianism and how we can make sense of it, using Foucault's theories of biopolitics and governmentality. While it is widely acknowledged that, since the 1990s, the nature of humanitarian action has been changing, and much effort has been invested into producing various accounts of these changes, there is a lack of serious theoretical engagement with a view to making sense of the policies and practices associated with new humanitarianism, their conditions of possibility and their implications. At the same time, the complexity of the post-Cold War developments and associated changes in the humanitarian enterprise call for an approach that would pay close attention to the constellations of power relations driving these changes and help us understand their effects at different levels.Using Michel Foucault's theorising on biopolitics and governmentality, the book interprets the policies and practices associated with the new humanitarianism in general, as well as the dynamics of two specific international assistance efforts: the post-2001 conflict-related assistance effort in Afghanistan and the post-2000 Chernobyl-related assistance effort in Belarus. The book thereby demonstrates that it is possible to generate a powerful and insightful interpretation of the changing role and nature of humanitarian action, and, in so doing, to better understand contemporary humanitarianism, as well as identifying resistances to it and envisaging alternative ways of addressing humanitarian concerns. The book makes an important contribution to several areas of scholarship: on humanitarianism and the changing nature of post-Cold War humanitarian action, on Foucault's theorising on biopower, biopolitics and governmentality and its applications, and on the conflict-related assistance effort in Afghanistan. Not only does it offer an analysis of the nature, role and effects of contemporary humanitarian governing, but also analyses them at different levels (i.e., global and local).It is also be one of the first works to engage critically with Foucault's later theorising and the 'corrections' offered to it by Agamben and Esposito to better understand the relationship between sovereignty and biopolitics as technologies of governing and the ability of biopolitical governing to produce negative, and even lethal, effects, something that it then uses to identify and analyse such effects prevalent in humanitarian governing, for example, what is termed in the book 'biopolitics of endangerment, invisibility and abandonment'. This book will be of much interest to students of critical security studies, humanitarianism, governmentality, and IR more generally.

This book examines how critical approaches to security developed in Europe can be used to investigate a Chinese security issue - the case of the Falungong.

The past few decades have produced a rich field of theoretical approaches to security in Europe. In this book, the security-specific notions of securitization, the politics of insecurity, and emancipation are used as analytical approaches to investigate the anti-Falungong campaign in the People s Republic of China. This campaign, launched in 1999, was the largest security-related propaganda campaign since 1989 and was directed against a group of qigong-practitioners who were presented as a grave threat to society. The campaign had major impacts as new security legislation was established and human rights organizations reported severe mistreatment of practitioners.

This book approaches one empirical case with three approaches in order to transcend the tendency to pit one approach against another. It shows how they highlight different aspects in investigation, and how they can be combined to gain more comprehensive insights, and thereby invigorate renewed debate in the field. Furthermore, this is used as a vehicle to discuss more general philosophical issues of theory, development, and theory development and will assist students to comprehend the effects research framework selection has on a piece of research. Such discussions are necessary in order to apply the frameworks in investigations that go beyond the socio-political context they were originally developed in.

This book will be of interest to students of critical security studies, Chinese politics, research methods and IR in general."

This book explores the development of Lenin s thinking on violence throughout his career, from the last years of the Tsarist regime in Russia through to the 1920s and the New Economic Policy, and provides an important assessment of the significance of ideological factors for understanding Soviet state violence as directed by the Bolshevik leadership during its first years in power. It highlights the impact of the First World War, in particular its place in Bolshevik discourse as a source of legitimating Soviet state violence after 1917, and explains the evolution of Bolshevik dictatorship over the half decade during which Lenin led the revolutionary state. It examines the militant nature of the Leninist worldview, Lenin s conception of the revolutionary state, the evolution of his understanding of "dictatorship of the proletariat," and his version of "just war." The book argues that ideology can be considered primarily important for understanding the violent and dictatorial nature of the early Soviet state, at least when focused on the party elite, but it is also clear that ideology cannot be understood in a contextual vacuum. The oppressive nature of Tsarist rule, the bloodiness of the First World War, and the vulnerability of the early Soviet state as it struggled to survive against foreign and domestic opponents were of crucial significance. The book sets Lenin s thinking on violence within the wider context of a violent world. "

The 1948 war that led to the creation of the State of Israel also resulted in the destruction of Palestinian society when some 80 per cent of the Palestinians who lived in the major part of Palestine upon which Israel was established became refugees. Israelis call the 1948 war their 'War of Independence' and the Palestinians their 'Nakba', or catastrophe. After many years of Nakba denial, land appropriation, political discrimination against the Palestinians within Israel and the denial of rights to Palestinian refugees, in recent years the Nakba is beginning to penetrate Israeli public discourse. This book, available at last in paperback, explores the construction of collective memory in Israeli society, where the memory of the trauma of the Holocaust and of Israel's war dead competes with the memory claims of the dispossessed Palestinians. Against a background of the Israeli resistance movement, Lentin's central argument is that co-memorating the Nakba by Israeli Jews is motivated by an unresolved melancholia about the disappearance of Palestine and the dispossession of the Palestinians, a melancholia that shifts mourning from the lost object to the grieving subject. Lentin theorises Nakba co-memory as a politics of resistance, counterpoising co-memorative practices by internally displaced Israeli Palestinians with Israeli Jewish discourses of the Palestinian right of return, and questions whether return narratives by Israeli Jews, courageous as they may seem, are ultimately about Israeli Jewish self-healing rather than justice for Palestine. -- .

The anti-Communist hysteria that began in the 1930s was further empowered in 1938 when the House of Representatives established the House Committee on UnAmerican Activities. Soon thereafter, the creation of the blacklist in the late 1940s brought the Hollywood film and television community into the fold. Provocatively capturing the controversy and sentiments surrounding this period of political imbalance, Actors on Red Alert explores the repercussions of the blacklist through career interviews with five prominent actors and actresses.

On August 1, 1944, Leokadia Rowinski and fellow members of the Polish Resistance movement saw the culmination of their five years of training-the Warsaw Uprising. Six weeks later, she celebrated her twenty-first birthday. As a member of the Resistance, Rowinski witnessed firsthand the devastation that World War II brought to Poland. While continuing her schooling in the clandestine education system established upon German occupation, she worked in the Resistance's communication services, often dodging German snipers and soldiers to deliver military orders to Resistance leaders. She was captured by the Germans after the Warsaw Uprising and spent six months in P.O.W. camps before being liberated by the Polish 1st Armored Division, an expatriate army under British command that included her future husband. This poignant story of a young woman's coming of age in war is a vivid reminder of the horror inflicted upon Poland in World War II and beyond.

This book presents an insightful account of the academic politics of the Nazi era and analyses the work of selected linguists, including Jos Trier and Leo Weisgerber. Hutton situates Nazi linguistics within the politics of Hitler's state and within the history of modern linguistics.

In 1975, after five years of devastation and upheaval caused by civil war, the Cambodian people welcomed the victorious communist Khmer Rouge led by Pol Pot. Once in power, the new regime tightly closed Cambodia to the outside world. Four years later, when the Vietnamese communists invaded Cambodia and defeated the Khmer Rouge, the world learned that during their control the Khmer Rouge had turned the country into "killing fields," in one of the most horrifying instances of genocide in history. Of an estimated population of 7 million people, about 1.5 million had been killed or had died of starvation, torture, or sickness. After the Vietnamese takeover, thousands of survivors of the Khmer Rouge, fearful of continuing war and a new communist regime, fled their homeland. Approximately 150,000 of them settled in the United States. This book documents the Cambodian refugee experience through nine powerful first-person narratives of men, women, and children who survived the holocaust and have begun new lives in America. The narrators come from varied socioeconomic and ethnic backgrounds and include a former Buddhist monk, an unskilled factory worker, and a farm boy, all of whom are ethnic Cambodians; a middle-class Chinese Cambodian housewife and her daughter; and a Vietnamese Cambodian medical student. The refugees first speak of their lives before the Khmer Rouge. We get an intimate view of a distinct way of life that had evolved over 2,000 years as the refugees relate Cambodian views of life, death, rebirth, karma, love, marriage, and family-views deeply imbued with Buddhist concepts. Next, with sorrow and sometimes anger, they relive their traumatic survival of the Khmer Rouge, reflecting on the deaths of loved ones and the desecration of their culture. Finally, they retrace their hazardous escapes and journeys to the United States and talk candidly about their hopes, dreams, and fears as they continue the difficult adjustment to a new social and cultural environment. To enhance understanding of the narratives, there are introductory chapters on Cambodia's history, culture, society, and religion. The author concludes with a critique of the concepts used by American social workers and researchers to evaluate the adjustment of Cambodian refugees to life in the United States.

Since Henry James there have been many impressions of an American abroad and we have become used to seeing the world 'under western eyes'. But what about seeing the world from a very different perspective - not from the standpoint of an affluent westerner, or even an anglicised foreigner like Conrad, but through the eyes of an Iranian who has not had the privilege of taking freedom for granted. Iran itself comes under close scrutiny as the author tries to come to terms with daily life in a country where freedom of speech, freedom of movement, and freedom to wear the clothing of one's choice does not exist. Imagine, for instance, visiting a tourist town for a holiday break and being picked up by the police because you are not a local, and then inadvertently finding yourself with a rope around your neck in a public execution? The book is a real page-turner as one follows the author's frequent bids for freedom, finding himself repeatedly in a prison cell, punting across a turbulent river to enter Greece without a visa, finding temporary solace and comfort in the arms of a young prostitute in Bulgaria, suffering the indignity of being treated as a slave by the high-minded bosses in Japan, and running away from the regular police raids in Cyprus. But not all is doom and gloom - by no means, for apart from the author's downright honesty, sharing and confiding his innermost thoughts, there is his irresistible humour that never fails to see the funny side in the events and the people that he describes. With its unique perspective of what it is like to be down and out, and sometimes affluent too, in Iran and the countries the author visits, this book provides an unforgettable experience.

The program of extermination Nazis called the Final Solution took the lives of approximately six million Jews, amounting to roughly 60 percent of European Jewry and a third of the world's Jewish population. Studying the Holocaust from a sociological perspective, Ronald J. Berger explains why the Final Solution happened to a particular people for particular reasons; why the Jews were, for the Nazis, the central enemy. Taking a unique approach in its examination of the devastating event, The Holocaust, Religion, and the Politics of Collective Memory fuses history and sociology in its study of the Holocaust.

Berger's book illuminates the Holocaust as a social construction. As historical scholarship on the Holocaust has proliferated, perhaps no other tragedy or event has been as thoroughly documented. Yet sociologists have paid less attention to the Holocaust than historians and have been slower to fully integrate the genocide into their corpus of disciplinary knowledge and realize that this monumental tragedy affords opportunities to examine issues that are central to main themes of sociological inquiry.

Berger's aim is to counter sociologists who argue that the genocide should be maintained as an area of study unto itself, as a topic that should be segregated from conventional sociology courses and general concerns of sociological inquiry. The author argues that the issues raised by the Holocaust are central to social science as well as historical studies.

First Published in 1998. Initially written in the period between 1942 and 44, with additional notes in the appendices of 1945, this volume looks at the areas of the secret Police, the secret control as developed by Fascism and National Socialism as laid on the Third Reich and the relationship between the law and the Political Police and their co-ordination with propaganda and the impact of the instrument of terror on the people.

The frequent failure of military or armed interventions to protect civilians is well known. This edited collection provides a comprehensive account of a different, effective paradigm: unarmed civilian protection (UCP). The principles and methods of UCP have been used for many decades to protect both specific, threatened individuals as well as whole communities. Featuring contributions from around the world, this book brings together a wide range of UCP practices in order to examine their underlying theory and interrelated strategies. The book provides an important illustration of the contributions UCP can make, while also discussing its limitations and failures.

This book examines responsibility in grave humanitarian crises, focusing on the international community's collective responsibility to take action in such cases as genocide or ethnic cleansing. The idea of collective responsibility highlights how we would like to see the global level primarily as something more akin to a community of peoples, rather than as a society of states in which other international and transnational actors operate. Since the acceptance of human rights, and in view of the atrocities of the Holocaust and other genocides, we have realized that some things concern us all: a realization that has led to the development of the responsibility to protect (R2P) framework. This book focuses on understanding the international community and its collective responsibility. Unlike the research frameworks put forward in other publications on this topic, the research model developed here does not distribute the collective responsibility to particular actors; instead, it sets out how the burden should be divided among those actors responsible in order to protect human security on a global scale. This book will be of interest to students of humanitarian intervention, the responsibility to protect, international law, peace and conflict studies, and international relations in general.

The fourth edition of "Centuries of Genocide: Essays and Eyewitness Accounts" addresses examples of genocides perpetrated in the nineteenth, twentieth, and twenty-first centuries. Each chapter of the book is written by a recognized expert in the field, collectively demonstrating a wide range of disciplinary perspectives. The book is framed by an introductory essay that spells out definitional issues, as well as the promises, complexities, and barriers to the prevention and intervention of genocide.

To help the reader learn about the similarities and differences among the various cases, each case is structured around specific leading questions. In every chapter authors address: Who committed the genocide? How was the genocide committed? Why was the genocide committed? Who were the victims? What were the outstanding historical forces? What was the long-range impact? What were the responses? How do scholars interpret this genocide? How does learning about this genocide contribute to the field of study?

While the material in each chapter is based on sterling scholarship and wide-ranging expertise of the authors, eyewitness accounts give voice to the victims. This book is an attempt to provoke the reader into understanding that learning about genocide is important and that we all have a responsibility not to become immune to acts of genocide, especially in the interdependent world in which we live today.

Revision highlights include:

• New chapters on genocide of Native Americans in the nineteenth century, genocide in Australia, and genocide in the Nuba Mountains
• New chapter authors on Herero genocide and Rwanda genocide
• Consolidation of the 3 chapters on the Holocaust into one focused case
• Several chapters from past editions that were omitted are now available on a companion website (Indonesia, Burundi, indigenous peoples)

This book examines the human consequences (individual, social, cultural, and economic) of civil war and political repression in Castilleja del Campo, a town in southern Spain with barely more than 600 inhabitants today. The narrow geographical focus allows for a coherent chronological narrative with relevance to current public issues such as the unequal distribution of wealth, political polarisation, the violation of human rights, government surveillance of civilian populations, and extra-legal detentions, torture and executions. The declarations of eyewitnesses are complemented by personal documents, contemporary newspaper accounts, and documents from the town's municipal archive and other archives in the province of Seville. The work presents the events from the proclamation of the Second Spanish Republic in April 1931 onward from multiple points of view and analyses the interactions among a gallery of characters: Republican and pro-Franco mayors and councilmen; union leaders and affiliates; members of the fascist-inspired Spanish Falange; the schoolteacher; the priest; widows and orphans of the men who were shot; administrators and managers of the estates of the nobles; shaved women paraded through the streets; combatants; day labourers; civil guards; black marketeers; prisoners. Placing these characters and events in their provincial, regional, and national context, the town becomes a microcosm that reflects the experience of Spain during those traumatic years. Published in association with the Canada Blanch Centre for Contemporary Spanish Studies.

From the self-described 'black, lesbian, mother, warrior, poet', these soaring, urgent essays on the power of women, poetry and anger are filled with darkness and light. Penguin Modern: fifty new books celebrating the pioneering spirit of the iconic Penguin Modern Classics series, with each one offering a concentrated hit of its contemporary, international flavour. Here are authors ranging from Kathy Acker to James Baldwin, Truman Capote to Stanislaw Lem and George Orwell to Shirley Jackson; essays radical and inspiring; poems moving and disturbing; stories surreal and fabulous; taking us from the deep South to modern Japan, New York's underground scene to the farthest reaches of outer space.

This book explores the development of Lenin's thinking on violence throughout his career, from the last years of the Tsarist regime in Russia through to the 1920s and the New Economic Policy, and provides an important assessment of the significance of ideological factors for understanding Soviet state violence as directed by the Bolshevik leadership during its first years in power. It highlights the impact of the First World War, in particular its place in Bolshevik discourse as a source of legitimating Soviet state violence after 1917, and explains the evolution of Bolshevik dictatorship over the half decade during which Lenin led the revolutionary state. It examines the militant nature of the Leninist worldview, Lenin's conception of the revolutionary state, the evolution of his understanding of "dictatorship of the proletariat", and his version of "just war". The book argues that ideology can be considered primarily important for understanding the violent and dictatorial nature of the early Soviet state, at least when focused on the party elite, but it is also clear that ideology cannot be understood in a contextual vacuum. The oppressive nature of Tsarist rule, the bloodiness of the First World War, and the vulnerability of the early Soviet state as it struggled to survive against foreign and domestic opponents were of crucial significance. The book sets Lenin's thinking on violence within the wider context of a violent world.

In the fall of 1992, in a small room in Boston, MA, an extraordinary meeting took place. For the first time, the sons and daughters of Holocaust victims met face-to-face with the children of Nazis for a fascinating research project to discuss the intersections of their pasts and the painful legacies that history has imposed on them. Taking that remarkable gathering as its starting point, Justice Matters illustrates how the psychology of hatred and ethnic resentments is passed from generation to generation. Psychologist Mona Weissmark, herself the child of Holocaust survivors, argues that justice is profoundly shaped by emotional responses. In her in-depth study of the legacy encountered by these children, Weissmark found, not surprisingly, that in the face of unjust treatment, the natural response is resentment and deep anger-and, in most cases, an overwhelming need for revenge. Weissmark argues that, while legal systems offer a structured means for redressing injustice, they have rarely addressed the emotional pain, which, left unresolved, is then passed along to the next generation-leading to entrenched ethnic tension and group conflict.

In the grim litany of twentieth-century genocides, few events cut a broader and more lasting swath through humanity than the Holocaust. How then would the offspring of Nazis and survivors react to the idea of reestablishing a relationship? Could they talk to each other without open hostility? Could they even attempt to imagine the experiences and outlook of the other? Would they be willing to abandon their self-definition as aggrieved victims as a means of moving forward?

Central to the perspectives of each group, Weissmark found, were stories, searing anecdotes passed from parent to grandchild, from aunt to nephew, which personalized with singular intensity the experience. She describes how these stories or "legacies" transmit moral values, beliefs and emotions and thus freeze the past into place. For instance, it emerged that most children of Nazis reported their parents told them stories about the war whereas children of survivors reported their parents told them stories about the Holocaust. The daughter of a survivor said: "I didn't even know there was a war until I was a teenager. I didn't even know fifty million people were killed during the war I thought just six million Jews were killed." While the daughter of a Nazi officer recalled: "I didn't know about the concentration-camps until I was in my teens. First I heard about the [Nazi] party. Then I heard stories about the war, about bombs falling or about not having food."

At a time when the political arena is saturated with talk of justice tribunals, reparations, and revenge management, Justice Matters provides valuable insights into the aftermath of ethnic and religious conflicts around the world, from Rwanda to the Balkans, from Northern Ireland to the Middle East. The stories recounted here, and the lessons they offer, have universal applications for any divided society determined not to let the ghosts of the past determine the future.

A prescient book that looks at how we have, over the centuries, inflicted oppression on others for our own advantage over history, right up to the present day.

An eye-opening book about how societies are designed to support the status of those in power at the destructive expense of those without it. Read it and take responsibility.

ECOLOGICAL OPPRESSION
In 1958, China declared war on sparrows, destroying its own crops and contributing to the deaths of more than 10 million people.

ECONOMIC OPPRESSION
In the nineteenth century, the Shuar people of Ecuador were driven by economic necessity to procure shrunken heads for the Western curio market. The bloody wars that ensued nearly destroyed their society.

EDUCATIONAL OPPRESSION
There have been fifty-five prime ministers of Great Britain, of whom forty-eight have been privately educated, creating a society built by and for the privileged.

These are just some of the stories in this remarkable book that illustrate the key factors that allow societies to create and sustain oppressive systems. Some are historical. Others have played out right before our eyes over the last decade. All are rooted in the systems in which we all participate.

Together they represent the layers of systematic, often insidious oppression that make up the world today.

Infrastructure development projects are set to continue into the next century as developing country governments seek to manage population growth, urbanization and industrialization. The contributions in this volume raise many questions about 'development' and 'progress' in the late twentieth century. What is revealed are the enormous problems and disastrous affects which continue to accompany displacement operations in many countries, which raise the ever more urgent question of whether the benefits of infrastructure development justify or outweigh the pain of the radical disruption of peoples lives, exacerbated by the fact that, with some notable exceptions, there has been a lack of official recognition on the part of governments and international agencies that development-induced displacement is a problem at all. This important volume addresses the issues and shows just how serious the situation is.

In case studies that examine wrenching historical and contemporary crises across five continents, cultural sociologists analyze the contingencies of trauma construction and their fateful social impact. How do some events get coded as traumatic and others which seem equally painful and dramatic not? Why do culpable groups often escape being categorized as perpetrators? Why are some horrendously injured parties not seen as victims? Why do some trauma constructions lead to moral restitution and justice, while others narrow solidarity and trigger future violence? Expanding the pioneering cultural approach to trauma, contributors from around the world provide answers to these important questions. Because Mao's trauma narrative gave victim status only to workers, the postwar revolutionary government provided no cultural and emotional space for the Chinese people to process their massive casualties in the war against Japan. Even as the emerging Holocaust narrative enlarged moral sensibilities on a global scale, the Jewish experience in Europe exacerbated Israeli antagonism to Arabs and desensitized them to Palestinian suffering. Because postwar Germans came to see themselves as perpetrators of the Holocaust, the massively destructive Allied fire bombings of German cities could not become a widely experience cultural trauma. Because political polarization in Columbia blocked the possibilities for common narration, kidnapping were framed as private misfortunes rather than public problems. Because Poland's postwar Communist government controlled framing for the 1940 Katyn Massacre, the mass killing of Polish military officers was told as an anti-Nazi not an anti-Soviet story, and neither individual victims nor the Polish nation could grieve. If Japanese defeat in World War II was framed as moral collapse, why has the nation's construction of victims, heroes, and perpetrators remained ambiguous and unresolved? How did the Kosovo trauma remain central to Serbian history, providing a powerful rationale for state violence, despite the changing contours and contingencies of Serbian history?

2004 Washington State Book Award Finalist Judgment without Trial reveals that long before the 1941 attack on Pearl Harbor, the U.S. government began making plans for the eventual internment and later incarceration of the Japanese American population. Tetsuden Kashima uses newly obtained records to trace this process back to the 1920s, when a nascent imprisonment organization was developed to prepare for a possible war with Japan, and follows it in detail through the war years. Along with coverage of the well-known incarceration camps, the author discusses the less familiar and very different experiences of people of Japanese descent in the Justice and War Departments' internment camps that held internees from the continental U.S. and from Alaska, Hawaii, and Latin America. Utilizing extracts from diaries, contemporary sources, official communications, and interviews, Kashima brings an array of personalities to life on the pages of his book - those whose unbiased assessments of America's Japanese ancestry population were discounted or ignored, those whose works and actions were based on misinformed fears and racial animosities, those who tried to remedy the inequities of the system, and, by no means least, the prisoners themselves. Kashima's interest in this episode began with his own unanswered questions about his father's wartime experiences. From this very personal motivation, he has produced a panoramic and detailed picture - without rhetoric and emotionalism and supported at every step by documented fact - of a government that failed to protect a group of people for whom it had forcibly assumed total responsibility.

Originally published in 1981, this book tells the story of the Armenian dispersion and gives a graphic account of the persecution of the Armenians by the Turks from 1895 to 1922 which foreshadowed the Jewish holocaust at the hands of Hitler, who is said to have modelled some of his own ideas on those of the Young Turks. Drawing upon material from little-known sources, this book follows the trail of the Armenians from their native lands around Mount Ararat to such far-flung spots as lhasa, Harbin and Buenos Aires. This lively and readable book is an excellent account of a people who have been partly in exile for some 2,000 years.